"Pim Fortuyn will become prime minister and his party, LPF, will be the largest. According to polling agency Intomart, we should be prepared for these outcomes on and after May the 15th. Director T. van Dijk: 'The polls underestimate the power of Fortuyn. A national revolution is on the way. Fortuyn will be prime minister.'
"Intomart is the bureau that before March 6th predicted that Fortuyn would end up with 10 seats in Rotterdam [the highest estimate]. ... [Van Dijk:] "The result: it became 17. Fortuyn blasted straight through our polls." ... Van Dijk ascribes this to the enormous mobility of the floating voters. A large chunk in Rotterdam ended up with Fortuyn. ... Van Dijk hardly has any doubts because he noticed something else very noteworthy: the voters may be floating en masse, but once they've picked Fortuyn [after overcoming massive mainstream propaganda of him being a racist], it is almost impossible to make them change their minds.'
"Thus the weekly polls of NIPO and Interview are systematically too low, Intomart thinks. '[In our polls] the responders aren't asked to name a favorite party, but to provide for each party the chance of them voting for that party ... from one to ten.' According to Intomart this polling method is the one that most takes into account the large group of floating voters."
|May 6, 2002, Volkskrant, 'Opiniepeiler: LPF grootste, Pim premier', hours before Fortuyn was shot (today's online edition misses the "revolution" sentence of Van Dijk). Update: The Los Angeles Times used the same method of polling with Donald Trump and turned out to be much more accurate than any of usual polls that the super-biased Liberal Establishment was pushing. Of course, Fortuyn's rise and situation was much the same as Trump's, except that Trump lived.|
"The List Pim Fortuyn has overtaken the VVD with one seat... In percentages the LPF only scored 0.3 percent more than the VVD on Sunday evening. ... The lead on the CDA is only one more seat, or 0.7 percent of the voting percentage."
|May 6, 2002, Volkskrant, 'Lijst Fortuyn passeert VVD', hours before Fortuyn was shot. Apparently also one of numerous reports biased against Fortuyn, as the newspaper is making it sound as if the CDA was gaining on Fortuyn while the reverse was going on.|
Back in 2012 I was looking into the 2002 Pim Fortuyn assassination, basically to assess widely-reported claims that there was a second shooter involved. As it turns out, this is one of the more blatant pieces of disinformation ever spread, on par with theories that a missile or small plane hit the Pentagon on 9/11. An article was published at the time, which has now been enormously expanded. The purpose of this article is roughly three-fold:
- Explore the connections and activities of Republican Society / Republikeins Genootschap members, especially those involved in anti-establishment activism and linked to the Pim Fortuyn assassination.
- Counter disinformation surrounding a second shooter in the Fortuyn case.
- Explain how the environmental movement from which Fortuyn killer Volkert van der Graaf sprang is dominated by a tight network of billion dollar "liberal CIA" superclass NGOs belonging to the supranational establishment which most wanted to see Fortuyn gone - and that this NGO network directly put a little over €150,000 in Van der Graaf's pocket.
The Republican Society was founded on September 11, 1996,  with the purpose of starting a public discussion on the pros and cons of the present parliamentary monarchy versus switching to a republican political model. It seems like an obvious question to ponder, but in the innocent 90s this was still an enormous taboo to break, at least in establishment circles. Top politicians and leading newspapers in the country all harshly, and above all, irrationally attacked the Republican Society founders of being a group of drunkards and subversives.  After a few weeks of reporting, the society basically dropped from sight and has hardly been discussed anymore.
Going through the biographies of the 14 co-founders , a pattern emerges. The Society is basically a collaboration between, on the one hand, top-level managers at the RABO, ABN-AMRO and Mees Pierson banks, as well as Royal Dutch Shell, and, on the other hand, chief editors of NRC Handelsblad newspaper and the magazines De Groene Amsterdammer (The Green Amsterdammer), Vrij Nederland (Free Netherlands) and Elsevier. The first three of these media outlets are considered relatively liberal and left wing; Elsevier is politically conservative. Keep in mind though, that the situation between liberals and conservatives isn't nearly as polarized as in the United States.
The collaboration between these two elements makes a lot of sense. The bankers and CEOs provide funding and have access to the highest levels of society, while the media outlets, in this case of moderate influence in the Netherlands, can deliver their opinions to the masses.
So, anno 2016, 20 years after the founding of the Society, did it succeed in its efforts? It appears not, because the royal house of Orange is still there and the majority of people have no clue that there even exists such a thing as the Republican Society. The new King Alexander and his wife Maxima are really well liked by the population and as long as that continues to be the case, it's unlikely that any kind of pressure from the public will emerge to abolish the monarchy. True, Alexander's grandfather, Prince Bernhard, was well-known for his wheeling and dealing, always suspected to be a bit of an opportunist, and carried the vast majority of the baggage attached to the royal house, mainly due to the Lockheed affair. However, at the same time it has been recognized that mainly the American connections he made during World War II and maintained since have really benefited the Netherlands economically. Bernhard's relatively liberal views, his sense of social justice, and his deep involvement in the environmental movement are also highly appreciated by the masses. On top of that, King's Day or Queen's Day is a guaranteed day off for the entire country. In other words, members of the Republican Society can talk until they way an ounce, but until one or more major scandals surrounding the royal family hits the front pages, nothing is going to change.
All this does not mean that we should forget about the Republican Society. Looking at the historical membership of the Society, there are a few questions to ask. And that's exactly what we're going to do in this article.
Luckily, figuring out who the members of the Republican Society are is easy enough. They have been listed on their website, www.republikeinsgenootschap.nl since the early 2000s. A few names immediately stand out, as they are just about the only widely-published authors and activists to have written articles and supported works critical of Bilderberg and Prince Bernhard. These include Gerard Aalders (member), Rene Zwaap of the Groene Amsterdammer (member) and Philip Droge (his work has been promoted, but he's not listed as a member). Aalders is a researcher at the Netherlands Institute of War Documentation (Instituut voor Oorlogsdocumentatie). Despite sounding more academic than political, the head of this institute, Hans Blom, is a member of the Republican Society. Zwaap is a journalist of the Groene Amsterdammer, whose leadership is strongly represented in the Republican Society. Droge has written various hard-hitting books about the life of Prince Bernhard and related members of the royal family, to the point that he can be considered a leading conspiracy author.
Republican Society members Harry van Bommel (picture 2), Rene Zwaap, Gerard Aalders and the society-backed Philip Droge - organized opposition to Bilderberg and the liberal establishment? Why don't they dig deeper?.
Interestingly, these three men - Aalders, Zwaap and Droge - are just about the only available sources on the 1001 Club, whose membership lists happen to be first published by ISGP. However, in contrast to ISGP, these authors never went all the way, only putting out a couple of teasers here and there. As for my "relationship" to these men: I once asked Zwaap for the 1001 Club lists, but didn't get them. This story is actually quite hilarious. I had literally just started out with conspiracy research and was a total and complete newcomer to any kind of research. I told Zwaap I had a membership list of the Pilgrims and asked if he wanted to trade for a 1001 Club list. He agreed and I sent him my Pilgrims Society list. Only problem: I didn't have any photocopies at the time. I only had a compilation of names with individual sources that included such "reliable" sources as Fritz Springmeier (looking back, the majority, if not all of Springmeier's names are true). Needless to say, that was the last I heard of Zwaap. Later on, of course, I did acquire photocopies of the 1001 Club and Pilgrims Society. Six months after publishing the 1001 Club photocopies, Gerard Aalders picked up on that and the group made the evening news for the first time ever. Needless to say, I was later quite surprised to see that Zwaap and Aalders were members of the rather elitist Republican Society.
Another surprise was to see Harry van Bommel of the Socialist Party. In late 2010 I was told by a foreign policy expert of a Socialist Party senator that Van Bommel was the ONLY member of Dutch parliament who dared to ask questions about Bilderberg  - and he just also happens to be a member of the Republican Society, as well as a pro-Palestinian agitator, a first-rate "liberal CIA" job. Based on that last fact, it is only to be expected that Van Bommel has worked with Gretta Duisenberg, Holland's most famous pro-Palestine and anti-Israel lobby activist. He's been involved with her as leaders of at least one major pro-Palestine demonstration against Israel. In the aftermath both were unsuccessfully sued by Holland's most famous lawyer, Bram Moszkowicz , a Jew whose family has been defending Holland's top criminals for decades, some with links to the Dutch royal family. In its 2014 Demmink affair article, ISGP wrote about Moszkowicz and related Dutch conspiracy affairs - all of which seem to transpire as some kind of screen play in a tiny superclass bubble. Moszkowicz suing Van Bommel and Duisenberg is just one more example.
As expected, Duisenberg herself has a curious past. In the late 1970s she became involved in the Netherlands-based Transnational Institute (TNI) where she worked closely with notorious CIA whistleblower and CounterSpy magazine founder Philip Agee.  Interestingly, and as discussed in ISGP's "liberal CIA" article, TNI (as well as CounterSpy) was a branch of the U.S.-based Institute for Policy Studies (IPS), a socialist-activist group founded by dissenting government employees of John McCloy and McGeorge Bundy, both well-known Ford Foundation chiefs and Rockefeller men. McCloy also was a member of the elite Pilgrims Society. To this day IPS receives millions of dollars from "liberal CIA" Eastern Establishment foundations as Rockefeller, Ford, MacArthur and Soros. The group also maintains the anti-conservative online encyclopedia Rightweb-irc-online.org, where people can find information on leading neocons and their favorite think tanks. After Duisenberg's flirt with TNI and Agee, who eventually was evicted from the Netherlands, she had a brief relationship with minister of defense and 1982 Bilderberg visitor Hans van Mierlo , before moving on to Wim Duisenberg:
- an IMF staffer in Washington, D.C. 1966-1969;
- a supervisory board member of Royal Dutch Airlines (KLM) since 1979, shortly after Prince Bernhard was forced to leave here over the Lockheed affair;
- a vice president of the RABO Bank (1979-1981);
- a director of the internationalist and Basel-based Bank for International Settlements (1982-1997, president 1988-1990);
- a president of the Dutch Central Bank (1982-1997);
- a first president of the European Central Bank (1998-2003)
- a supervisory board member of the RABO Bank (2003-2005). 
While Wim Duisenberg was not known as a Palestinian activist, the Dutch monarchy and the establishment surrounding it has always had a bias towards the Palestinians over the Israelis, much in line with the traditional Eastern Establishment. Almost certainly this has a lot to do with oil interests, in case of the Dutch establishment through Shell and various oil corporations operating in the huge Rotterdam harbor. One of the clearest examples of superclass support for the Palestinian cause is the pro-Palestinian The Rights Forum, a Dutch NGO we'll come across again later on in this article. It has a large group of retired Dutch politicians on its board. 
So, what other Republican Society members was I already familiar with in a conspiracy context? How about Willem Oltmans? In the 1970s this person took an interest in the Kennedy assassination and even brought to the Netherlands George de Mohrenschildt, a CIA handler of Lee Harvey Oswald who maintained top-level Texas oil connections. He's also the one who put the Oswalds in touch with Michael Paine and his wife Ruth Paine, the latter equally serving as a handler of the Oswalds. Michael Paine's parents were part of an extensive CIA-ran new age disinformation network and also connected closely to CIA director Allen Dulles, as did De Mohrenschildt and some of his oil industry buddies. Not particularly surprising, De Mohrenschildt committed suicide hours before HSCA investigator Gaeton Fonzi would have interviewed him, making him one of many Kennedy assassination suspects who suddenly died in this period.
Then there's Republican Society member Pamela Hemelrijk, another name that sounds familiar. A columnist and journalist for the Algemeen Dagblad, a leading Dutch newspaper, she was fired in the wake of the Pim Fortuyn assassination for her irrational behavior and aggressive columns in which she attacked the political and media establishment that had demonized Fortuyn. Pim Fortuyn was a somewhat neoconservative political candidate who also happened to be a member of the Republican Society. Theo van Gogh, another member of the Republican Society and political ally of Fortuyn, was among Hemelrijk's supporters.  Towards the end of her life in 2009, Hemelrijk was secretary and treasurer of the Whistleblowers Online Foundation (Klokkenluiders Online Stichting), chaired and maintained by Micha Kat. 
ISGP is very familiar with Kat, because he greatly supported the 2007 Beyond the Dutroux Affair article, as well as an early version of ISGP's Demmink affair article. I appreciate the support, but personally always felt that his website was a turn off to most people for the radical, accusatory tone. Only years later did I (fully) realize that Kat was part of a disinformation network financed by elite Dutch-American interests, among them Robert Rubinstein. A bit more on this connection later in this article. Not particularly surprising, Kat was also supported by Theo van Gogh, on whose website The Healthy Smoker (De Gezonde Roker) Kat was allowed to campaign against "the establishment" in the 2001-2004 period. 
A name in the Republican Society list that I only noticed right before finishing up this article is Britta Bohler, who two years after joining the Society  became the lawyer for Pim Fortuyn's assassin, a radical environmentalist named Volkert van der Graaf. Because of this new function of her, she was actually forced to step down as chair of the "liberal CIA"-financed Greenpeace Netherlands. Needless to say, we will be getting back to this connection later on in this article.
Oh, and then there is Tomas Ross, Holland's most famous conspiracy theory author who spread disinformation on the Pim Fortuyn case with fellow-Republican Society member Theo van Gogh. 
Considering the Republican Society only consists of about 200 members or so, aren't the names mentioned until now not just incredible? Here we have a network of conspiracy authors, activists and even a prime ministerial candidate allied against the influence of the royal family, influence which mainly runs through the family's deep involvement in Bilderberg. It appears that outside of this little network, no one is allowed to have his or her books published and certainly isn't allowed space in any major Dutch newspaper or magazine. On top of that, these authors and activists only go so far with the facts they mention and sometimes even spread blatant disinformation.
It's here where the Republican Society starts to become really interesting: it does a terrible job of enforcing such scandals. Looking at the Republican Society's resources and the number of partially-exposed scandals attached to the royal family, or at least their elite and seemingly underground connections, and it appears that catastrophic damage can be done with a little hard-hitting investigative journalism and historical research. But the society has always held back.
Looking at overall membership of the Republican Society, it has gathered a bunch of anarchist- and activist-minded individuals. On the left we have communists, "pacifist socialists", "provos", "radicals", Vietnam War protesters, Green Party founders, anti-apartheid activists, conspiracy theorists, feminists, and - in professor Erik van Ree - even a former Maoist who became a virulent defender of the rights of pedophiles. That's some alliance to have against the royal house of Orange and Bilderberg establishment. The biographies of these persons can be read in Appendix B of this article.
I'm not sure how much we have on the right-wing of the political spectrum in the Republican Society. Or had, considering two of three main right-wingers/neocons - Pim Fortuyn, Theo van Gogh and Tomas Ross - were killed off in the 2002-2004 period. Then there are the editors of Elsevier, probably the most right-wing mainstream political magazine the Netherlands has to offer. To illustrate, co-founder and editor of Elsevier from the 1950s to the 1970s, Henk Lunshof, was a notorious red baiter. And this stance hardly seems to have softened. In the run up to the 2012 Dutch elections, for example, Elsevier was publishing ridiculous articles with headlines as Netherlands much too sober for SP-dictatorship (Nederland is veel te nuchter voor SP-dictatuur), in which it was explaining in almost John Birch Society terms that "the media are still representing the church of the left."  Silly ultraright stuff, but the magazine has been represented in the Republican Society by a number of founders and members.
It's quite incredible to see the far-left cooperating with the far-right within the Republican Society. Things become even more intriguing when we observe that the glue holding these polarizing elements together is a group of top bankers and oil managers, some of them with ties to Prince Bernhard's Bilderberg group and 1001 Club, NGOs the husband of Queen Juliana was overseeing with the Rockefellers.
As for Bilderberg, three Republican Society founders have been visitors. Roelof Nelissen, of ABN-AMRO bank and what soon became the Mees Pierson bank, visited in 1979. Ben Knapen was invited in 1991, when he had just become editor-in-chief of NRC Handelsblad, one of the largest Dutch newspapers.
Pieter Korteweg, chairman of Robeco until 1996, when it was taken over by the RABO Bank, is the most interesting of all. Like Knapen, he first visited Bilderberg in 1991, but then, from 1992 to 1995, he served as Bilderberg's honorary treasurer and also could be found on the group's steering committee, along with names as Henry Kissinger and David Rockefeller. Despite Korteweg's involvement in setting up the Republican Society in 1996, he still visited Bilderberg in 1997 and 1998, along with the royal family. 
Of course, just because a person is of the opinion that it might be better to remove the Orange royal family as the symbolic head of the Dutch state, does not mean that this person has to be bitter enemies with the royal house. In fact, a good portion of the "internationalist" clique at Bilderberg probably is of the opinion that it is a legitimate discussion to have. However, one shouldn't forget that domestically the Republican Society was harshly and bitterly attacked by much of the Dutch establishment after its founding. The Philips concern actually forced Ben Knapen to distance himself from the Society over fears of losing its good relationship with the royal family.  Also, Republican Society members have been responsible for publishing a large portion of the serious criticism leveled against members of the royal family. The two definitely seem to have opposing interests.
Then there are the Republican Society links to Prince Bernhard's 1001 Club. These ties mainly go through Society chairman Hans van den Bergh, a nephew of former minister of defense, NRC Handelsblad advisory board member and 1001 Club member Sidney van den Bergh. A cousin of Hans and Sidney, Lily van den Bergh, is a regular member of the Republican Society. Hans and Lily have written for typical Republican Society media outlets as NRC Handelsblad, Vrij Nederland and De Groene Amsterdammer.
In addition, particularly the politically conservative and Republican Society-dominated Elsevier magazine has strong ties to the 1001 Club. From 1954 to 1987 Elsevier was headed by 1001 Club member Rudolf van den Brink, whose brother, the influential banker and business magnate (AMRO Bank, Ford Netherlands, etc.) Jan van den Brink, was another 1001 Club member. To this day Rudolf's son plays a key role in the Elsevier network. Various other Dutch 1001 Club members could be found on the board of Elsevier over the decades:
- Dr. Pieter A. Blaisse of Philips, AMRO Bank, Thyssen-Bornemisza and Bilderberg;
- Allard Jiskoot, an AMRO Bank director and heir of the Pierson banking fortune (also of Elsevier), and;
- Cees van Lede of Bilderberg 1989, Philips, the Rockefeller's JPMorgan Chase and the Carlyle Group.
Looking at this information, it's definitely interesting to see Elsevier magazine showing up prominently among founders and and non-founding members of the Republican Society. It certainly is a curious opposition movement. There appear to be similarities here to the fringe ultraright in the United States (John Birch Society, Liberty Lobby, Alex Jones, etc.) that has been attacking the liberal establishment. This fringe group never crosses certain lines and to a very large extent is focused on spreading disinformation. Occasionally it can be demonstrated that this has been happening under the guidance of CIA, Pentagon and superclass elements.
Without even looking at America's ultraright I personally would not be surprised if the CIA and Dutch intelligence have been working through the Republican Society to help organize and manage Dutch opposition to the dominant liberal establishment. In a democratic society the public can become restless when no dissident voices are heard, so what better way is there than to set up a small clique of rebels?
I actually do not claim to know for certain what the Republican Society is about, except to say that it has gathered many leftist elements that without a doubt would have been put on the watch list of Dutch intelligence if the Cold War was still going strong. The other claim that can be made with relative safety is that there's an incredible discrepancy between the leadership of the Republican Society and the many left-leaning, green and anarchist types having joined the society over the years. This low level membership may be honest and sincere in their beliefs that the Netherlands should be transformed into a Republic, but at the same time PCM publishers and the political magazine Elsevier, which have played an important role in the founding of the Republican Society, certainly are part of the establishment and are not particularly socialist-oriented.
Looking at these ideas and ties of the Republican Society, I began to wonder about a sister group that has been active in the Netherlands: the Nieuw Republikeins Genootschap, translating in English to "New Republican Society". The group was founded on January 20, 1998, one and a half years after the Republican Society was set up. The New Republican Society was disappointed with the relative inaction of the Republican Society and also opposed its elite character. The New Republican Society allowed anyone to join their group. 
So, who founded the group? That would be Ewout Irrgang  and Elisabeth van der Steenhoven. Not much is known about this last person, but Irrgang is quite well-known and he has an interesting background to say the least. He's one of these university boys who does everything perfect and shoots straight to the top. He actually founded the Republican Society while still a student. A biography:
- Born in 1976.
- Secretary student union SRVU (Free University) 1996-1997;
- Joined the Socialist Party in 1997;
- BA in political science 1999 and a BA or MA in economics in 2000;
- Co-organizer of the Socialist Party delegation to the IMF and World Bank top in Prague in 2000;
- Founder and chair New Republican Society 1998-2001;
- Co-organizer of the Klote Koninklijke Kermis (KKK) [F*cked up/hoi polloi Royal Circus] on Queen Beatrix's birthday at The Dam in Amsterdam in 1999 ;
- At least a spiritual supporter of the Het Witte Plein Comite, a protest group campaigning against the royal marriage in February 2002 that also included Irrgang's successor on the committee board ;
- Director Socialist Party 1999-2005;
- Staff member in the monetary and economic department of De Nederlandsche Bank (Dutch Federal Reserve) May-October 2005;
- Socialist Party congressman 2005-2012;
- Technical director of the PharmAccess Foundation in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, since 2013. 
I was already scratching my head about Irrgang's biography before learning he went to work for the PharmAccess Foundation, as he could well have been recruited as an intelligence asset at the Free University. And then the last entry of his biography reads PharmAccess, an NGO whose project overlap with the Rockefeller and Ford Foundation , two elite foundations that have deep and long-standing ties to the liberal wing of the CIA. The CIA ties have been discussed in-depth in ISGP's Pilgrims Society and "Liberal CIA" articles.
To finish up this little unplanned D-tour, Anjo Clement has been a board member of the New Republican Society since 2002 and chairman since 2011. University of Tilburg educated, he has been involved in national protests since the 1960s. In more modern times he has been a staffer in the The Hague civil administration, where he served as a liaison with the European Union. Among the projects he worked on is one that allowed five Israeli and Palestinian communities to work together in peace, a first-rate liberal establishment or "liberal CIA" project. 
It remains remarkable: like Irrgang, Clement would make an ideal asset of the Atlantic liberal elite, which even today actually is more pro-Arab than it is pro-Israel. The only observable difference of opinion with this elite is that he would like to turn the Netherlands into a republic like France or the United States. That's it. The New Republican Society might not be as elite as the Republican Society, but one hardly gets the impression of a genuine "grassroots" effort here either.
There's certainly more intriguing information than what has been discussed until this point. Two important members of the Republican Society that have already been mentioned were professor Pim Fortuyn, a former Elsevier columnist (which explains his membership) who became a leading candidate for the prime ministership in the 2002 elections; and his media friend Theo van Gogh. Fortuyn was a long-time campaigner against the Islam. In 1997, for example, he wrote the book Tegen de islamitisering van onze cultuur (Against the Islamization of our culture), today more relevant than ever before. At the same time he was very pro-Israel and thus could be labeled a neocon, albeit a rational and practical one.  Paradoxically, he was shot to death in 2002 by an environmental activist, one week before the elections. Two years later, in 2004, Van Gogh was publicly executed by a radical Muslim.
Van Gogh had been one of the most vocal supporters of Ayaan Hirsi Ali , a women whose parliamentary campaign revolved around the fact that as a young Muslim girl her genitals had been cut. When Van Gogh was murdered, the Jihadist perpetrator used his knife to stick a note on Van Gogh's chest, which read that Ali would be next.  Intimidated, Ali fled to the United States and just happens to land a job as visiting fellow of the American Enterprise Institute , home to neocon extremists as Richard Perle, Michael Ledeen and the like. Eventually she married key superclass member Niall Ferguson with whom she attended Nat Rothschild's 40th birthday party in 2011.  Over the years, while filling in ISGP's NGO list, I've spotted Hirsi Ali in other NGOs. She's listed as a researcher at Harvard's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, a very elite group with board members and advisors as Nat Rothschild, Russian oligarch and prime Rothschild business partner Oleg Deripaska, former CIA directors James Schlesinger and John Deutch, and some of David Rockefeller's closest economic advisors and friends.  Hirsi Ali is also a minor contributor to the OpenDemocracy Foundation, along with George Soros, who also helps finance the project along with the Ford Foundation and Rockefeller Brothers Fund.  Finally, Hirsi Ali has been involved with the Mont Pelerin Society , along with her husband, Niall Ferguson, whom we can also spot in NGOs as the Munich Security Conference, Institute for Strategic Dialogue, Hudson Institute, Herzliya Conference (Israel) and Tomorrow: The Israel Presidential Conferences.
Many Dutch people were already worried at the time that Fortuyn was going to be killed before election day. He had been threatened and attacked on several occasions and became increasingly afraid to walk the streets - at least in some of the big cities. During several television interviews Fortuyn stated that he needed protection. But he wasn't offered any by the government (headed by Wim Kok, a later advisory board member of Royal Dutch Shell (2003-2005), president of the Club of Madrid (2010-2014) and a trustee of George Soros' International Crisis Group ). This would cause a lot of heat after his death. 
Fortuyn never deserved the vocal and physical abuse he was subjected to. He was just being realistic on the immigration problem, a huge issue for the native Dutch population, but made completely impossible to discuss by the media and political establishment. To illustrate, here are Fortuyn's words during a March 21, 2002 debate at Rotterdam's Erasmus University with other leading political candidates:
"Of course you have to praise what is going well, but you do have to see this in the context of 20 years of failure. And I come from a city, Rotterdam, were things have gone terribly wrong and where we have developed a severely unbalanced population growth. In which the PvdA, the [Labour] party which turned its back on its own following, has made sure that the multicultural problem couldn't be discussed at all. Every time we tried, even with [senior] widows of harbor workers, in which I was involved, [who] were stashed in communities in which 70 foreign [Third World, Arab and black] nationalities were living ... they were accused of being racists by your party members and by your city councilman, Mr. Rosenmoller [of the Green-Left Party]. And that is not what these women were.
"We couldn't discuss anything. We could measure anything. ... Everything was considered stigmatizing. We couldn't measure and we weren't allow to know [the facts]. All thanks to the Leftists Church. And you belong to that also [pointing to the Democrats 66 leader Thom de Graaf]."
Candidates of the traditional parties had little to counter this with apart from the usual politically-correct empty rhetoric. PvdA leader Ad Melkert rebutted with: "You can learn a whole lot from other cultures." Paul Rosenmoller of the Green Party added with great fake emotion: "But be careful that you don't create any problems where there aren't any! ... Don't just stare yourself blind on numbers. To you and me and others it is about the people."  In other words, these traditional politicians wouldn't have changed a thing. But change is exactly what people demanded.
Two years earlier, in 2000, it had already been admitted in the press that statistics revealed the obvious: "Unemployment, poverty, dropping out and crime were heaping themselves up with ethnic minorities."  In the years after Fortuyn's death other studies completely confirmed and even expanded on this. ISGP has discussed these studies in detail in a number of articles, including one on black crime levels - which also gives information on Arab crime numbers in the Netherlands - and and another on the Arab sexual assault crisis in Dutch and international swimming pools. The fact is, the numbers are nothing short of apocalyptic when it comes to crime levels and Jihadism support. Western Europe's loading capacity for the culturally unsophisticated Third World masses, most of whom refuse to integrate, has been far exceeded. Then again, It appears this is the only solution elites see to the graying of the population, which most certainly is a daunting problem.
Fortuyn was demonized, spied upon and apparently intimidated by Dutch intelligence for the political stances he took, only to be snuffed by an environmental activist days before a prime ministerial elections that he had a very good chance of winning. More about these aspects of the story later.
Theo van Gogh's death was almost as peculiar as Fortuyn's. He was killed by Mohammed Bouyeri, a member of the Hofstad group that was completely penetrated by Dutch intelligence. Dutch intelligence had managed to house the group in a specialized home that was bugged from top to bottom. A portion of the men also worked as informers for Dutch intelligence. Needless to say, questions were raised how this group managed to publicly execute Theo van Gogh without being stopped beforehand.
Things get weirder. Before his death, van Gogh and "faction" (read: fact + fiction) author Tomas Ross, Holland's media guru on conspiracies and intelligence, had been working on a movie that implied Fortuyn was killed in a high-level conspiracy similar to John F. Kennedy. Ross was yet another member of the Republican Society. In May 2012 he again made the newspapers, still claiming that Fortuyn had been killed in similar fashion as Kennedy. However, a simple analysis of his arguments reveals that these are deeply flawed. Let's lift out two aspects: his claim that it would have been technically impossibly for a shell casing to have been found at "more than 10 meters" distance from Fortuyn, and also that there is evidence that shots were coming from two different directions. Here's an excerpt of one of the articles that deals with the claims of Tomas Ross:
"A bullet casing has been found at more than 10 meters distance from Fortuyn, which technically should not be possible with the gun Volkert van der G. used during the murder. Also a sentence would have been removed from the autopsy report. In there the pathologist describes that one of the bullets in the head of Fortuyn would not have entered the head from behind, but from the front. ...
Besides that, there are witnesses as radio presenter Ruud de Wild and LPF-er Albert de Booy that Fortuyn would have already slumped to his knees before Van der G. fired his first shot, so Van der G. was basically firing at the corpse of Fortuyn." 
The fact is that these statements could not be further from the truth. Let's take a look at what the witnesses exactly said about this event. Here's the official testimony of Hans Smolders, Fortuyn's driver and good friend, who was sitting in the car when the shots were fired:
"On May 6, 2002, from 4:00 to 6:00 pm Fortuyn would give an interview at Studio 3 FM (the court understands: in Hilversum). The program lasted until a few minutes before 6 pm. Subsequently Fortuyn and I walked outside. Then I heard shots [when I was in the car and Fortuyn outside], I believe two. I saw Fortuyn fall to the ground. At about 1.5 meters from Fortuyn I saw a man standing with a gun in his hand. I heard that man fire several additional shots, this time three or four times. The shooter ran away quickly and I chased him."
Witnesses Ruud de Wild, Sander de Heer and Jeroen Kijk were on the Barend and van Dorp (Villa BvD) television program one day after the shooting. It might be a coincidence, but co-host Fritz Barend is a member of the Republican Society. Jan Mulder is sitting at the table as a regular guest - he is another Republican Society member. You almost begin to think that this society has massive membership among the Dutch people, but there have only been about 200.
1) Volkert van der Graaf, environmental activist and killer of Fortuyn; 2) Pim Fortuyn, shot; 3) Hans Smolders with Fortuyn; 4) Sander de Heer (red sweater), Ruud de Wild (cigarette) and Jeroen Kijk on Villa BvD, May 7, 2002.
Fortuyn was actually holding the arm of Ruud de Wild when the shooting began. Remember, according to Ross, Ruud de Wild has claimed that Fortuyn slumped to the ground before Volkert van der Graaf began firing on him. Here's the account of de Wild, who, by the way, went through a very rough time in the months ahead for having witnessed the shooting:
"I turn back and a guy comes walking [onto the car park]. ... The only thing that I see is a ... gray baseball cap. I haven't seen anything else about this man. With a plastic bag up in the air. And he starts shooting from above, to the side of the plastic bag. After the second bang I got such a headache, because my left ear slammed shut. ... It began to hurt my ears so bad that I had to duck away. … He had fired his fourth shot, and after that the fifth and sixth came – and he took those from a distance, as he had already begun to ran. He kept shooting. That's when I ducked behind [Pim's] car. And that was shot number 6, which landed in the car. … That's what I keep feeling, the hand of Pim - and then I lose it."
Interesting. It's more than clear that the first two shots were fired by Van der Graaf, because De Wild's ears began to hurt and slammed shut because of the noise. If Fortuyn would have been shot first from a different angle, wouldn't De Wild, whose arm Fortuyn held, or anyone else present not have noticed and described it during the television interview? They probably would have. Reading how Van der Graaf is firing his final shots while running away also easily explains why one of the shell casings was found over 10 meters away. The other two witnesses on Barend and Van Dorp, Sander de Heer and Jeroen Kijk, gave similar descriptions of the event.
And here is how Van der Graaf himself remembered the event while he was on trial:
"I walked into the direction [of the victim] with cap and sunglasses on. ... I raised both arms [while] the gun was still in the plastic bag ... When I had approached him at a distance of 1.5 meters [I began to shoot] ... I still remember that I fired the first two shots at the upper portion of the [victim's] back. I fired a total of five times. ... The sixth shot went off by accident and I believe to have hit the ground with it. I saw the victim go down and then fired more shots. I purposely aimed and fired at his head."
That's all the testimony I can find at the moment and comes from court documents. For some reason these little details have hardly been reported in the Dutch media. But what precisely happened seems quite clear: Van der Graaf approached Pim Fortuyn from behind, fired two shots, walked past him, saw Fortuyn slump to his knees (and eventually onto his back), and fired three more shots at his head (Ruud de Wild had seen the holes in his head). By the time he fired his final shots, Van der Graaf was running away and would be chased by Fortuyn's driver, Hans Smolders. No mystery here at this point.
It is somewhat known that Ross' father was a resistance fighter and "pioneer" of Dutch intelligence in the years after World War II ; and also that Theo van Gogh, the person Ross was working with in an effort to raise questions about the Pim Fortuyn murder, had a father who was a Soviet expert within Dutch intelligence.  An uncle and namesake of Theo van Gogh was executed by the Nazis for being in the resistance, but little detail is known about all these "forefathers" - which is unfortunate considering Prince Bernhard had deep involvement with former resistance fighters and the top of post-World War II Dutch intelligence. While Van Gogh is relatively moderate, Ross is a real neoconservative right-winger, as evidenced by his completely discredited and rather insane claim that Iraq was the mastermind behind 9/11. That's right out of former CIA director James Woolsey's playbook. Ross is also of the opinion that the state has every right to limit personal freedom in name of national security. Doesn't this sound like a really independent, objective investigator of the Fortuyn case?
Here we have Ross theorizing about Iraq and 9/11, two months after the attack:
"With the attack on the WTC the first step has been made. They want to give power to the masses in the Middle East. A feeling of self-worth. We can beat the Americans! ... They knew a counter-attack would come. Now they want to come up with something that will turn everything around again. No more grand terrorist attacks, but creating streams of refugees, of which the images will go around the world. Slowly part of the western civilization won't see America anymore as a victim, but as aggressor. ... All of a sudden Saddam Hussein will present himself as a mediator. Bin Laden is the terrorist, America the aggressor and Hussein the savior. With his diplomacy he ensures support for his regime from moderate Muslim countries in the Middle East." 
You've got to hand it to him, Ross has been spinning a really nice piece of fiction here. Then again, Ross can always hide behind his role as an author of "faction", a combination of fact and fiction. Doesn't he sound like the ultimate tool to discredit "conspiracy theories" in general by typecasting the entire subject each time he goes on national television? Here are some more words of Ross, where he uses the exact same logic as the persons who brought us the U.S. Patriot Act, approved by the U.S. Congress in 2003:
"[The Schengen Agreement, limiting border controls between various European countries] is no good whatsoever ... They should screen everybody. It's for out own security, right? I don't think that's a problem. ...
"The politicians who claim that privacy is more important than security themselves sit in a very privileged position [the best parts of the country]. ...
"It's too simplistic to say that someone is innocent because he didn't do it, even though he has concrete plans. That's how it is in criminal law. ... Criminal law is outdated, so that has to change. ... The boundaries are still moving towards the benefit of the suspect. The boundaries should shift towards the benefit of the potential victims." 
Let's just say I'm just waiting for links between Tomas Ross and the network of Le Cercle to surface. He probably never visited, but I'd be surprised if the associates of his father at Dutch intelligence didn't include Cercle associates as Louis Einthoven and Cees van den Heuvel (who set up the Dutch branch of the MK-ULTRA-linked Human Ecology Fund). More about that in ISGP's Demmink affair article.
Ine Veen. Ideal setting and outfit for a political discussion, enough to make one immediately skeptical - and rightly so.
Ross hasn't been the only person making the claim that two different types of bullets have been found in Fortuyn's body and that evidence of a second shooter can be found in the testimonies of the witnesses. The exact same things have been claimed by Ine Veen, author of the 2007 book Moord names de Kroon? (Murder ordered by the Throne?). Veen's uncle was Johan van Hulst, a leading Christian politician with positions in Dutch and European Parliament. As a model, singer and actress from the 1950s to the 1980s, Veen also used to know many people in the media.
Like the work of Tomas Ross, Veen's book was given a degree of attention on Dutch evening news. At the time I thought it peculiar that she was interviewed in a badly-lit room, basically coming across as a UFO cultist. Later conferences where she gave speeches had a similar ambiance. It always made me wary of the validity of her claims. Having read good portions of her book recently, my skepticism only grew. One of the key things she does is rehash a theory of the "Mishima Cyber Command" (seemingly just one or two long-forgotten forum posters at a Pim Fortuyn site) that the Syrian arms dealer Monzer al-Kasser was used to recruit a Muslim fundamentalist with the name Abu Fatah, and that this Abu Fatah was the second gunman during the murder of Pim Fortuyn. Veen supposedly identifies the Dutch intelligence officer behind the "Mishima Cyber Command" and explains that he worked with the CIA. Well, considering the amount of knowledge of whoever wrote those MCC posts, that doesn't surprise me. But Veen, for some reason, then assumes that these MCC posts were, in fact, truthful. I read the pages in question repeatedly, trying to figure out how she made this leap of logic, but to no avail. The fact is, the claims of MCC were nonsense, because there's no evidence of a second gunman - at all. It's really nice that a police report was leaked to Ine Veen that is supposed to provide evidence of this second bullet, but the report must have been fake - because based on the witness testimonies, there's no evidence of second gunman (in complete contrast to the Kennedy case, by the way).
Seeing all the nonsense promoted by Tomas Ross and Ine Veen, you'd almost forget that there are legitimate questions surrounding the death of Fortuyn. It's true, for instance, that the ambulance arrived very late, in part because the gate to access the car park, where Fortuyn was laying, malfunctioned. To get an idea of what happened in the first half hour after the shooting, we again turn to witnesses Ruud de Wild, Sander de Heer and Jeroen Kijk, whose earlier descriptions of the event ruled out the possibility of a second shooter. These excerpts are from the same May 7, 2000 interview:
Ruud de Wild:
"The ambulance [arrived] in 9 minutes? That's bullshit. Pure hogwash. And everything in the newspapers, all hearsay."
"The policewoman in Hilversum said that there were rumors that shots were still being fired in the area, but the truth was that the computer of the gate had crashed."
Sander de Heer:
"I just heard it again from the police spokesman: "We don't know if he died immediately." I was standing above him. He was still breathing. … He was just breathing softly and relaxed. … What I just said, just this evening I heard the police say that, "We didn't know if he died immediately." I was thinking: "Yeah, you should have interviewed me then. What bullshit. I have seen him breathing for another 15 minutes. ...
"It took at least 20 minutes for police and ambulance to arrive. The gate at the entrance didn't even open . … I even walked off the terrain. I think, maybe … an ambulance will come this way; then, when I walk past the car barriers, I can at least point out to them: "Here you need to be; here you need to go inside." Nothing. Just nothing. … The ambulance has stood five minutes in front of the gate. I stood in front of the ambulance, with the gate in between. The gate wasn't opening. ... [Ruud de Wild yells: "A disgrace!"]
"I stood next to the security booth of the gate and I asked "Why doesn't the gate open? Somebody is dying in here!" Answer: "Oh, we just need to reboot the computer. Just a minute." He literally said that. And I've seen the computer system boot and boot until the gate opened again."
Sander de Heer also commented on the contrast between the capture of the shooter and the response of the ambulance:
"Yeah, I though that was such a strange story. We have been waiting forever for an ambulance and already at 12 past 6 he had been arrested by a police team."
Hans Smolders, Fortuyn's driver who had been running after the shooter, explained how Van der Graaf was captured this fast, but was still a little bit surprised at the amount of police present at Van der Graaf's arrest:
"I called 112  and gave directions to the police where we were walking, what street, and that is how he walked into the trap of the police at the gas station. ... Yeah, there was a lot of police actually, which also surprised me. But at the moment I was really glad with that, of course - I was glad we had him." 
Smolders was invited to the show of Menno Buch on March 17, 2003. Instead of allowing himself to be praised as a hero by either the Dutch government or Buch, he actually criticized the political establishment:
"I really don't want to accept that award [from the queen]. It seems like many people have forgotten what was done to Pim. Look, we're talking about Volkert van der G., who pulled the trigger, and he has to take full 100 percent responsibility for that, and has to be punished severely. But those who claimed that Pim was a racist ... really created the [political] climate that pushed that Volkert to his actions. ...
"Well, yeah, but that establishment and political elite [of which the queen is part] are the ones who went ballistic when Pim came onto the scene. They were probably prepared to commit murder in order to get Pim to disappear from the political scene. And then he is actually murdered! If it hadn't been Volkert, it would have been someone else. Hadn't it been the 6th of May, then it would have been the 10th of May or the 2nd of June. The [political] climate that was created was very grave. And if you see this so up close, then you really don't know what is happening to you. You go: this is not possible in this country."
Some favored institutes of former prime minister Wim Kok, his predecessor Ruud Lubbers, as well as Mabel Wisse Smit. George Soros money has been behind the ICG and ECFR. Bilderberg is more involved with active ministers.
This is by far the biggest point Smolders kept making. He seems to somewhat agree with Buch that Van der Graaf may have never been caught if he hadn't chased him. Smolders gave several additional interviews on Dutch television around the first anniversary of the murder of Pim Fortuyn. In each case he attacked the establishment and defended Fortuyn's legacy. Here's what Smolders said to Daphne Bunsboek on Good Morning Netherland, May 6, 2003:
"Yes, there has come a degree of anger in me. Before this I was really a very quiet guy. They were the people I used to look up to, a [prime minister Wim] Kok, etc. And then I became involved in this. And then you see that there is a layer in this country which sees nothing and really keeps this country in a stranglehold. A PvdA where an [Ad] Melkert and [Wim] Kok, who kept the whole PvdA in a stranglehold - if Mr. [Rob] van Gijzel hadn't had the courage to go against them we would still not know anything about the Construction Fraud [Bouwfraude]. And so there are stacks of dossiers about which we know nothing. The JSF affair, you name it. With the Construction Fraud they are just lying, those ministers, [and] talking about nothing important. And [Tineke] Netelenbos says: "A shadow account? Has that to do with real money?" That is what has to rule the country? What are we talking about here? ... [Jan Peter Balkenende] is not honest. Jan Peter has everything to be a good prime minister, but you see him squirming. Just speak the truth. Throw it on the table. ... Listen, the queen has abused her power and Wim Kok knew about it. Done. ...
"Look, it's only logical when a leader is taken out, there are people [in the party] who don't belong there. Who weren't able to act decently, because they were continually contacting the media. Well, those people were put in front of the camera. Because it is true that the media has destroyed the reputation of Pim Fortuyn. They blindly followed the elite. If Wim Kok says: "He's going to divide the country and he is asocial and he is seeding hate." Well, he did that himself by throwing those poor immigrants in old districts without any prospects - and put them on welfare."
From 2006 to 2010 Smolders served in congress for four years in a futile attempt to save Pim Fortuyn's legacy. In 2012 he gave another interview and clearly hadn't changed his opinions:
"I myself didn't want to go into politics, but I thought, let me then help someone [Pim] who takes on those establishment parties. I am not so naive to think that you can just change something in politics. That's a mafia-like structure. You don't just walk through that. They will do anything to destroy you." 
In that same interview Smolders clearly stated he believes that there were people who manipulated or ordered Van der Graaf to commit the murder:
"I am happy that he has actually begun to talk, because I want the truth why he did what he did. With what purpose. ... To me it comes across as an incoherent story, as it has been told by him during the trial. So I think it would be really good if he is going to tell what the deeper background is and with whom - at the orders of whom - he committed that murder."
For some reason the person doing the interview didn't ask Smolders to explain this statement. Strange, because pimfortuyn.com is a (not too well-documented) conspiracy site. And, of course, an ISGP email to the site with questions went unanswered.
Remember the earlier discussed neocon Republican Society member Tomas Ross who disinformed the Dutch public about Iraq's ties to 9/11 and a second shooter being involved in the Pim Fortuyn assassination? Ross actually did say a few things about the Fortuyn case that I can agree with, at least to some extent:
"The theory has always been, although I can't prove it, that they [Dutch intelligence] knew that Volkert van der G. would murder Fortuyn. The AIVD [Dutch intelligence] Volkert had been monitoring Volkert for a long time. He was suspected in the murder of an environmental civil servant [Chris van der Werken] in 1996, together with a friend of his. His environmental movement "Milieu Offensive" was seen as a national security threat and a very radical movement. They were monitored by the local police, because the AIVD doesn't do that itself. Four months before the murder Volkert speaks with his friend Sjoerd van der W. over the telephone. One says, "the bastard has to die." "Ssst", says the other voice. "We might be monitored." "I mean shut his mouth of course," says the other again." 
It is true that the killer of Fortuyn, Volkert van der Graaf, is quite strongly linked to the murder of environmental officer Chris van der Werken in 1996. Just the fact that van der Graaf sat across the table with Van der Werken, having heated arguments with him immediately before his death is already seriously bizarre. But a red Opel Kadett, a car similar to the one of van der Graaf at the time, was also seen near the murder site. Reportedly van der Graaf had threatened to kill Van der Werken.  So it is very much possible that the AIVD and Justice Department had something on Van der Graaf and were using it against him in their manipulations.
The conversation mentioned by Ross, however, is not at all strong evidence of a murder plot by Dutch intelligence. It's just a small, isolated section of a longer conversation. In private many people say things like this all the time without literally meaning it. Maybe they were even joking. Who knows? But certainly it can't be denied that van der Graaf was monitored by Dutch intelligence and should have been a major suspect in a previous murder case.
Also with the death of Theo van Gogh links to Dutch intelligence are all over the place. Ross:
"The AIVD hired out a flat to Samir A. They bugged that flat from top to bottom. That's how they knew [there were plans to murder van Gogh]. Is this allowed? Apparently it is. The AIVD was not reprimanded over that. With Mohammed B. nothing happened anymore, he was just allowed to do as he pleased, even though the AIVD knew. Unbelievable." 
The details of Theo van Gogh's murder were discussed in the 2005 documentary Prettig Weekend Ondanks Alles (Despite Everything, Have a Great Weekend) with media personality Katja Schuurman and Stan de Jong, a relatively mainstream journalist who was acquainted with Micha Kat and has written about controversial affairs, including the Dutroux X-Dossiers. A summary of the documentary:
- After Van Gogh's murder, the police raided the house of the neighbor of Mohammed B. The international media is shown this house at the time - not the one of Mohammed B. It takes two days for the police to figure out their mistake, despite the fact that Mohammed B. is already known as a criminal by the police and a dangerous radical by Dutch intelligence. The neighbor of Mohammed B., Ibrahim ben Salah, who actually looks like a Middle-Eastern gangster, states: "The Justice Department claims that Mohammed B. often came here. That's not possible. Mohammed B. never came here. I didn't even have contact with Mohammed B."
- A tape is shown of an initial press conference with a police chief and chief prosecutor Leo de Wit. The latter claims: "Er, er, in our local police and, er, justice files he was, er, let me say, with exception of a relatively minor, er, incident, not known." A year later, reminded by Schuurman of his statement "[one] relatively minor incident", de Wit reacts: "No, no, no. That is not true. That has not been said in that sense." De Wit is also confronted with his reply at the time to the question: "Was [Mohammed] known with the intelligence services, the RID for example?," to which De Wit responded: "Er, no. [comes across as really unsure]" To Schuurman de Wit claims: "This has not been recorded from my mouth. Because I wouldn't say that."
- De Wit had to crawl back, because Mohammed B. was involved in more than "[one] relatively minor incident". The documentary provides the following incidents:
- Spring 2000: Mohammed's 17-year-old sister calls the police and claims that she is being kidnapped by her older brother, who doesn't agree with her choice to have a person with the name Abdul as a boyfriend.
- Summer 2000: Causes a fight to break out at a local bar when walking in front of a television several times. He is convicted of assault.
- July 2001: Mohammed runs into his sister's ex, Abdul. A fight breaks out, Mohammed grabs a knife, and soon even attacks a police officer with it. Mohammed is given a three month jail sentence for intimidation and public violence.
- May 2004: Mohammed is involved in a scuffle with a security guard at social services, because he's of the opinion that he is not helped quickly enough. He throws around a dustbin and shouts: "I will kill you. I will rip out your heart."
- September 2004: Control officers catch Mohammed without a card in the tram. He fights with the officers and is arrested by the police. During a hearing he refuses to give the police officer a hand and spits on the floor. During a search of his house the police finds telephone numbers and email addresses belonging to members of the Hofstad group. These are given to Dutch intelligence, who already at this point knew Mohammed was a dangerous radical.
- Mohammed was involved in the terrorist Hofstad group. The imam of the Hofstad Group was "the Syrian", who was recruiting members for the Jihad and lived above an Amsterdam call store where the Hofstad Group held meetings. A witness from across the street explained that several police searches had been carried out at the call store and sometimes police was apparently on the lookout for persons involved in the store. Mohammed B. was among the visitors of this store. Another was Samir A., who worked at the call store and is a known terrorist plotter.
- Hofstad Group member Jason Walthers (a.k.a. Abu Amrikie, a son of an American soldier who was stationed in the Netherlands) and an accomplice were arrested on November 10, 2004, after a raid on his house in the wake of the Theo van Gogh murder. During the raid a grenade is thrown to the police. Several years before, Jason and other members of the Hofstad Group would have followed a terrorist training course in Pakistan. However, according to the defense of Walthers, the grenade was delivered by Saleh Bouali, an informant/employee of Dutch intelligence. This was never proved, but there were other indications of penetration by Dutch intelligence. Robert Maanicus, the lawyer of Jason Walthers: "He has had contact with Ed Aarts from a certain real estate company who made sure that he was able to get into that apartment. And who that Ed Aarts is, I don't know. For some obscure reason all information concerning Ed Aarts has disappeared. The business card with his phone number that my client carried with him is gone and all the information in the dossier that can be traced to Ed Aerts have somehow been terminated. The mobile phone number doesn't exist anymore. The company doesn't exist anymore. It's all a little mysterious."
- Ruud Lubbers, VPRO Argos, 2005: "A peculiar situation ... I think that the intelligence service put into practice something that is very common: give us all the information, but don't arrest this man. We follow them and this is how we get additional information."
- Jan Vlug, lawyer of Hofstad Group member Zakaria T. : "Let I put it this way: they were in the bushes of everyone except with Mohammed B. And that is very strange, because he was once arrested [with] a martyr testament in his pocket. That has been copied and sent to the AIVD [Dutch intelligence]. Nothing was done with it. There have been more run-ins with the police. Nothing done with it. All the meetings [of the Hofstad Group] took place at his home. Nothing done with it. ... Several have been approached to become informants of the AIVD. Zakaria also. When Zakaria came back from Pakistan [from terrorist training] he was awaited at Schiphol. ... in January 2004. ... Both Jason and Zakaria said no to that [Jason's lawyer claimed that Jason was not approached, but others had been] ... I don't know, but if [Mohammed B.] has been an informant of Dutch intelligence that would explain a lot."
Although it's entirely possible that Dutch intelligence couldn't have prevented the murder of Theo van Gogh, because this specific murder plot was not discussed in the Hofstad Group's apartment or with informants, clearly there are additional questions to be asked here. Certainly the Netherlands could be much stricter in dealing with Jihadists, for example by not providing citizenship to any overly religious Muslims.
When it comes to preventing the murders of Pim Fortuyn and Theo van Gogh one can argue that Dutch intelligence, the AIVD, failed. However, the AIVD was also spying on Pim Fortuyn and in this case they appear to have overstepped democratic boundaries and at the same time failed to blow the whistle on certain "extracurricular" activities of Fortuyn and friends.
It was initially denied by the AIVD and the interior minister, Klaas de Vries. When interviewed by the evening news, De Vries came across as incredibly nervous and uptight, so it was clear from the beginning that something was not in order:
"That is absolute hogwash [that Pim Fortuyn was spied upon]. It wouldn't come in the heads of the secret services in the Netherlands to tap politicians and on top of that one wouldn't find a minister who would sign off on that. So it is total hogwash. ... Yes, with all eavesdropping activities of the BVD [AIVD] autographs of four ministers are necessary, but, well, such a case wouldn't even be presented because the BVD [AIVD] is busy with entirely different things. It's busy with the protection of democracy, not subverting it. ... Completely impossible [that the AIVD acted on its own initiative]. ... I can't say anything about all [this], lady. I can only briefly inform you that that is complete nonsense." 
These initial statements of De Vries are really fascinating, because, first of all, Fortuyn most certainly had been spied upon.  And secondly, in 2013 it was revealed that "the AIVD taps members of the political parties" and that the security service has been trying to hide this fact. 
The spy operations against Fortuyn appear to have exceeded mere eavesdropping. According to close friends, not only were Fortuyn's home, car and mobile phone tapped, confidential information discussed in private was sometimes leaked to the press. To counter the intrusions, Fortuyn's electoral clique actually spoke in code on occasion and invited individuals they met with to public places, keeping their cell phones out of range of any sensitive discussions. Just before his death, it was even decided that Fortuyn would stay with friends in order to increase his safety and privacy. These aspects were mentioned in 2005 round table discussion on Barend and van Dorp with former minister of the interior Klaas de Vries present. A partial transcript:
Frits Barend: Next Sunday Peter R. de Vries will reveal in his program discs that should show that Pim Fortuyn definitely has been listened in upon and has been been followed. That has always been denied ...
Klaas de Vries: You are telling me things that I have not yet seen, er, ... no, certainly not. I didn't know anything about that. [comes across as really nervous] ... You may be saying that [I should have known about the eavesdropping as the minister responsible for the AIVD], but what has happened is that it was local police and that they have looked into if there was a question of a problematic situation with Pim Fortuyn - if he was being threatened, or if he might be susceptible to blackmail. ... After consulting with the Justice Department they concluded that there were no problems. ...
Yves Gijrath, organizer Millionaire's Fair: Did you know that he was being followed? Did you know that his house was being bugged? That he was being followed on the streets? That he was deathly afraid? ...
De Vries: No, absolutely not. ...
Gijrath: That in March he was threatened in a restaurant in The Hague? There's a police report of that [which] has never been made public. You know about that.
De Vries: Yes, but all that has been investigated, right?
Gijrath: He was deathly afraid and he only wanted security if it was offered by Wim Kok and not by anyone else. And so I asked him once, "So, why are you so afraid?" It was April 30, Queen's Day, six days before his death. ...Isn't it about time you get some real security? He was not going to sleep at home anymore. He was going to spent nights somewhere in Groningen. I say, "Are you still not being offered any security?" "No, because they are eavesdropping on me." So I say, "How is that possible? Who is doing that?" There's only one person. That is you.
De Vries: Yeah, but that is just not the case.
Gijrath: Is he making it up then? I walked through his house. That thing [telephone] didn't even work. It was completely [jammed]. ...
De Vries: Yeah, well, I have not been jamming that phone there and there has been an unbelievably in-depth investigation of the Van den Haak Commission and they was concluded that this is all not true.
Frits Barend: We also read other things. I think it was a very concealed investigation, a very bad investigation if I'm being honest.
De Vries: Yeah, well. [Huge smug on his face.]
Frits Barend: All you read is the Justice Department didn't do anything wrong. The police didn't do anything wrong. The AIVD didn't do anything wrong. Nobody did anything wrong. ...
Van Dorp: I will give you one example. On the day that he was murdered, four hours later, detectives from Gooi and Vechstreek enter his home, make a mess of everything and check everything. What are they doing there? ...
De Vries: At the moment I think they were busy to see if there indeed were threats, or something like that, but I mean the Van den Haak Commission really has investigated everything.
Frits Barend: Well, that certainly happened, because a realtor was present and [a policeman] says "Ha! We found it!" And that realtor was never interviewed. He was not believed. And [Rotterdam mayor's secretary and Pim Fortuyn party member] Joost Eerdmans concludes from that that most certainly eavesdropping equipment was gathered. And what's also strange is that with [the home of killer] Volkert van der G. it was four to five days before the search warrant was provided. 
Klaas de Vries comes across as a character from a movie. Even though he's terse, arrogant, and considers the government as the absolute and final authority, he's also absolutely hilarious. He looks like a gerbil in distress and is witty in all the wrong ways. As for his biography, naturally he has been hanging out with the "in" crowd for a good number of years:
- Labor MP 1973-1988.
- Chair Inquiry Commission on Construction Subsidies 1986-1988.
- Chair of the elite Social-Economic Council 1996-1998.
- Minister of labor and social affairs 1998-2000.
- Minister of the interior 2000-2002.
- Visitor of Bilderberg in 2003.
- Director Atlantic Commission.
- Member North-Atlantic Assembly.
- Advisory board of the leading energy company Eneco 2007-.
- Senator 2007-2015.
- On the board of the in 2009 founded and pro-Palestinian The Rights Forum, together with Holland's political elite: Dries van Agt (founder and chair), Laurens Jan Brinkhorst, Hans van den Broek, Wim van Eekelen, Hedy d'Ancona (Republican Society), Pieter Kooijmans and Jan Pronk.
It's hard to say who exactly gave the order to tap Pim Fortuyn's phone and for exactly what reason. I myself experienced a number of "anomalies" when first establishing ISGP. For a brief while, all books ordered from England permanently disappeared while books from the U.S. or elsewhere caused no problems. At least one major phone anomaly occurred in this same period, with me picking up the phone and having some type of instant connection to a room where apparently servers were running in the background. I even received a bogus top secret JASON Group briefing document on how to protect America's nuclear power plants from terrorist attacks. A full week later this email and everything in the inbox vanished all of a sudden, something that has never happened before or since. In my case it appears that an international element was involved. To what extent the AIVD or interior minister Klaas de Vries were informed, I cannot say. With Fortuyn it is also anybody's guess to what extent official protocol was followed.
In any case, it's quite incredible that this is how soon-to-be Holland's most powerful politician was forced to live in the months before his death: demonized, afraid for his life and spied on by unknown forces. Assuming that the claims of his friends are true, it's hard to imagine that the powers that be had any intention of letting Fortuyn become prime minister. His eventual murder seems to have been almost inevitable.
When a few days after the Barend and van Dorp round table discussion Holland's most famous crime reporter, Peter R. de Vries, a major disinformer on the John F. Kennedy assassination , revealed that indeed the AIVD had been tapping Fortuyn's phone, he also informed the world that the security service had gathered evidence that Pim Fortuyn was a child rapist.  Apart from this curious "leak" being incredibly convenient to the ruling establishment, some circumstantial evidence exists that this claim might well be true. Theo van Gogh and Tomas Ross were not Fortuyn's only peculiar friends. We definitely shouldn't overlook well-known Dutch attorney Oscar Hammerstein, who was Fortuyn's chief lawyer throughout his political campaign and after his death also the one who prominently criticized the media and political establishment for having demonized Fortuyn. 
Hammerstein has been a close friend and long-time law partner of Frits Salomonson, in turn a chief advisor and very close friend of the Dutch royal family. He himself is said to have regularly met with Crown Prince Alexander (now king). In addition, both lawyers have been accused of child abuse. Salomonson publicly; Hammerstein only in a file that has never been discussed by the mainstream media. Then there is the old law partner of this duo, Count Rutger Jan Schimmelpenninck (b. 1949), who ISGP independently connected to the Westerflier child abuse cult described in the Dutroux X-Dossiers, also first made available by ISGP, and certainly to the English-speaking world. Accusations of mafia connections are mixed in with these lesser known suspicions. 
If that's not enough, in 2004 Hammerstein put up the funds for "alternative" media outlet The Stopped Smoker (De Gestopte Roker), a continuation of Van Gogh's activist internet platform The Healthy Smoker (De Gezonde Roker).  This enterprise appears to have cost Hammerstein several tens of thousands of euros per year.  It also means that Hammerstein provided a platform for Republican Society member Pamela Hemelrijk and her fellow activist Micha Kat, who in this period began a soon-to-be very prominent campaign against Joris Demmink, a Justice Department secretary general repeatedly accused of child sexual abuse, along with a number of high-level colleagues. The problem is, as ISGP has been writing about in another article, that Kat and a handful of activists have been logistically and financially backed by persons with questionable ties to the U.S. national security state and CIA drug trafficking. In addition, a lot of the witnesses and evidence Kat and associates have produced is completely bogus. Therefore one is forced to concluded that all these individuals are involved in some kind of high level security state scheme.
There are additional indications to draw this conclusion. First there are the child abuse accusations against Hammerstein and Salomonson. These accusations also exist against Pim Fortuyn and Gerard Spong, another very prominent lawyer who, along with Hammerstein, tried to sue members of the establishment after the assassination of Fortuyn.  The person most doggedly pursuing these accusations? Hammerstein's old employee at the The Healthy Smoker, Micha Kat.  How bizarre is that? And how strange is it that all the child abuse accusations that have been thrown about in the Netherlands involve homosexual sex, including those leveled against Demmink and his fellow Prosecutor Office officials? The only heterosexual ones about the Netherlands are those unearthed in the Dutroux X-Dossiers by this author.
It seems that we can go on forever with bizarre coincidences and associations. How about the fact that another financier of the The Stopped Smoker was the More Freedom Foundation (Stichting MeerVrijheid), a typical Old Right libertarian controlled opposition outfit. On its advisory board is a person from the Ludwig von Mises Institute and another with an extensive background in NATO, the Dutch version of the Council on Foreign Relations (Clingendael) and various conservative American institutes.  It's very hard to imagine that Hammerstein and Stichting MeerVrijheid were running a truly alternative media outlet independent of the security state.
Hammerstein may not have been Republican Society, but judging by his friends and activities he easily could have been. Most likely he was just a little too close to the royal house for his membership to be credible. In any case, Hammerstein provides additional evidence that Fortuyn was part of a very peculiar set of intelligence assets. He was not independent at all.
In his 2014 book, Hammerstein fiercely criticizes the green activists who opposed his friend Fortuyn, comparing them to Muslim extremists.  He wasn't just referring to Fortuyn's assassin Volkert van der Graaf, but also to three environmentalists of the "Biological Bakery Brigade" who on March 14, 2002, about 7 weeks before the assassination, threw cakes filled with animal feces into Fortuyn's face. Hammerstein went along to the police with Fortuyn to press charges.  No action was taken at the time.
After the assassination, the press still hardly paid any attention to the activist network of the cake throwers and the assassin, Volkert van der Graaf. The only "authority" on these green activist networks sporadically allowed in the press was Peter Siebelt, an ultra-right wing asset of the security state who has been equating green activism with terrorism and organized crime. According to Siebelt, there's evidence that the activist networks of Van der Graaf and the "Biological Bakery Brigade" overlapped, but in the end he sticks to the conclusion that these green "terrorist" activists are controlled by the Dutch Green Party and a handful of well-known lawyers. 
However, let's face it, the green movement is controlled by the globalist group, in the Netherlands centered around Hammerstein's beloved royal family. And thus it is no surprise to see that the bizarre incestuous connections and associations continue when we shift our focus from Fortuyn's coterie and look into the direction of his killer, environmental activist Volkert van der Graaf. We already discussed how the police considered Van der Graaf a major suspect in the still unexplained murder of environmental officer Chris van der Werken and how Van der Graaf's phone was tapped by Dutch intelligence in the period leading up to the death of Fortuyn. If these two facts were connected is not known. One is tempted to think that the monitoring of Van der Graaf's phone simply had to do with his activities for the Vereniging Milieu Offensief (Milieu Front Association) and was just a left-over of the old Cold War security service paranoia against anything even remotely leftist.
Whatever the exact reasons were for the tapping of Van der Graaf's phone, his position as co-founder, secretary and treasurer of Vereniging Milieu Offensief (Milieu Front Association)  put him right on the frontline of the battle between the international liberal and conservative superclass. Any right-wing or establishment-oriented security service would consider a group as the Vereniging Milieu Offensief a prime target for putting one of their agents in.
More importantly, the liberal establishment has literally built up and continues to maintain the international green movement. ISGP first noticed this with the secretive 1001 Club, which helps maintain the World Wide Fund for Nature. Founded by Prince Bernhard, among its members have been Prince Philip, the Rockefellers, Rothschilds, Bechtels, Liechtensteins, Habsburgs and other top families. But the WWF is not unique at all in this regard. Dozens and dozens of environmentalist groups receive millions upon millions from the top liberal foundations: Packard Foundation, Hewlett Foundation, Ford Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Tides, etc. Among the more important environmentalist groups they maintain are:
- WWF and Peace Parks Foundation
- Friends of the Earth
- Sierra Club
- Natural Resources Defense Council
- Rainforest Action Network
Wondering if Fortuyn assassin Volkert van der Graaf had any connection to these groups, I quickly noticed that his Vereniging Milieu Offensief (Milieu Front Association) had its headquarters at Milieudefensie (Milieu Defense).  And lo and behold, Milieudefensie is the Dutch branch of Friends of the Earth , one of these heavily NGO-funded environmental groups by the liberal establishment. Just a few years ago, I was only able to figure out that 1001 Club members as Robert Anderson, Maurice Strong, the Rockefellers, Aurelio Peccei (subordinate of Gianni Agnelli of the 1001 Club) and the billionaire Ted Turner were involved in financing and even running Friends of the Earth.  Today ISGP has gathered much more information. What follows is a partial, cumulative list of grants by major foundations to Friends of the Earth in the years surrounding the assassination of Pim Fortuyn.
Partial Friends of the Earth financing surrounding the death of Pim Fortuyn
|2000||John Merck Fund||$45,000|
|2001||Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors||$50,000|
|2001||Rockefeller Brothers Fund||$1,427,500|
|2001||Merck Family Fund||$105,444|
|2002||Rockefeller Family Fund||$400,000|
|2002||Pew Charitable Trusts||$555,000|
What is a shame is that most of these numbers have to come from conservative ultraright websites as activistfacts.com. Most numbers and foundation names can be confirmed though through available annual reports of Friends of the Earth. Exact sources are provided in ISGP's "liberal CIA" oversight, where also much more information about all these foundations can be found.
Based on the name (offense vs defense) of Van der Graaf's tiny Vereniging Milieu Offensief (Milieu Front Association) and its location in the same building as the Wageningen branch of Milieudefensie / Friends of the Earth , it makes one wonder to what extent Van der Graaf coordinated the founding of his group with Friends of the Earth. Curiously, little to nothing has been written about this subject. What we do know is that Vereniging Milieu Offensief (Milieu Front Association) and Friends of the Earth were closely working together in filing a constant stream of law suits against farmers over environmental issues.  Another very significant clue appears to be that Sjoerd van der Wouw, the person with whom Van der Graaf founded Vereniging Milieu Offensief (Milieu Front Association) in 1992 and his chief partner throughout the 1990s in operating the NGO (Van der Wouw as chair and Van der Graaf as secretary-treasurer) at some point worked for Milieudefensie / Friends of the Earth Netherlands. 
Even more significant, Van der Graaf's Vereniging Milieu Offensief (Milieu Front Association), as well as the Dutch branch of Friends of the Earth, were financed by the solidly "liberal CIA" Nationale Postcode Loterij (Dutch National Lottery). Through the Stichting Doen (Doen Foundation) the Dutch National Lottery put just over 150,000 euros in the treasure chest of the Vereniging Milieu Offensief (Milieu Front Association) in the 1992-1998 period.  It appears these funds, which would have largely been managed by co-founder, secretary and treasurer Volkert van der Graaf, were used to get the Milieu Front Association going until it could operate independently. By the late 1990s a lot of income was generated by farmers buying off the Milieu Front Association to prevent expensive law suits , which may explain why the funds of the Nationale Postcode loterij dried up.
All this may not seem very exciting until we realize that the Doen Foundation is a partner of the Rockefeller, Ford, Open Society (Soros), Omidyar and other "liberal CIA" foundations in a variety of international programs.  Also, the Nationale Postcode Loterij was co-founded in 1989 by Boudewijn Poelmann, the European director of the UN- and "liberal CIA"-funded Inter Press Service and a 10-year employee of Novib; and Simon Jelsma, who, judging by the portrait of Prince Bernhard hanging on the wall of his home , most likely was very friendly with the prince. In 1959 Jelsma and Prince Bernhard both founded Novib, the Dutch branch of the prestigious pro-Third World immigration "liberal CIA" NGO Oxfam International.
Oxfam Novib has counted the involvement of numerous members of the Dutch political elite. On the board over the decades we find former prime ministers and secretaries of state, some whom have also headed the Dutch Carnegie Foundation, the Dutch Institute of International Affairs (Clingendael), visited Bilderberg or have other international superclass ties. Outgoing prime minister at the time of the Fortuyn assassination, Wim Kok, has been among them.  International branches of Oxfam are financed by the same foundations we have just mentioned in relation to Friends of the Earth. The Holland-based Stichting Oxfam Novib itself received $1.5 million from the Ford Foundation alone in the 2008-2014 period.  As for the Nationale Postcode loterij / Dutch National Lottery, Jelsma and friends established it as a milch cow to fund their favorite sustainable development NGOs. Unsurprisingly, the Postcode Loterij has become a mainstay of the Dutch media cult, especially around New Year's; a national lottery that invests in charitable causes truly is one of the best ways ever devised to fund an NGO network.
If these facts ever become widely-reported, the mainstream media will undoubtedly spin the story by suggesting that the public - those participating in the National Lottery - financed the assassination of Fortuyn. The fact, however, is that the political elite and superclass surrounding the Dutch royal family and the Rockefeller philanthropy network directly financed the activities of Fortuyn killer Volkert van der Graaf. Not only that, Dutch elites managing the Oxfam Novib/National Lottery network (or their sons) held positions in the cabinets of Wim Kok and even of Jan-Peter Balkenende, the guaranteed prime minister after the death of Fortuyn. Individuals that come to mind are Wim Kok, Ben Bot, Benk Korthals from Oxfam Novib , as well as Dutch National Lottery Holding chairs Cees Veerman and Pieter Winsemius.
Veerman and Winsemius in particular are quite incredible conflicts of interests and a slap in the face of the public. In the 1997-2002 period Veerman was chair of Wageningen University, where Volkert van der Graaf had first become part of an organized and radical environmentalist network and apparently also where "several professors ... maintain very radical [environmentalist] convictions."  After the death of Fortuyn, new prime minister Balkenende made Veerman minister of agriculture and nature/the environment (2002-2007). After his retirement, he's provided a seat on the advisory board of the huge Rabobank and is made chair of the Dutch National Lottery Holding, which used to finance Van der Graaf's activities. 
Before him, in the 2001-2012 period, the elitist Winsemius held the chairmanship of the Dutch National Lottery Holding, thus in the period it financed Van der Graaf's activities. In 2006-2007 he briefly became Balkenende's minister for housing, spatial planning and the environment. 
If anybody wonders if maybe the Dutch Justice Department wouldn't have been worried about these conflicts of interest, a month after the death of Fortuyn, prime minister Jan Peter Balkenende appointed Piet Hein Donner as his minister of justice. Donner was personally familiar with Volkert van der Graaf. Just months before his appointment as justice minister, he was chairman of the environmental affairs room of the Council of State / Privy Council which processed Van der Graaf numerous law suits. He personally met Fortuyn's assassin before Fortuyn's death and then was tasked with investigating the case.  The more one thinks about it, the more it boggles the mind.
Another person Donner was tasked to investigate was a certain Baroness Pauline van Tuyll van Serooskerken, one of three environmentalists of the "Biological Bakery Brigade" who on March 14, 2002, about 7 weeks before the assassination, threw cakes filled with animal feces into Fortuyn's face. Fortuyn and his lawyer Oscar Hammerstein complained to the police at the time, but no action was undertaken until Fortuyn was shot. At this point the three were arrested, but also quickly released, not to be heard of again. The baroness' name was mentioned in only a few newspapers (as "Pauline van T. van S.")  and the only reason ISGP is writing about her here is after writing biographies of all Dutch members of Prince Bernhard's 1001 Club. As it turns out, Baroness Pauline van Tuyll van Serooskerken is a member of a sustainable development-obsessed family with two members in the 1001 Club and with additional ties to the British aristocracy.  One member of the family slithered into Fortuyn's LPF ; another joined the peculiar Party for the Animals as 14th on the list of electable candidates. The number one on the list, Marianne Thieme , hired Sjoerd van der Wouw, the chief partner of Fortuyn killer Volkert van der Graaf in the Milieu Front Association, as her personal assistant.  In another coincidence, the most important financier of Thieme's Party for the Animals and her congressional campaign was a member of the Pierson banking fortune  - the same family that could be found in Prince Bernhard's 1001 Club.  Ironically, the Pierson bank is also linked to the Republican Society and Elsevier magazine, the most virulent anti-socialist/green party publication around.
We can continue discussing anomalies surrounding Marianne Thieme and her Party for the Animals. As discussed in ISGP's article on crop circle, at one point this author looked up a person in the audience of Catherine Keyl back in 1998 who backed up the stories of program guest Robbert van den Broeke, a notorious crop circle and paranormal hoaxer with high level family ties to the RABO Bank. This person, Janny Korteweg, appears to have have been the mother-in-law of Marianne Thieme. One wonders what the chances of that are.
Going back to Pim Fortuyn cake thrower Barones Pauline van Tuyll van Serooskerken, her family associations have not been investigated by the mainstream media. The situation is so bad that in 2013 Baroness Pauline could go on mainstream television without anyone even recognizing her as one of the cake throwers. The baroness even lists on her LinkedIn to have worked for Milieudefensie/Friends of the Earth in 2010, but no one has picked up on this either. 
Only much later than the 1001 Club link, I also noticed that the Van Tuyll van Serooskerken family has been rather prominent in the so-called Illustrious Sweet Woman Brotherhood (Illustre lieve vrouwe broederschap), also known as the Swan Brothers (Zwanenbroeders), that has revolved around the Orange royal family for centuries and goes back to 1316 - the era of Habsburg domination of the Holy Roman Empire, the Black Plague and the Mongol Empire stretching to Eastern Europe. Quite a few other aristocratic Dutch families can be found in the Swan Brothers - Van Lanschot, Fentener van Vlissingen, de Vos van Steenwijk, Philips and others  - with a degree of overlap existing with Bernhard's 1001 Club. The overlap is not very great, however, but the fact that the Van Tuyll van Serooskerken family has been rather prominent in both strongly indicates that a good number of family members have been close to Prince Bernhard and Queen Beatrix over the years.
The connection of cake thrower Baroness Pauline to the Swan Brothers (or Brotherhood of the Swan) is actually slightly closer than to the 1001 Club, at least when looking at family ties. The Tuyll van Serooskerken family members in the 1001 Club have been Baron Freddie and his son Baron George. The last common ancestor they had with Baroness Pauline is Baron Frederik van Tuyll van Serooskerken (1742-1805). That's a long time ago. With the Swan Brothers, her connection runs through her great-grandfather Baron Frederick (1886-1958). 
Furthermore, it would be interesting to know how close Baroness Pauline has been to her cousin, the Swan Brother Sammy Tuyll van Serooskerken, a liberal politician of moderate standing who held posts at the Dutch Central Bank, the Ministry of Finance and the European Union in Brussels. Significantly, in the 1994-1995 period this Serooskerken co-founded the Tindemans Group that looked into how to best bring the general public into the "debate" (read: "agenda") of the eastward expansion of the European Union, which came to pass over the next 10-13 years. Leo Tindemans, a former prime minister of Belgian, was a close ally of the ultraright Opus Dei figure Otto von Habsburg. He co-founded the Luxembourg branch of the Europaeisches Institut fuer Sicherheitsfragen with Habsburg and is known to visited the notorious Cercle group. Another member of the Tindemans Group was the then Dutch MP Ernst Hirsch Ballin, who benefited from Fortuyn's death because Balkenende, the prime minister who won the elections due to Fortuyn's death, appointed Ballin minister of justice in 2006. Ballin is also among a number of key protectors Joris Demmink seems to have had in government.
Obviously, in a normal, free society the media would be digging as deep as they could to find any potential links between Van der Graaf, Baroness Pauline and their Friends of the Earth-centered activism, as well as any government or other elite ties. Only one ultraright intelligence asset, Peter Siebelt, has been doing this, but, of course, this individual never mentions the liberal superclass control over the environmental movement, instead preferring to label the Green Party, Socialist Party and Labor Party as the controlling forces of the major national "green" foundations and the action groups underneath them. 
There's another aspect of the "eco nostra" that Siebelt described, but in which he also ignored the superclass aspect: lawyers that support green activists. As it happens, the first lawyer Van der Graaf asked for after his arrest was Pieter Bakker Schut. Schut declined , but a radical left-wing ally of his who worked with some of his former law partners  and had been a fellow sympathizer of the Rote Armee Fraktion terrorist group , Britta Bohler, did take the case and handed it to her employee, A.A. Stijn Franken. 
Looking at her background, in the 1991-1994 period Bohler worked at Loeff Claeys Verbeke , the same law firm the notorious duo Hammerstein and royal family lawyer Salomonson worked for a few years earlier.  Hammerstein, of course, became Fortuyn's trusted sidekick during the electoral process. Then, from 1994 to 1999 Bohler was secretary of Greenpeace Netherlands, followed by a stint, from 1999 to 2002, as chairman.  In fact, she was forced to resign as chairman of Greenpeace as a result of picking up the defense of Fortuyn.  How amazing is this? Here we have the national Greenpeace head picking up legal defense of a Friends of the Earth-affiliated environmental terrorist. One would think that the environmental movement would prefer to distance themselves as far as possible from one of their activists-turned-political assassin. It is that the national newspapers have been cooperative in not raising any questions, but Bohler has made it rather easy for them to portray the environmental movement as a unified front supporting political assassinations. Of course, as already mentioned, Greenpeace is financed by the exact same superclass foundations as Friends of the Earth: Rockefeller Foundation, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Ford Foundation, Mott, Tides, Turner, Packard, Hewlett, etc. These foundations are always among the top donors.  And in ISGP's Pilgrims Society it has also already been documented in detail how foundations as Rockefeller and Ford operated as an extension of the CIA and a number of U.S. cabinet officials.
The coincidences don't stop here. Amazingly, Britta Bohler was another member of the Republican Society - in her case since 2000, a full year before fellow-member Pim Fortuyn announced his candidacy for the prime ministership. How bizarre is this? Fortuyn assassination disinformers Theo van Gogh and Tomas Ross were also Republican Society members. Frits Barend and Jan Mulder, the first persons conducting a round table interview with key witnesses to the Fortuyn shooting, were members. In December 2005 they organized another somewhat groundbreaking discussion between interior minister Klaas de Vries and Fortuyn friend Yves Gijrath about illegal AIVD spying on Fortuyn. And now the lawyer of assassin Volkert van der Graaf, Britta Bohler, turns out to be another member of a club that consists or consisted of about 200 individuals. It's a really curious state of affairs. Bohler also defended Samir Azzouz, a member of the Hofstad Group, the same terrorist group responsible for the public execution of Bohler's fellow-Republican Society member Theo van Gogh. Why is it that so many world events play out in a little tiny superclass bubble? Bush and Cheney being partners with the exact same top Saudis linked to terrorism, including the 9/11 hijackers, is probably the biggest example of all - and certainly not entirely unrelated.
In the 2007-2011 period Bohler was a senator for the Green Party. While her dedication to environmentalism is very clear, she's appears to be a very important asset of the liberal superclass in every possible way. In 1994, Bohler went to South Africa as an observer and then chairman of the Attorney Foundation (Stichting Juristen) in Johannesburg to monitor the first free elections in the wake of the abolishment of the Apartheid. Needless to say, along with the Dalai Lama, Kofi Annan and Reverend Desmond Tutu, Nelson Mandela has been a favorite Third World leader of the liberal establishment (Princess Mabel of Orange, for example, was involved in Nelson Mandela's The Elders group) - and also was a favorite of Bohler. 
In the 2009-2011 period she served as a member of the advisory board of the sustainable development-focused Interchurch Cooperative (ICCO).  A random front page news message reads "Indian women [soon] can earn money by generating carbon credits," instantly telling us establishment money is behind this NGO. And lo and behold, the "liberal CIA" Ford Foundation and Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation have been among the financiers of ICCO. The group also appears as a financier of the Palestine charity Al-Haq, alongside George Soros' Open Society Foundations. Soros' foundation is not listed as a financier of ICCO, but the National Postcode Loterij / Dutch National Loterij, which provides ICCO with more than 1.3 million euros annually, certainly is.  This is the same National Postcode Loterij that provided crucial financing to the Mileu Front Association of Fortuyn killer Volkert van der Graaf, whose lawyer Bohler was. Other recipients have been Friends of the Earth and Bohler's Greenpeace, similarly financed by foundations as Ford, Gates and Open Society.
During her law career Bohler has had a number of politically very sensitive clients, among them Kurdish PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, an ally of the Baybasin heroin cartel; Samir Azzouz of the terrorist Hofstad Group that killed Theo van Gogh; the anti-Muslim Ayaan Hirsi Ali, who fled the Muslim invasion of the Netherlands to party with the Rothschilds and work alongside leading neocons, retired CIA directors and Russian oligarchs at the American Enterprise Institute and Belfer Center; and Maarten Mourik, whose case almost prevented King Willem Alexander from marrying his present wife, Maxima.
Her handling of these sensitive cases makes sense because of her connection to attorney Pieter Bakker Schut, the person Van der Graaf initially asked for. Certainly in the latter years of their life, Bakker Schut and his wife, Adele van der Plas, have blossomed into master manipulators of the Dutch state. In April 2007, the couple sued Justice Department secretary general Joris Demmink for having manufactured and manipulated evidence to have their client, heroin cartel boss Huseyin Baybasin, thrown in jail. Bakker Schut and wife alleged that Demmink was blackmailed by the Turkish government with evidence against his person that he had raped underaged boys in Turkey.  At this point Demmink had already been accused by media outlets Gay Krant and Panorama, as well as activists as Pamela Hemelrijk and Micha Kat, of homosexual pedophilia. Why not take a more detailed look at the biographies of Bakker Schut and wife:
Pieter Bakker Schut (d. 2007): Went to University of Leiden where he joined the elite Minerva fraternity, where most of the royals also go to. In the 1970s he was the lawyer of the Rote Armee Fraktion (RAF), a communist terrorist group that here and there is suspected to have been a CIA/NATO Gladio operation. Bakker Schut completely supported the ideals of the RAF, including the casualties its terrorism caused. He also supported drug trafficking on the pretense that the government shouldn't make drugs as cocaine and heroin illegal.  Later on he defended Dutch gangsters Mink Kok and Sam Klepper.  Kok is a drug trafficker and illegal arms dealer with major ties to international intelligence services. As for Sam Klepper, coincidentally, in 1991 a large cache of "Stay Behind"/Gladio weapons were found in his home.  Volkert van der Graaf, who murdered the Dutch would-be prime minister in 2002, also immediately asked for Bakker Schut to defend him. Van der Graaf ended up with a close colleague of Bakker Schut instead.
In 2010 lawyer Adele van der Plas set up the Bakker Schut Foundation (Bakker Schut Stichting). She hires Klaas Langendoen to research the Turkish allegations against Demmink. Langendoen, the former chief of the Criminal Intelligence Service, stood at the core of the IRT affair in which Mink Kok was allowed to import 15 tons of Cali Cartel cocaine without obstruction. The IRT affair had all the hallmarks of Iran Contra style drug trafficking, controlled by the CIA, through Robert Nieves of the CIA.
In 2012 Langendoen and the Bakker Schut Foundation produces the 20 minute mini-documentary Dutch Injustice: When Child Traffickers Rule a Nation, in which clearly quite a bit of money has been pumped. It features the alleged victims that Demmink made in Turkey in 1995. Demmink, however, claims to have last been in Turkey in the late 1980s. Judging from the other bogus evidence gathered against Demmink don't be surprised if that is the truth. The anti-Demmink campaign has been quietly backed by the American Robert Rubinstein, who is known to have associated with person as Jack Abramoff, Charles Rockefeller (a son of Sen. Jay Rockefeller) and other elites. 
In the 1999-2001 period Van der Plas was the attorney for the Santo Daime Church in the Netherlands, members of which had been arrested for possessing and transporting ayahuasca ingredients. She won the trial and with that made sure that the church could legally use ayahuasca as part of their rituals. Having personally witnessed one of the Santo Daime's ayahuasca rituals, the group comes across a little cultish with singing and everyone dressed in white robes.
In 2014 Adele van der Plas continued along this way as was one of the speakers at the World Ayahuasca Conference in Ibiza, which was financed, through intermediaries, with funds coming from the Soros and Rockefeller foundations. Jeffrey Bronfman was among the speakers, along with decades-long Soros agent Ethan Nadelmann in the legalization of weed, ayahuasca, ibogaine and mushrooms. 
Arguably Van der Plas does an excellent job with her fight to legalize ayahuasca and other psychedelics, but at the same time it is clear that she is in the business of spreading disinformation. One strongly gets the impression she is an agent of powerful forces tied to the American security services, most likely liberal aspects in the CIA. It may also be important to note that Van der Plas, former prime minister and Pim Fortuyn demonizer Wim Kok, and Princess Mabel Wisse Smit of Orange, with her past ties to Dutch organized crime , have all served as key representatives of George Soros. Van der Plas through drug legalization, an absolute favorite of Soros (and Rockefeller); Wim Kok through Soros' International Crisis Group , and Wisse Smit as a key Soros agent at his Open Society Foundation since 1997.  In addition, even though Soros' Open Society Foundation is mainly focused on progressive/new left politics, it has been working as one unit with the numerous foundations (Ford, Rockefeller, Packard, Hewlett, etc.) that have been financing Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth. The lawyers of Volkert van der Graaf, Pieter Bakker Schut (husband of Van der Plas), Britta Bohler (Greenpeace; Green Party) and her employee, A.A. Stijn Franken, also all belong to the same network. It should be very obvious by now that we are dealing with a rather tight circle of association here.
Right when finishing up this article I remembered that a certain Victor Koppe, another prominent Dutch lawyer, still needed looking into, because he used to be the husband of Britta Bohler back in the 1990s and early 2000s.  Koppe studied law at the University of Utrecht and then, in 1988 and 1989, the University of Virginia School of Law.  The University of Virginia, of course, will make every self-respecting conspiracy theorist go: CIA recruit? Maybe. Maybe not. But in another "shocker", it turns out that Bohler actually first met Koppe at this same U.S. university while she spent six months here as a research student. I say "shocker" because her stint at the University of Virginia seemingly is not mentioned in any newspaper article about her since the 1990s or any online biography except for one October 2007 newspaper article in which Koppe also explains "to have gotten to know Bohler here [while] participating in social activities at the university within a little club of Europeans."  Considering the life-long involvement of this duo in major national security cases, any U.S. connection is always important to know about. And we're not even talking about Bohler's close proximity to apparent security state disinformers Pieter Bakker Schut and Adele van der Plas, or her chairmanship of Greenpeace - co-financed by "liberal CIA" funds.
Koppe's alleged association with the elite Clingendael Institute - the Dutch CFR - would point in a similar security state direction.  However, anno 2016 there's no source anywhere to be found confirming he ever was a scholar at this institute, so we'll have to let this one go.
There's more though. Even after Koppe's divorce from Bohler some time in the early 2000s, the two remained friends and kept working together at the same law firm. Similar to Bohler, Koppe handled many prominent cases, and often the same ones: the terrorist Hofstad Group in the wake of the Theo van Gogh murder, Paul Watson of Greenpeace's Sea Shepherd, the ETA, PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, Sierra Leone, Yugoslavia, etc.  In 2002 he actually aided Bohler with the defense of Fortuyn killer Volkert van der Graaf , another fact I had overlooked due to its obscurity. A year later both went to work for Princess Margarita, a granddaugher of Prince Bernhard and Queen Juliana and a daughter of Carel Hugo van Bourbon-Parma.  Also here the ex-couple was representing a liberal establishment opponent, as Princess Margarita accused her own (Orange) family of working with the AIVD (Dutch intelligence) in spying on and even undermining the business of her husband, Edwin de Roy van Zuydewijn, without the knowledge of the prime minister or minister of justice. At least a core of truth was found in the accusations, in the sense that Prince Bernhard had the ability to request information from the AIVD without the involvement or knowledge of the sitting government.  Since then, the prime minister has been made responsible for the administration of the royal house as well.
Now, for those wondering at this point if the Ocalan case ties Koppe or Bohler to the Baybasin case and subsequent Joris Demmink child abuse affair of Pieter Bakker Schut and Adele van der Plas, that most certainly is the case. In the 1998-1999 period, Bohler and Koppe did not just represent Kurdish PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, doing their absolute best to keep the resistance/terrorist leader out of the hands of the Turkish authorities . Koppe also served as the lawyer of Huseyin Baybasin, the Kurdish heroin cartel kingpin, after he was arrested in the Netherlands in March 1998. As newspapers have described it, "in the relationship between the Netherlands and Turkey Baybasin is just as senstive a subject as Ocalan." 
Small world, isn't it? To summarize: Victor Koppe and thus also his wife Britta Bohler defend Baybasin in the late 1990s. Bohler also heads Greenpeace and, starting in 2000, joins the shady Republican Society. In May 2002 the assassination of Republican Society member and prime minister-to-be Pim Fortuyn transpires. Bohler resigns as chairman from Greenpeace and, together with her husband Victor Koppe, comes to the legal aid of the environmentalist that murdered Fortuyn. In no time fellow-Republican Society members Theo van Gogh and especially Tomas Ross begin to spread disinformation about the Fortuyn assassination, most notably that a second shooter was involved.
Meanwhile Pieter Bakker Schut and his wife Adele van der Plas have taken over the Baybasin case from Victor Koppe and his wife Britta Bohler. While Bakker Schut dies in 2007, his wife continues to play a key role in the largest political disinformation machine the Netherlands has ever seen. This network includes all kinds of individuals: Micha Kat, Jan Poot, Robert Rubinstein, Koen Voskuil, Klaas Langendoen, Martin Vrijland, Steve Brown and quite a number of others. Parallel to these activities, Van der Plas is a favorite of the Soros-Rockefeller-Bronfman clique in the psychedelic legalization process.
Small circle relationships in which the same group of people keeps popping up generally is a red flag pointing to some kind of conspiracy, but the real giveaway here, of course, is the blatant employment of disinformation by these lawyers or them at the very least not being concerned about it. Something is very wrong here and the joint University of Virginia connection of both Koppe and Bohler would definitely be screened by any law enforcement investigation if it ever came that far. Already in the Demmink Affair article, I pointed to the ever-present U.S. connection in domestic Dutch conspiracy affairs. It appears we may have found another one.
Looking at it from another angle, it appears lawyers are part of any conspiracy network at a very high level, undoubtedly because they have access to all the secrets of their clients and any prosecutors's office going after them. Quite a few examples of this have been mentioned on ISGP over the years. Other lawyers in the Netherlands who time and again have shown up in sensitive dossiers include Oscar Hammerstein, the Moskovizs family and Gerard Spong. These individuals are discussed in depth in the Demmink Affair article. Dutroux's lawyer Xavier Magnee is an incredible example. Despite drawing international attention to an alleged network around Dutroux that was being covered up, he steered everyone on a wild goose chase by mentioning the Satanic Abrasax cult and Jumet digs , two deliberate diversions created by a Brussels police commissioner who appeared in the Dutroux X-Dossiers as a participant in a high level child abuse network. And then we're not even talking at Magnee's close friendship with leading ministers and aristocrats that appeared in the same Dutroux X-Dossiers, as well as his past as a lawyer of Zionist-Russian mafia chief Sergei Mikhailov.  In these same X-Dossiers we find other leading lawyers with ties to the darkest aspects of the security state. In other countries it is no different. Remember, for instance, lawyer and senator John DeCamp, who got himself deeply involved in the Oklahoma bombing, the militia movement and child abuse networks. Nevermind that he was the best friend of former CIA director William Colby.
Another correlation we can find between lawyers as John DeCamp and Xavier Magnee on the one hand and Adele van der Plas, Pieter Bakker Schut, Britta Bohler and Victor Koppe on the other is that they appear to be doing an utterly honest job. Without deep knowledge of the dossiers they're working on, it would be impossible to identify them as disinformation assets. In fact, their covers are so good that even after you find out about their questionable reasoning, omissions, and associations it is still virtually impossible to tell what their exact aims are. In both the Fortuyn assassination case and especially the Demmink affair I myself can't even really tell with certainty what exactly is going on. All I can demonstrate is that very suspicious activity is going on.
Even a quick summary of all the facts surrounding Pim Fortuyn's death is enough to make anyone dazzle, but we'll attempt to provide an overall summary of the events. Here we have a country with a liberal ruling political elite throughout the 1980s and 1990s headed by prime ministers Ruud Lubbers (1982-1994) and Wim Kok (1994-2002). These persons are completely loyal to the Rockefeller-Soros clique surrounding NGOs as Bilderberg and the International Crisis Group, the royal house of Orange, and the major foundations that are pumping countless millions each year into well over a hundred major sustainable development groups worldwide. Starting in 1989 the Dutch elite sets up a National Lottery to help fund groups as Greenpeace, the WWF and Friends of the Earth in coordination with the international Rockefeller NGO network. Lubbers in particular becomes a major player in the international NGO and sustainable development movement, hanging out at State of the Forum conferences with David Rockefeller, George Soros, Maurice Strong and other new age and/or environmentalist-minded elites, and also joining the rather similar 1001 Club.
Also throughout the 1990s this political and NGO elite, through the National Lottery and Stichting Doen, manage to put over 150,000 euros into the pockets of a certain Volkert van der Graaf who coordinates his environmental "offensive" with Friends of the Earth. By 1996 he is a suspect in the murder of an environmental worker, but is never prosecuted for this. He is in the possession of a gun, which is extremely rare among Dutch citizens, and wary of talking over the phone, fearing Dutch intelligence might be listening in - which they actually happen to be doing. In other words, Van der Graaf completely symbolizes the ultra-right stigma of a militant environmentalist, or even that of an environmental terrorist.
In 1996 the low-profile Republican Society is founded by individuals tied to big business and even loosely to Bilderberg. It is in this little club that columnists and journalists from all major papers are gathered, as well as virtually all (acceptable) critics of Bilderberg and the Orange royal family. A few socialist radicals and Green Party leaders join the club, but we also find a handful of (neo)conservatives in the form of Pim Fortuyn, Theo van Gogh and Holland's official conspiracy theory author Tomas Ross. It's a bizarre mix and one is tempted to suspect the Republican Society is a controlled opposition group specifically tailored to the needs of the Dutch elite. It combines elements of the extreme right and extreme left all-in-one.
For many years everything in the Netherlands appears to be just A-okay. The liberal political and NGO elite is running the country, sustainable development is always close to the top of the agenda, and cooperation within the European Union is going smoothly. There's only one problem: Dutch citizens, especially those in the major cities who are faced with it, are absolutely distraught that their culture is being completely destroyed by massive immigration from the Third World, mainly from the Caribbeans and Arab countries as Morocco and Turkey. Apart from religious indoctrination and a general lack of cultural sophistication, Arab and even more so black crime numbers are much higher than native white numbers. But the liberal political and NGO elite, as it is doing internationally, has no intention to seriously limit immigration and even refuses to tolerate any criticism on its immigration policies. As Pim Fortuyn already pointed out in early 2002, anyone who brings up the multicultural issue is immediately deemed a racist bigot.
Then, on August 21, 2001, all of sudden Pim Fortuyn rises to the political scene. He is the first to criticize the backward nature of Islam, the crime levels among immigrants, and other multicultural problems that are obvious to the population at large but which leaders of all other political parties try to avoid having any discussions about. Even Fortuyn's own party, Leefbaar Nederland (Livable Netherlands) caves in to the pressure and tries to silence him, but it's too late. Fortuyn begins his own party, the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (List Pim Fortuyn), and the people rally behind him en masse. This clearly demonstrates the extreme pressure cooker countries as the Netherlands have been sitting on with regard to Third World immigration, because the vast majority of the media have demonized Fortuyn from the very start. Some of his other policies, such as doing away with the army and his lack of interest in the environment and the bio-industry's animal welfare, do rub a lot of people the wrong way. Still, his party quickly rises in the polls and a week before the election - or: the evening before his assassination - he even surpasses the mainstream Jan Peter Balkenende, who has taken a little bit of wind out of Fortuyn's sails by taking the middle ground on immigration issues. Of course, Balkenende's criticism with regard to immigration is little more than a political ploy, but a good portion of the public always falls for it.
Then, on May 6, 2002, one week before the prime ministerial elections, Fortuyn is gunned down by a lone assassin. Most people suspect it's someone with an immigrant background, which if true, would most likely lead to enormous pressure to limit immigration. But no, the most convenient possible scenario for the immigration-loving political and NGO elite plays out: it's an environmental "terrorist" whose activities just happen to have been financed by this exact same political and NGO elite, whose phones have already been tapped by Dutch intelligence, who is an already familiar individual to the incoming justice minister, and who will be defended by a group of lawyers tied to this exact same political and NGO elite.
The problem is that to this day no citizen has been clearly informed about this. There has only been talk about ecological "radicals". Very occasionally, and only in ultraright corners, the Green Party and Volkert van der Graaf's lawyers are equated with ecological "terrorists", but this also is not the full truth. The truth is that the Dutch political and NGO elite, the one in power when Pim Fortuyn rose onto the scene, the one who continually demonized him, and the one who refused him bodyguards, is also the one that controlled and still controls the green network Volkert van der Graaf emerged from. At least one rather elite cake thrower a few weeks before Fortuyn's assassination belonged to this same network. Therefore prime minister Wim Kok and his allies in government, the royal house, and even the American government and NGO network, most notably long-time Bilderberg leaders and "above CIA" assets as Henry Kissinger and David Rockefeller, are the ones who should be brought in for questioning. The problem, of course, is that this network has been in control of the investigation and the media from day one. So it's unlikely that any additional investigations will take place in the foreseeable future.
A major question, of course, is if Volkert van der Graaf was an intelligence agent, a security state plant in the environmental movement. Looking at his biography, there really aren't any anomalies that point to this. Van der Graaf has been an overly radical animal activist since his youth and there have been complaints that he never showed the slighest sympathy for any of the farmers he put out of business. In contrast to his Milieu Front Association partner Sjoerd van der Wouw, he was rather notorious in this respect.  This does not automatically mean that Van der Graaf wasn't a deep cover agent. He never talked about harming anyone, about politics, or even Pim Fortuyn, according to those around him , so one has to conclude that he was unusually calculated in not drawing any attention to himself, had some kind of split personality, or had similar security state associates around him that continue to protect him. Even today figuring out his exact motives is rather tough, because, unusually, following his release from prison, the prosecutor's office banned Van der Graaf from talking to the media.  Although the media doesn't need a ban to ignore asking any of the more important questions, this decision clearly was to the benefit of the killer, his unclear motives, and maybe even more for anyone who prefers that the affair is forgotten as quickly as possible. Whatever the exact reason for this ban, it certainly allowed Van der Graaf to have a pretty comfortable life after having changed the political course of the Netherlands just over a decade before.
As for the security state question, ISGP has demonstrated with its articles about the Coast to Coast AM radio show, the Alex Shows Show, Pentagon no-planers and a number of others, that politically sensitive areas of our society have been loaded top to bottom with individuals that on the surface walk and talk like independent persons, but once you start looking at the specifics of their claims, would have to be labeled as government agents of some sort. The fact remains that to outsiders there's no telling if Volkert van der Graaf belongs in this category. Baroness Marcia Falkender, the secretary to prime minister Harold Wilson, at one point explained it best:
|"MI5 were making a mockery out of us. Those people ought to be exposed for what they really are... but you can't identify them. We could be sitting in a room and you might be MI5 and I wouldn't know. Or I might have have been all these years and you wouldn't know." |
Of course, even if we ever determine that Volkert van der Graaf was an agent, wittingly or unwittingly, of liberal CIA, that does not mean that the Fortuyn case is automatically closed. In this article plenty of evidence has been presented that indicates Fortuyn and close allies as Theo van Gogh, Oscar Hammerstein, Gerard Spong and Tomas Ross, like Volkert van der Graaf and Friends of the Earth, are part of a parallel security state-controlled network of (neo)conservatives and related right-wingers, which we could well term "conservative CIA". At a higher level, this (neo)conservative network actually got its way with the 2004 murder of Theo van Gogh by an Islamic radical. If Van Gogh's death was purposely not prevented the reason might be to muster support for continuing intervention in the Middle East. However, let's face it, it's much harder to come up with a clear motive here than with the death of Fortuyn. So for the time being, let's keep our eyes primarily on the anomalies in the Fortuyn assassination related to disinformation and the liberal superclass, as well as the peculiar set of royal house and Bilderberg opposition elements organized in the Republican Society. That's enough mystery for now.
For those interested in more Dutch conspiracy affairs, read on in ISGP's Dutch Joris Demmink Affair Reveals Heroin, Cocaine and Pedophile Entrapment Affairs; Orange Royal Family Similarly Linked to Child Abuse and Mafia Networks.
Banking and CEO founders
|Pieter Korteweg||Among the few defenders of the economic ideas of Milton Friedman while Economics professor Erasmus University in Rotterdam 1971-1982. Treasurer Ministry of Finance 1981-1986. Chair Robeco 1986-2001, which in 1996 was taken over by RABO Bank. Honorary treasurer and Bilderberg steering committee in the 1990s. Supervisory board Nationale Investerings Bank / National Investment Bank. Vice chair Cerberus Global Investment Advisors and director Cerberus Netherlands. Advisor Anthos, the private bank of the wealthy, secretive and 1001 Club, Opus Dei, Knights of Malta and Jesuit-affiliated Brenninkmeijer family. Chairman Centraal Bureau voor Statistiek (CBS) / Central Bureau of Statistics. Vice chair supervisory board De Nederlandsche Bank.|
|Sjeng Kremers||Professor in psychology at the Catholic University of Nijmegen 1960-1977, director 1969-1972. Professor at UCLA Berkeley 1960-1961. Commissioner of the Queen / Governor of Limburg province 1977-1990. Involved in the KVP and CDA parties. Chair Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) 1972-1977. Advisor to the government of the Fiji Islands 1989-. Vice chair Robeco 1990-1997 (taken over in 1996-1997 by RABO Bank), advisory board -. Chair advisory board AXA Nederland NV. Advisory board oil firm FINA and other companies. Advisory board Schiphol Airport. Advisory board Transnational University of Limburg 1999-2006.|
|Roelof J. Nelissen||MP 1963-1970. Minister of economic affairs 1970-1973, deputy prime minister 1971-1973. Senator 1971, 1972-1973. Advisory board AMRO Bank 1973-1974, director 1974-1979, vice chair 1979-1983, chair 1983-1990, advisory board ABN-AMRO Holding 1992-. Advisory board Pierson, Heldring and Pierson 1979-1991. Director Banque Europeene de Credit SA and Generale Bank NV. Bilderberg 1979. Chair Dutch Bankers Society 1987-. Member Bankraad / Bank Commission 1987-1992. Advisory board Royal Ahold. Chair advisory board H. Drijfhout & Zoon's Edelmetaalbedrijven BV. Advisory board European American Banking Company. Advisory board Nationale Investerings Bank. Director Douwe Egberts Sara Lee Foundation 1992-1993, chair 1993-. Chair advisory board Royal Ten Cate. Advisory board Royal Boskalis Westminster 1992-. Chair advisory board Schiphol Area Development Company October 1993-.|
|Han Kleiterp||Head of the bank Pierson, Heldring and Pierson, which he merged into Mees Pierson in 1992. President advisory board Amsterdam Exchange and integrated it in the European Euronext.|
|Lense Koopmans||Professor Erasmus University in Rotterdam since 1985 and the University of Groningen since 1993. Chairman advisory board RABO Bank 2007-2013.|
|Henny de Ruiter||Managing director Royal Dutch Shell 1983-1994, advisory board 1994-2004. President advisory board Royal Ahold. On many other advisory boards.|
|Ben Knapen||History professor Catholic University of Nijmegen. Foreign editor at NRC Handelsblad, stationed in Germany and the U.S., from about 1980 to 1990. Bilderberg 1991. Left the NRC in 1996. Director Philips 1996-1998. Co-founder Republican Society in 1996, but distanced himself from the group within a week due to pressure from Philips. PCM Uitgevers / PCM Publishers 1999-2006. Roaming correspondent NRC Handelsblad in South East Asia 2006-2008 and maintained a blog for NRC until 2010. Member Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) and professor Media and Quality at Radbout University 2008-. Secretary of state for European and development cooperation 2010-2012.|
|Martin van Amerongen||Journalist Het Vrije Volk early 1960s. Editor Vrij Nederland 1965-1984. Editor in chief De Groene Amsterdammer 1985-1997, 1999-2002 (when he died). Columnist NRC Handelsblad.|
|Ad Dunning||Cardiologist at the University of Amsterdam and head of the cardiologist unit AMC. Columnist Elsevier and NRC Handelsblad. Helped to popularized medical-scientific work. Chairman of the PvdA (Labor Party) commission that put together the candidates list for the 1998 elections.|
|Albert Schuitemaker||Advisory board Elsevier magazine / Reed Elsevier 1979-1997. Director and advisory board SHV Holdings of the 1001 Club family Fentener van Vlissingen. Advisory board Center Parcs.|
|Loek van Vollenhoven||Director Elsevier magazine 1982-1995, chair advisory board Reed Elsevier 1995-1999. Left the magazine with Pierre Vinken. Advisory board Heineken Breweries.|
|Pierre Vinken||Neurosurgeon. Director Elsevier Science Publishers since 1971. Chair Elsevier since 1979 and was able to maximize profits, in part by focusing on science magazine. Chairman Reed Elsevier publishing firm 1993-1995, chair supervisory board 1995-1999.|
|Guus Zoutendijk||Leiden University-educated mathematician. Worked for Shell in the early 1960s. D66 member late 1960s. VVD Senator 1971-1987. Director Delta Lloyd 1975-1983, chair 1983-1992. Member Rotary and deeply involved in charity. Awarded OBE, Order of Oranje-Nassau, Order of the Dutch Lion|
|Hans van den Bergh||Chair Republican Society. Columnist for NRC Handelsblad, Het Parool, Vrij Nederland and Algemeen Dagblad. Nephew of former minister of defense and NRC Handelsblad advisory board member Sidney van den Bergh, who also was a member of Prince Bernhard's 1001 Club.
|Lily van den Bergh||Cousin of Hans and Sidney van den Bergh. Freelancer for Vrij Nederland and De Groene Amsterdammer. Also active for VPRO and VARA.|
|Garmt Stuiveling||Chair Republican Society.|
|Youp van 't Hek||Famous Dutch comedian.|
|Hans Teeuwen||Famous Dutch comedian.|
|Jort Kelder||Famous journalist and 13 year chief editor of Quote, the Dutch version of Forbes.|
|Roel Janssen||NRC editor, author and national security expert|
|Eberhard van der Laan||Labor party leader. Director NPO and De Groene Amsterdammer.|
|Anthony Mertens||De Groene Amsterdammer|
|Adriaan Morriën||Nederlandse Leeuw.|
|Nelleke Noordervliet||Columnist Volkskrant, Trouw and Historisch Nieuwsblad.|
|Tom Rooduijn||Editor NRC.|
|Hendrik Jan Schoo||MA in education and child development, Erikson Institute, part of the Jesuit Loyola University, Chicago. Chief editor magazine Psychologie. Chief editor Elsevier 1990s. Child with Xandra Schutte. Chief editor of De Groene Amsterdammer.|
|André Spoor||Chief editor NRC 1970-1983 and of Elsevier 1986-1988. Bypass operation in 1987. NRC correspondent in Austria 1987-1996 on the advice of Ben Knapen.|
|Kees Tamboer||Columnist Het Parool.|
|Bart Tromp||Columnst Het Parool and Elsevier.|
|Jan van Walsem||Minor D66 politician.|
|Wout Woltz||Editor Algemeen Handelsblad in the 1970s. Editor NRC 1983-1990.|
|Nanda van der Zee||Historian. Married to anaesthetist Bob Smalhout, a friend of Pim Fortuyn.|
|Sytze van der Zee||Foreign correspondent NRC. Deputy chief editor Elsevier. Chief editor Het Parool 1988-1996. Brother Henri was a lifelong foreign correspondent of De Telegraaf and president van de Foreign Press Association.|
|Piet Akkermans||Dean Erasmus University 1993-2001.|
|Lize Alink||Publisher Wolters Kluwer 1993-1996. Publisher of Vrij Nederland, Psychologie, and other magazines 1996-2000. Chief editor Kluwer Nederland 2000-2007|
|Joep Bertrams||Cartoonist working for Het Parool and NOVA.|
|Martin Bril||Freelancer for Het Parool, Vrij Nederland, NRC Handelsblad, VPRO (radio) en De Morgen.|
|Remco Campert||Columnist Volkskrant 1996-2006.|
|Ton Crijnen||Deputy chief editor HP/De Tijd magazine. Editor for religion and philosophy Trouw 1991-2006. Author 1976 book De Baader Meinhofgroep and the 1999 book Nieuwe Moslims.|
|Maarten Doorman||Editor Hollands Maandblad and KRISIS. Writer NRC and Volkskrant.|
|Thomas von der Dunk||Labor Party member. Columnist HP/De Tijd and Volkskrant.|
|Friso Endt||Editor Het Parool 1945-1972. Met JFK at the White House. Two meters from Oswald when he was shot by Jack Ruby. Freelancer Newsweek, Time/Life, Daily Mirror and NRC after that.|
|Emile Fallaux||New York-based program creator for VARA and VPRO TV network 1982-1990. Editor in chief Vrij Nederland 2005-2008.|
|Paul Frentrop||Journalist Financieel Dagblad and NRC. Secretary Pierson, Heldring & Pierson. Wrote a bio of Reed Elsevier chairman and Republican Society founder Pierre Vinken.|
|Jaap van Heerden||Professor of psychology and close associate of Theo van Gogh.|
|Theodor Holman||Journalist Propria Cures, de Volkskrant en Nieuwe Revu. Anno 2005 a daily columnist for Het Parool and De Groene Amsterdammer.|
|Antoon van Hooff||Director Burgers' Zoo, Arnhem, followed up by his son.|
Mat Herben creeping into Fortuyn's party and ending up as his "successor" has always been a very controversial chapter in the Pim Fortuyn saga. Herben is widely considered to have been either a spook to spy on Fortuyn or to have been a DOD-connected lobbyist sent to make sure Fortuyn would not scrap the F-35 / Joint Strike Fighter project, as he publicly announced he would do.
Maybe this affair played a minor role in Fortuyn's death - after all, a number of Lockheed and Northrop lobbyists have died under mysterious circumstances - but none of this has been discussed in this article. The Herben affair, however, has been discussed in ISGP's article on Unacknowledged Special Access Programs.
In this article we discussed anomalies with regard to Pim Fortuyn and his Republican Society. The conclusion is reached that they were the furthest thing from independent, with strong evidence of a controlled opposition network. But how about the more modern "populist" Euroskeptic and anti-immigration politician Geert Wilders, who effectively has been serving as Fortuyn's less rational successor?
The fact is, Wilders is also a very peculiar individual. A protege of four-time Bilderberg visitor Frits Bolkestein, he could become prime minister in any election at any time, but due to the occasional overly confrontational remark regarding Muslims he always manages to push away just enough people to prevent his election.
During the latest March 2017 elections, Wilders did it again. He caused a HUGE drop in ratings - he was alone on top for much of the preceding year - in the weeks before his election by not showing up at ANY debate, coming up with the excuse that he doesn't want to talk to the "fake news" media. He obviously copied this rhetoric from Trump, although at least Trump showed up during political debates.
As discussed in ISGP's "conservative CIA" oversight, Wilders' party has been financed by U.S. neocon-Zionist foundations. It seems quite obvious that he is a neocon intelligence recruit of some sort, as has happened a lot with communist and Euroskeptic parties. Examples of the latter are the UK Independence Party (UKIP) of Sir James Goldsmith and a bunch of Cercle-affiliated persons; and the U.S. Tea Party, backed by Richard Mellon Scaife.
ISGP has asked similar question about Obama-fake-birth-certificate promoter Donald Trump and his Pizzagate-promoting national security advisor General Michael Flynn. They have all the same neocon national security state and even alt-right conspiracy disinformation ties. The Le Pen family has a similar political history.
In 2017 the Dutch right-wing / "populist" party Forum voor Democratie / Forum for Democracy started to rise to prominence. In March 2017 it was able to get 2 seats in parliament versus 20 (the number 2 spot) of the rival PVV. As usual, the anti-EU (even Euro) stance comes together with the anti-Third World immigration one and even a CO2-doesn't-cause-global-warming one! This last stance is unheard of in traditional European politics. It also makes no sense, because the extremely rapid rise of CO2, methane and nitrous oxide in our atmosphere since the industrial revolution is quite an easy fact to establish. In any case, as ISGP talked about before, there's almost nothing in between globalist and ultraright political stances.
The Forum for Democracy was founded in 2014 by Thierry Baudet, a person with a rather expensive-sounding, French name. Educated at the University of Amsterdam, University Leiden and Tilburg University, in 2011-2012 Baudet was a columnist at the NRC Handelsblad, one of Holland's larger newspapers and one with rather close historical ties to the Republican Society. He was an early contributor to the November 2014-founded right-wing magazine Jalta.nl with previous backers of Geert Wilders, including former Bilderberg regular Frits Bolkestein, a mentor to Wilders. This network essentially operates as a neocon/alt-right fifth column in the Netherlands. In 2015 Baudet founded Forum for Democracy as a think tank. In 2016 it became a political party.
- August 7, 2016 Thierry Baudet tweet: "When the CIA financed European Intellectuals http://www.voltairenet.org/a136478 [Voltaire Network]" (Interesting, but Voltaire Network founder Thierry Meyssan is a conspiracy disinformer who initiated Pentagon no-plane theories.)
- May 20, 2017 Thierry Baudet tweet: "Over het Westen, de Sjah, de Islamitische revolutie en #oikofobie." (Guardian article how Jimmy Carter allowed Ayatollah Khomeini to return to Iran and take over from the CIA-backed, pro-West Shah).
- June 19, 2017 Thierry Baudet tweet: "The Truth about CO2. Global Warming activists tell you that CO2 is bad..."
- Baudet wrote a few perfect lines in a novel to trigger leftist feminists: September 2014, Thierry Baudet, 'Voorwaardelijke Liefde', p, 135: "Even los van al het tegengestribbeld en uiterlijk verzet: vrouwen reageren ontzettend op zulke nietsontziende mannelijkheid. In veel gevallen komen ze ook gewoon klaar, door neuken alleen, zonder dat gefriemel aan de cito of dat eindeloze strelen en zoenen – het vernederende handwerk waaraan je wordt onderworpen als je in een relatie zit. In de wereld van emancipatie en mensenrechten is het vaginaal orgasme een uitzondering – in de criminaliteit is het een vanzelfsprekendheid." There are other nuggets like this in his book.
A quick check of the board of advisors of the Forum for Democracy reveals the following names and peculiarities:
- Paul Cliteur: A radical atheism pusher who has been a long-time member of the Republican Society, already described in detail here as an apparent controlled opposition outlet specifically catered to the Netherlands.
- Robert de Haze Winkelman: Three decades long VVD member. Resigned in 2011 over VVD support for Muslim ritual butchering without anaesthetics. Warned for a white genocide in 2017. Fired by Baudet in early February 2018 after accusations he was trying to take over the party, with Winkelman complaining the party is run like a dictatorship.
- Theo Hiddema: Lawyer. Internship at the notorious Moszkowicz law firm, described extensively on ISGP as a potential/likely decades-old conduit of security service operations. In 2014 Stan de Jong wrote Hiddema's authorized biography. De Jong is very familiar to ISGP. He used to work for the elite pro-Third World immigration HP/De Tijd magazine, but has primarily operated in Holland's conspiracy underbelly, writing about the highly manipulated Demmink child abuse affair and also the Dutroux X-Dossiers, largely in support of Holland's most prominent conspiracy disinformer, Micha Kat, who De Jong has had a long-standing, cordial relationship with. Micha Kat has been described here, because he had close ties to the Republican Society through his conspiracy business partner Pamela Hemelrijk. In 2007-2008 his articles were linked to by ZapLog.nl, a key Dutch conspiracy disinformation site.
- Edmond Fokker van Crayestein: Harvard-educated counter-terrorism expert who until recently served as head of the Bureau Externe Relaties (BER) of the Dutch Military Intelligence and Security Service (MIVD). His MIVD tie is not specified on the Forum for Democracy website. In 2017 he complained that he is being censored by Dutch government TV. In 2004 he was inducted into the Military Order of Saint Lazarus of Jerusalem, one of the orders historically affiliated with the pro-Opus Dei Bourbon and Savoy families, as well as Le Cercle.
- Hugo Berkhout: Trader at Delta Lloyd Bank 2005-2013. Treasurer of the Financial Markets Association since November 2011. Trader at "Amsterdam Trade Bank NV, member of Alfa Bank Group" since February 2013 and director of and liquidity since February 2017. The Jewish-Russian Alfa Bank/Group has been discussed previously by ISGP as being tied to the Mossad, the CFR's Global Advisory Panel and the Solntsevskaya mafia. As Stratfor internally reported in 2007: "Specifically, Alfa Group is now involved in transporting drugs from Southeast Asia through Russia into Europe, laundering money of Colombian drug cartels, ... bribing organs of justice in Russia [and] is believed to be at least partially responsible for many of the assassinations that plague Russian society." Intriguingly, the pro-Geert Wilders site GeenStijl.nl already complained about the Forum for Democracy being sponsored by the Russian mafia - which is only partially correct.
- Arnout Maat: Politicologist educated at the University of Amsterdam who used to be press officer of the Young Democrats (D66). Contributor to the anti-immigration ThePostOnline.nl since February 2014. ThePostOnline has already been discussed by ISGP, because Bert Brussen, its editor-in-chief, has been threatened by Holland's most notorious crop circle and paranormal scammer Robbert van den Broeke. Problem is, just about everyone Van den Broeke threatened, appears to be a controlled opposition asset. Brussen used to be a contributor to the PVV-supporting GeenStijl.
So, once again, we find plenty of anomalies in political parties that descend from the so-called establishment perspective. As with Pim Fortuyn and Geert Wilders, we find a neocon-Mossad trend, the modern incarnation of the conservative establishment that has always opposed the liberal Eastern Establishment. It strongly indicates that the anti-immigrant populist parties aren't independent at all.
Gert Reedijk, who was kicked out of the Forum for Democracy with a number of others over disagreements on internal democracy within the party, is an interesting case as well. In a period that extremist liberal elite-allied "anti-fascist" (antifa) groups are vandalizing Dutch East India Company (VOC)-related statutes and protesting anything related to it, Reedijk has included on his Twitter (twitter.com/gert_reedijk) description, "Loves VOC Spirit...", completely with a large page-wide VOC picture. Talk about playing the antagonist....
Interestingly, about a week after writing the above brief summary, June 2016 claims of Yernaz Ramautarsing (grew up in Surinam; because he only made 100 euros per month here and by reading books of George Orwell, Ayn Rand en Salman Rushdie he changed his views from Marxism to (alt-)right; studied political science at the University of Amsterdam 2010-2014; candidate for the Libertarian Party in 2012; contributor to Elsevier, de Dagelijkse Standaard and The Post Online; director at Forum for Democracy Youth Division) were brought up to Baudet that black people are less genetically intelligent than white people. Baudet stood by the claims of Ramautarsing, leading to vehement and irrational attacks by political opponents as Bilderberg participants Alexander Pechtold and prime minister Mark Rutte, as well as the entire media (except a small right-wing clique). "Debates" and newspapers were filled with accusations of "racism" and claims that "there's not enough scientific evidence" for genetic IQ differences. Earlier ISGP already produced the best oversight of genetic IQ evidence. Baudet is doing a disservice with his claims, because they're not detailed enough - and really because he is not pointing to this website where all relevant data is properly organized and discussed. It will make the subject much harder to discuss, because now the masses think they are qualified to have an opinion on the subject ("I saw this on television; it isn't true") - and the subject is associated with yet another extremist.
Another few weeks later Ramautarsing made the claim that gay rights make society dumber, because they have relatively high IQs and now are not staying "in the closet" anymore and procreating. Ramautarsing made this claim during a "private" WhatsApp chat that leaked out. First he denied taking the claim too serious. Later he resigned as a candidate for the Amsterdam city council. The thing is, this claim about gays earlier was discussed in detail by then-Breitbart senior editor Milo Yiannopoulos (a raging gay used by conservatives to combat extremist feminism). In many ways Dutch conservatives just copy information coming from the United States.
Similar to the U.S. alt-right and "new left" / "liberal CIA" networks, or conspiracy networks, the more one looks into the rise of Dutch "populism", the more incestuous and small-circle the relationships become: a few often university-educated individuals flock around a handful of alt-right publications, and from here new political parties are set up. In case of the Netherlands a lot of these alt-right alternative media outlets have been set up from De Telegraaf, a newspaper today controlled by the Leysen family of Bilderberg and the European Round Table. Similarly, regular Bilderberg visitor, RIIA member and Yukos advisor Frits Bolkestein, has been at the center of the creation of this alt-right network, including key "populists" Geert Wilders and Thierry Baudet. Ties to Israel are also quite strong in this network.
- De Telegraaf newspaper: Founded in 1893. Owned by the Telegraaf Media Groep, which also owns GeenStijl-spin-off Dumpert.nl, a super-popular Dutch and youth/entertainment/satirical version of YouTube that also posts political videos (the group also owns Sky Radio, Radio Veronica, Radio 538, Radio 10 and NRC Media in the Netherlands and De Standaard, Het Nieuwsblad and the Gazet van Antwerpen in Belgium; anno 2018 chairman of Mediahuis (and the King Baudouin Foundation) is Bilderberg participant Thomas Leysen, son of Bilderberg participant and European Round Table member Andre Leysen). De Telegraaf is considered a right-wing, "populist" newspaper, but still attacked Pim Fortuyn in 2001-2002 like every other news outlet in the Netherlands. In 2003 the newspaper stood at the basis of alt-right shockblog GeenStijl.nl, which in 2008-2010 founded the equally satirical "alt-right" news site and TV station PowNed.nl.
- GeenStijl.nl: Founded in April 2003 by De Telegraaf newspaper political reporter Dominique Weesie and his colleague Romke Spierdijk, who since then has been involved in tons of mainstream media outlets. While it does occasionally mention something as Bilderberg, it doesn't take a particularly useful approach: "It's like an Oscar ceremony, but then for the elite of the elite... At Bilderberg Conferences it is decided what type of drugs are put into chemtrails to drug those shit-civilians."
On April 3, 2018 GeenStijl editor Bart Nijman was among the establishmentarians ridiculing 9/11 "Truth" disinformer George van Houts on Dutch evening news at Pauw (along with a chair of the Dutch police union and a Telegraaf crime reporter). It was a clear case of controlled opposition - on all sides.
- PowNed: Satirical alt-right news site founded by Dominique Weesie of GeenStijl.nl in December 2008. Due to the level of support it received a public broadcasting license in 2010. Public (tv) face in 2010-2015 was Jan Roos, who soon after went to work for GeenStijl.nl and also headed the political party VoorNederland, a failed spin-off of the alter-right/neocon PVV, in succession to the super-controversial lawyer Bram Moszkowicz (a family suspected by ISGP of intelligence ties for a long time). In an update to that, Moszkowicz's old girlfriend, prominent TV host, Eva Jinek, is a considerable "liberal CIA" asset with feminism and multiculturalism when we look at her Facebook:
- May 15, 2018 Facebook post/link of Eva Jinek (facebook.com/evajinekofficial/): "Kamala Khan to the rescue! Marvel brings out a superhero movie in which this Moslima cartoon figure plays the lead role. The internet breaks down! Because finally young Muslims get the superhero they so long had to wait for."
- May 12, 2018 Facebook post/link of Eva Jinek (facebook.com/evajinekofficial/): "Why we want to see more round [i.e. fat] women run on Instagram."
- May 6, 2018 Facebook post/link of Eva Jinek (facebook.com/evajinekofficial/): "Ode to women on the work floor of above 40 (we can't do without you)."
- May 4, 2018 Facebook post/link of Eva Jinek (facebook.com/evajinekofficial/): "Enjoy for a moment these wonderful collection of Trump-covers! From Trump riding an atomic cloud to Trump bomb-diving-into-a-pool..."
- WNL: TV program founded in February 2009 by Sjuul Paradijs, then-editor-in-chief of De Telegraaf newspaper. Chairman became Frank Volmer, a director of De Telegraaf Media Groep.
- The Post Online: Founded in October 2009 by Bert Brussen, immediately in response to the founding of the lefists/globalist government-funded Joop.nl, a favorite target of this "alt-right" network. One of the editors is Bas Paternotte, who previously wrote for GeenStijl and was a political commentator for PowNed and wrote for mainstream outlets HP/De Tijd magazine and Metro newspaper.
- De Dagelijkse Standaard: Founded in 2009 by Joshua Livestro: born in 1970. Studied political sciences Leiden University, graduating in Nietsche and aristocratic ethos under Andreas Kinneging, a ghostwriter of VVD head Frits Bolkestein (long Shell career; RIIA; headed the VVD in the early 1990s and in that capacity mentored a young Geert Wilders, as well as Hans van Baalen; Bilderberg 1996, 2002-2004; invited in 2005 to the international advisory council of Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Leonid Nevzlin's Menatep Group, the owner of Yukos; Khodorkovsky, a Russian Zionist mafia oligarch, was a partner of Jacob Rothschild and Henry Kissinger; he joined Soros' International Crisis Group with Zbigniew Brzezinski in 2002; Count Otto Lambsdorff was a member of Menatep's advisory board) and a close ally of Paul Cliteur (Republican Society and Forum for Democracy). MA in political philosophy University of Cambridge and worked at the HQ of the British Conservative Party after graduation. Converted to Anglican Christianity. Aide to European Commissioner Frits Bolkestein in Brussel 1999-2002. Co-founder of the conservative Edmund Burke Stichting with his former professor and fellow-Bolkestein ally Andreas Kinneging and Bart Jan Spruyt (Christian; political editor Reformatorisch Dagblad; Elsevier; HP/De Tijd; looking to create a Republican Party of the Netherlands). The foundation wants to create an "aristocratic elite" within our Democracy and financed by the Christian Baan brothers, Microsoft and Pfizer. In September 2004 Geert Wilders stepped out of the VVD and created his neocon/alt-right/"populist" with members of the Edmund Burke Foundation. Livestro founded Jalta.nl in September 2014 with Annabel Nanninga.
- Jalta.nl: Right-wing online magazine founded in 2014 by Joshua Livestro (editor-in-chief anno 2018) and Annabel Nanninga (columnist and journalist GeenStijl, WNL, PowNed, Veronica Magazine, NPO Radio 1, followed by ThePostOnline; candidate Forum for Democracy). Disagreements led to contributors Bilderberger Frits Bolkestein, soon-to-be Forum for Democracy founder Thierry Baudet, Annabel Nanninga and others leaving in the first year. Bart Jan Spruyt of the Livestro-Bolkestein (and Wilders) clique also contributed to Jalta. Another contributor has been Grimbert Rost van Tonningen, a son of top Nazi collaborators who grew up in the home of a secretary to Queen Juliana and with the family of the wealthy Jan Fentener van Vlissingen, a member of Prince Bernhard's elite 1001 Club and a distant relative of Tonningen. Jalta editor and columnist Esther Voet used to be editor-in-chief at the Nieuw Israelietisch Weekblad.
- Elsevier magazine: Right-wing political magazine founded in 1945 with decades-long directors, presidents and chairs members of Prince Bernhard's elite 1001 Club.
- Vrijspreker.nl: Website founded in 2003 by the Libertarisch Centrum Nederland, founded in 1974 and the inspiration for the Libertarian Party of the Netherlands, which has zero seats in Parliament or the Senate. Since 2016 the Libertarian Party is headed by Robert Valentine, a half-black American Dutchman inspired by Ron Paul who used to go to school with King Alexander in Baarn. Bizarrely. from Feb. 2013 to Dec. 2014 a director New Urban Collective, the pro-Third World immigration propaganda group of Mitchell Esajas, the liberal elite-backed, University of Amsterdam-employed head of the Stop Blackface / Kick Out Zwarte Piet campaign.
In May 2019 the "Nitrogen Crisis" ("Stikstof Crisis") emerged in the Netherlands when an action group called Mobilisation for the Environment (MOB), founded and headed by Johan Vollenbroek, was able to undo the government-implemented Nitrogen Policy Program ("Programma Aanpak Stikstof"), thinking it was nowhere near effective enough and too lenient towards multinationals and farmers. Who was (and is) the chief laywer of Mobilisation for the Environment? That would be Valentijn Wösten , the same Valentijn Wösten who was the chief lawyer for Volkert van der Graaf and Sjoerd van der Wouw in thier Milieu Front Association ("Vereniging Milieu Offensief") in the 1990s and early 2000s, before Van der Graaf assassinated Pim Fortuyn.  In other words, it turns out that the Milieu Front Association - funded with €150,000 by the Postcode Loterij - had a third employee, and that was Wösten.
The lawsuit of Mobilisation for the Environment had extremely far-reaching results for Dutch citizens. First the neoliberal-inclined Dutch government halted the building of 18,000 homes, paralyzing the construction industry (never mentioned: netto all newly-built homes go to Third World immigrants, continually skyrocketing house prices). When it tried to put restrictions on farmers so the construction industry could conitue, farmers organized large-scale protests, partly shutting down the country.
As an alternative, the government decided to target the population as whole by lowering the nation-wide maximum speed from 130 km/u (81 mph) to 100 km/u (63 mph), at least from 6 am to 7 pm. To get into some detail with that: this was a top speed initially implemented in 1974, 46 years ago when 10-30 hp cars with a top speed of barely 100km/h / 62mph (like the super-popular Citroen 2CV) were to be found everywhere. The fastest commercial cars at the time went roughly 150km/h / 95mph. Since that time cars have become much more powerful (120hp is roughly the average), more comfortable, more aerodynamic, with much better safety, tires, braking and handling. Even the most ridiculously unaerodynamic vans and second-hand 1-liter commercial cars today on the road can hit 135km/u / 85mph. Modern 1-liter cars of the 2010s generally can reach 160km/u / 100mph on their speedometers. Three- and four-lane highways have also become much more common.
Fitting adjustments to these developments have been made over time. In 1988 the speed limit went to 120km/u / 75mph. In 2011, by the same VVD party and prime minister that reduced it to 100 in 2020, went to 130km/u, with areas where 130km/u could be driven being significantly increased as late as November 2015. In effect this means a driver can have close to 137km/u / 86mph on the speedometer without risking a fine. In practice, there were various stretches of highway where consistently 140km/u / 88mph was driven by most drivers. Sometimes even 150km/u / 94mph. And that is in a very small, extremely densely-populated country. Just over the border, in Germany, you have two- to four-lane Autobahns with no speed limits whatsoever. In tiny, extremely mountainous Austria a top speed of 140km/u has made the population very happy, apparently without doing any additional harm to the environment than lower top speeds. In December 2011 a poll by Autoblog.nl revealed that 55% of 6,052 voters preferred a top speed of 160km/u / 100mph, a speed that can be observed on a daily basis in many parts of the Netherlands.
Needless to say, various polls have shown that the "back-to-100" move has been a deeply unpopular one. Let's look at these polls, because they are a very interesting case study:
- VAB poll in Belgium among 3000 participants: 88.5% opposition to a speed limit reduction as about to be implemented in the Netherlands, and 91% opposition to a top speed of 100km/u around the clock. Still 83.5% opposition if it turns out the Dutch measure has "great positive effect on air quality", and mainly among youngsters, many of whom don't even have a car. 
- A November 2019 1Limburg newspaper Facebook poll with 28,000 voters: 82% opposition versus 18% support.
- A November 2019 Emmeloord City Facebook poll with 2,700 voters: 80% opposition versus 20% support.
- A November 2019 Brabant Dagblad poll "Are you going to stick to the 100km/u?" with 28366 votes: 67% opposition, defyingly claiming they will just use Flitsmeister to circumvent mobile speed traps.
- A November 2019 Algemeen Dagblad poll "Are you going to keep yourself to 100km/u?" with 12665 votes: 61% outright opposition, with 31% voting "Yes, we are going to have to" (it misses the choice: "Yes, because I support it.")
- A March 2020 poll of EenVandaag among 33,000 members of a polling app (9% without driver's license): 61% opposition among daily drivers versus only 43% for people who don't or hardly drive (mainly youngers and old people), although, overall, 61% still opposed reducing the 130km/u 81mph limit in the evening and at night.
- November 19, 2019 Provinciale Zeeuwse Courant (PZC) poll among 3,639 voters: 59% opposition, although a second poll really shows 81% opposition, because this group only wants speed limits during rush hour.
- BNR Radio poll with 798 votes: 57% opposition.
- November 19, 2019 Eindhovens Dagblad (ED) poll among 10,905 voters: 52% opposition, although a second poll really shows 78% opposition, because this group only wants speed limits during rush hour.
- March 6, 2020, Stempunt.nu, "It is good that the maximum speed on the highway is reduced to 100 km/hour", 7,944 respondents as on March 20, 2020 (remains open): 50% opposition (comment section dominated by old people).
- December 25, 2019 forum.fok.nl poll, "Are you going to stick to the limit of 100km/h on the highway?": Only 21% won't... As it turns out, someone hacked the poll on this youth forum.
One thing that should be kept in mind is that many opinion polls are rigged by the establishment. These have been discussed in great detail in the ISGP article '60 to 95% of White People Oppose Third World Immigration; Elites the Exception, Not the Rule; Sneak Tactics in Polls Exposed'. There also was a poll on youth forum forum.fok.nl that was hacked, providing hundreds of votes in favor of sticking to the new speed limit. That's interesting, because ISGP has discussed for years how this forum has been fully infiltrated by conspiracy disinformers and organized conspiracy skeptics, as well pro-Third World immigration propagandists. No polls were held at Motor-Forum.nl or by Nu.nl, but also here one can see evidence of infiltration by antifa and "liberal CIA"-type activists to neutralize any attempts to organize any meaningful real-world protests.
Needless to say, the "back-to-100" move, similar to the elite's Third World immigration policy, was accepted by the population without any street- or even serious online protests breaking out. A poll showed that 84% of people would like measures against trucks on the highway, either lowering their top speed a bit or absolutely forbidding them from overtaking traffic, a huge nuisance on the highways. Nothing of that was discussed or implemented. Why? Maybe because multinationals pressure while truckers and farmers protest. The people? Not so much. Not unless secretly organized and funded by major interests. Such as the environmental movement has been.
The main thing here though is that this hugely unpopular and really irrational measure of back-to-100 is the result of legal steps taken by an old friend and ally of Fortuyn killer Volkert van der Graaf: Valentijn Wösten of Mobilisation for the Environment (MOB). For years both Wösten and MOB head Johan Vollenbroek were streneously arguing for a lower top speed in the Netherlands. With Wösten one gets the sense that he wouldn't mind lowering the top speed to 80 either. Interesting detail? In case of Vollenbroek, a decades-long vegetarian, he doesn't even own a car. Together with his vegan yoga teacher wife, he rides his reclining bicycle all the way to Spain for vacation. Seeing how Valentijn Wösten looks just as frail as Vollenbroek, it's likely he is a vegetarian too.
Looking a bit deeper into the actions of MOB, they have done a lot of good work, in particular when it comes to forcing chemical corporations to clean up their emissions and the manner in which they get rid of waste products. They do a lot of things most people would agree with. But similar to the GreenLeft, Party of the Animals and Labour Parties they are closely allied with, they have a tendency to take things to ideological extremes, sucking the joy out of everything, over-sacrificing the economy to perceived environmental issues, and often serving little more than the globalist agenda (for example: enforced veganism means = more people per m2 = growing economy). The neoliberals have been going the opposite extreme of course.
Looking deeper at Mobilisation for the Environment (MOB), it's interesting to see that the group has been doing work for the European Union and various Dutch government departments (External Affairs, Economic Affairs), state governments, "private companies [and] environmental NGOs" for over two decades.  It basically is a hybrid government agency that has friends everywhere in political parties and elements of the government, whether or not the group itself agrees with a sitting government or not. MOB is just a "liberal CIA" or Green-Left tool that is more or less part of the government.
|||October 14, 2010, Het Parool, 'Leugens' ('Lies'): "Het Republikeins Genootschap werd opgericht of 11 september 1996..."|
|||March 5, 1997, Martin van Amerongen for De Groene Amsterdammer (Republican Society member and publication), 'De bende van vijftien': "Het zou, aldus de Oranjepers, slechts om een 'stel alcoholische lolbroeken' gaan, die, gestimuleerd door 'menig overvol glas jenever', de republiek bezong. In werkelijkheid nuttigde het Republikeins Genootschap slechts een goed glas wijn. En was het hoogserieus in zijn bedoelingen. Zegt iemand die het kan weten."|
|||The 14 founders have been listed on the Republican Society's website for years: www.republikeinsgenootschap.nl.|
|||See the top quote in ISGP's introduction article.|
|||January 27, 2010, Volkskrant, 'Van Bommel en Duisenberg niet vervolgd voor opruiing': "Het Openbaar Ministerie (OM) gaat de Tweede Kamerleden Harry van Bommel en Sadet Karabulut (beiden SP) en Gretta Duisenberg niet vervolgen voor uitlatingen tijdens een demonstratie tegen de inval van het Israëlische leger in de Gazastrook in Amsterdam in januari vorig jaar. ...
Op een filmpje van het protest dat op internet verscheen, was te zien hoe het drietal de tekst 'intifada, intifada, Palestina vrij' scandeerde. Een intifada is een al dan niet gewelddadige, Palestijnse opstand tegen de staat Israël. In hun bijzijn riep een groep andere demonstranten bovendien 'Hamas, Hamas, Joden aan het gas'. Advocaat Bram Moszkowicz deed aangifte tegen de drie voor aanzetten tot haat, discriminatie en geweld."
|||*) June 1, 2002, De Telegraaf, 'Gretta Duisenberg had banden met linkse activisten': "Ook was Gretta, voor ze in augustus 1987 met Duisenberg trouwde, vertrouwelinge van Philip Agee. Deze ex-CIA-medewerker werd staatsvijand nr.1 van de Verenigde Staten, nadat hij de identiteit van Amerikaanse geheim agenten in het voormalige Oostblok verraadde. Een aantal van hen werd daarop geliquideerd. Hij woonde in het pand van de TNI aan de Amsterdamse Paulus Potterstraat en werd uiteindelijk ons land uitgezet. Voor het zover kwam, vroeg hij Gretta getuige te zijn bij zijn huwelijk met een Amerikaanse ballerina."
*) February 15, 2003, Republican Society member Rene Zwaap for the Republican Society-dominated De Groene Amsterdammer, as reproduced on the TNI.org website, 'Tussen mantelpak en bivakmuts: De wereldrevolutie à la Gretta': "Al dertig jaar ijvert het in Amsterdam gevestigde Transnational Institute (TNI) voor een andere, meer rechtvaardige wereldorde. In de jaren zeventig trad Gretta Duisenberg hier toe tot de "radical chic" van het activisme. Tegenwoordig is het TNI het epicentrum van academisch verzet tegen de neoliberale globalistische wereldorde. ...
Als TNI-directeur leerde Basker Vashee ook de latere mevrouw Duisenberg kennen. Ze werden vrienden en kregen een relatie, vertelt hij. In 1978 was Vashee samen met Gretta getuige bij het huwelijk van Philip Agee. Zij was toentertijd een regelmatig bezoekster van TNI-symposia over uiteenlopende thema's. Sinds haar huwelijk met de bankier ziet Vashee zijn ex-geliefde niet zo vaak meer. Zoals iedereen volgt hij haar nu via de media. «Ik vind het over het algemeen zeer goed werk dat ze doet», zegt hij."
|||June 1, 2002, De Telegraaf, 'Gretta Duisenberg had banden met linkse activisten': "Door haar geëngageerde vriendenkring stond mevrouw Bedier de Prairie in de belangstelling van de Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst nadat ze een relatie kreeg met Hans van Mierlo, destijds minister van Defensie. Omdat hij verantwoordelijkheid droeg voor alle lopende onderzoeken van de militaire geheime diensten in ons land, waren de Amerikanen bezorgd voor het uitlekken van gegevens naar Agee en consorten."|
|||parlement.com/id/vg09llfsmbyu/w_f_wim_duisenberg (accessed: October 4, 2016): " - staflid IMF (Internationaal Monetair Fonds) te Washington, van 1 januari 1966 tot maart 1969;
- stafadviseur directie De Nederlandsche Bank, van maart 1969 tot oktober 1970:
- hoogleraar macro-economie, Universiteit van Amsterdam, van 22 oktober 1970 tot 11 mei 1973; (benoemd 29 september 1970)
- minister van Financiën, van 11 mei 1973 tot 19 december 1977;
- lid Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal, van 8 juni 1977 tot 8 september 1977
- lid Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal, van 16 januari 1978 tot 28 juni 1978
- adviseur hoofddirectie Centrale Rabobank, van 1 augustus 1978 tot 1 januari 1979;
- vicepresident hoofddirectie Centrale Rabobank, van 1 januari 1979 tot 1 mei 1981;
- directeur "De Nederlandsche Bank", van 1 mei 1981 tot 1 januari 1982;
- president "De Nederlandsche Bank", van 1 januari 1982 tot 1 juli 1997;
- president EMI (Europese Monetair Instituut), van 1 juli 1997 tot 1 juli 1998;
- president ECB (Europese Centrale Bank), van 1 juli 1998 tot 1 november 2003; ...
- lid Raad van Commissarissen N.V. KLM (Koninklijke Luchtvaart Maatschappij), vanaf 1979;
- kroonlid SER (Sociaal-Economische Raad), van 1982 tot 1 juli 1997;
- lid Raad van Bestuur BIS (Bank voor International Settlements), van januari 1982 tot 1997;
- lid bestuur Stichting Radio Nederland Wereldomroep, omstreeks 1984;
- president BIS (Bank voor International Settlements), van 1988 tot 1990; ...
voorzitter bestuur Atlantic Exchange Program, omstreeks 1989; ...
- lid Raad van Toezicht European Association for Banking History, van 1990 tot 31 juli 2005; ...
- voorzitter bestuur Koning Willem I Stichting, omstreeks 1992;
- voorzitter Raad van Bestuur Centrale Banken van EU-lidstaten, van januari 1993 tot december 1993;
- lid bestuur en vicevoorzitter EMI (Europese Monetaire Instelling), van januari 1994 tot 1 juli 1997; ...
- lid Raad van Commissarissen Rabobank Nederland, van 1 april 2004 tot 31 juli 2005;
- lid Raad van Commissarissen N.V. KLM-Air France, van mei 2004 tot 31 juli 2005."
|||*) rightsforum.org/over-ons/dries-van-agt (accessed: July 17, 2015): "Dries van Agt (CDA) is oprichter en erevoorzitter van The Rights Forum. Hij was van 1977 tot 1982 minister-president. Nadien was hij commissaris van de Koningin in Noord-Brabant en ambassadeur van de EU in Japan en de Verenigde Staten."
*) rightsforum.org/over-ons/raad-van-advies (accessed: October 6, 2016): "Frans Andriessen ... Laurens Jan Brinkhorst ... Hans van den Broek [foreign minister 1982-1993; daughter married a grandson of Prince Bernhard, Prince Maurits, in 1998; chair Dutch Carnegie Foundation 2000-2007; president Dutch CFR] ... Hedy d'Ancona ... Thom de Graaf ... Jan Pronk ... Klaas de Vries ..."
*) theovangogh.nl/antisosialistisch%20manifest1.html: "Antisocialistisch manifest. door Pamela Hemelrijk."
*) theovangogh.nl/AD_Pam_2.html: "Pamela Gefeliciteerd! AD mag Pam niet ontslaan (Korte samenvatting van het vonnis, gewezen door kantonrechter mr. J. Sap, op 14 april 2003)"
*) www.theovangogh.nl/Winnen.html: "Pam wordt Paranoïde"
*) theovangogh.nl/hoogeraad.html: "Slotpleidooien in de Procedure van Louis van Gasteren contra Algemeen Dagblad-journaliste Pamela Hemelrijk"
|||September 30, 2009, Micha Kat for his Klokkenluideronline.is, 'Dag lieve, lieve Pamela!': "Pamela was secretaris van de Stichting Klokkenluideronline ... Een ongefelijke klap toen ik vanochtend in Laos mijn computer aanzette: mijn lieve vriendin Pamela is niet meer. Zij was by far de beste journaliste die ik ooit heb ontmoet en vanaf onze eerste kennismaking een onuitputtelijke bron van inspiratie. "|
*) theovangogh.nl/ratten_italie.html: "En weer zitten we als ratten in de val… "
*) theovangogh.nl/Meesweg.html: "Het parket aan de Marten Meesweg. door Micha Kat."
*) theovangogh.nl/briefberts.html: "Open brief aan Hans Verploeg, Bernadette de Wit en Micha Kat"
*) theovangogh.nl/kat_omverkoop.html: "Hoe het OM zichzelf verkoopt: the true stroy door Micha Kat"
|||parlement.com/id/vhi12qcvnlwq/b_britta_bohler (accessed: May 3, 2016): "lid Republikeins Genootschap, vanaf 2000."|
|||May 7, 2012, AD.nl, ''Moord op Pim Fortuyn was een geniaal complot'' (''Murder of Pim Fortuyn was a genius plot''). The Algemeen Dagblad (AD) is the second largest Dutch newspapers. The largest Dutch newspaper, the Telegraaf, published a similar article on the same day under the heading ''Moordcomplot op Fortuyn niet goed onderzocht'' (''Murder plot on Fortuyn not investigated properly'').|
|||August 20, 2012, Elsevier, 'Nederland is veel te nuchter voor SP-dictatuur': "Roemer (l) ontving de Boliviaanse president Evo Morales... Wie nog steeds niet wil geloven dat de media de linkse kerk representeren, heeft de voorbije dagen niet opgelet. Het geval Roemer heeft mijn stelling bewezen."|
|||*) Korteweg is listed on the following Bilderberg lists (* indicates steering committee): 1991, 92* (ht), 93* (ht), 94* (ht), 95* (HT), 97, 98.
*) Bilderbergmeetings.com/former-steering-committee-members.html: "Former Steering Committee Members: Chairmen: Bernhard of the Netherlands ... Alex, Home of the Hirsel ... Eric Roll of Ipsden ... Peter Carrington ... Etienne Davignon ... [Members:] ... Hauge, Gabriel ... Heinz, Henry J. ... Janssen, Daniel E. ... Jordan, Jr., Vernon E. ... Kissinger, Henry A. ... Kohnstamm, Max ... Knight, Andrew ... Korteweg, Pieter... Wallenberg, Marcus ... Whitehead, John C. ... Wolfensohn, James D. ... Wolfowitz, Paul..."
|||*) March 3, 1997, Ben Knapen in the Volkskrant, 'Republikeinse klucht leidt tot mediakolder': "U noemt mij in uw hoofdartikel 'spreekbuis van Philips'. Dat ben ik niet, want dat is mevrouw A. Paulussen, hoofd van Philips Persdienst."
*) October 19, 1998, De Volkskrant, 'Ben Knapen volgend jaar weg bij Philips': "Toch heeft dit internationale bedrijf hem wel eens beknot in zijn vrijheid. Zo moest hij zich begin vorig jaar van Philips-topman Boonstra ogenblikkelijk terugtrekken uit het geheime Republikeins Genootschap."
*) May 2, 2000, Martin van Amerongen for NRC.nl (Republican Society founder and publication), 'Knapen poogt geschiedenis te herschrijven': "Dat Ben Knapen (NRC Handelsblad, 1 mei) bij hoog en bij laag ontkent bij de oprichting van het Republikeins Genootschap betrokken te zijn geweest is onbegrijpelijk en bovendien, gezien de wijze waarop de geschiedenis van deze organisatie is gedocumenteerd, tamelijk onvoorzichtig. ...
Gelukkig zijn de archieven van het Republikeins Genootschap uitstekend op orde. Brief no. één d.d. 2 mei 1996, gericht aan de elf oprichters in spe, waaronder Ben Knapen. Een citaat: ,,Een van ons heeft het afgelopen jaar met u gesproken over het Republikeins Genootschap en daarbij hebt u kenbaar gemaakt dat u lid wilde worden. ..." Was getekend Sjeng Kremers, Roelof Nelissen en Pierre Vinken.
Brief no. twee d.d. 10 mei 1996, gericht aan Pierre Vinken: "... Overigens lijkt me vooralsnog Van Wijnen niet zo'n goed idee. Hij werkt aan de goede relatie met de Oranjes vanwege allerlei boekenplannen.'' Was getekend Ben Knapen, Was getekend Ben Knapen, in een 'vorig bestaan' hoofdredacteur van NRC Handelsblad, nu op briefpapier van Philips International b.v. "
|||May 8, 2015, WeAreChangeRotterdam YouTube upload, '"Ik vond het niks!" Herman Wijffels over Bilderberg 1997': "Well, I've been there once, at that event and let me say up front: I didn't like it. Yes, all kinds of high officials are walking around there. Also serious topics are discussed, so it really is a bit like the Atlantic elite which is gathering there. But I had the feeling that I shouldn't be there. I believe that the background also was if it would be possible to convince the RABO Bank to sponsor something like this. So I went to look there at one point. But, in any case, it was a gathering of Atlantic geopoliticians, to give it a name, where also, shall we say, useful things were said. But it was a gathering in which I did not feel at home. ...
"Well, I already said at the beginning of this talk that that was a context in which I absolutely did not feel at home. I have let them know that by, let's say, not accepting subsequent invitations."
|||Ibid: "If you look in history where fundamental changes took place, that those never came from the top, but always from the bottom. Well, [wars...], I'm more looking at [how we went] from the feudalist system to the more liberal system. The switch we primarily made in the 18th century, based on the Frech Revolution. An extension, a result of the Enlightenment, one could say. Well, that was an uprise of the people and of a new middle class against the order that existed from that time. That is a very clear example in my eyes.
"More in general you also see today that the new movements start from the bottom. I experience this period as a time in which people on the basis of the values of the cultural creative are busy taken matters into their own hands. That people are starting to produce their own energy. That people are making their own healtcare arrangements. That people are busy in every possible way to take of the things they themselves need. And that stands diametrically opposed to the world in which something is either market or government. So these people are resisting this separation: you either rely on large companies or you rely on large bureaucracies. And what is happening now is that from the bottom of society a movement is arising which is resisting this and with the use of new technologies is creating new structures at the root of society. And the governing elite is looking at that as irrelevant for now and not something they really want to get involved in. So they work to maintain the old structure. I suspect that in the coming decennia those new upcoming cultures and the forms that go with them that they are going to take over with the new disruptive technology. That's the view that I have.
"And what is my position in that? Of course, for all these years I have been part of this governing system and the networks that belong to it here in this country, but also in part internationally. But I've been working for some time now just to support these new upcoming structures and the culture that comes with it. So at the moment I operate primarily in that part of the world. That's my place at this point."
|||republikeinen.nl/pagina/13/Vereniging-Ontstaansgeschiedenis/ (accessed: October 4, 2016): "In september 1996 legde een groep prominente Nederlanders een verklaring af waarin werd gepleit voor herstel van de republikeinse regeringsvorm. Helaas bleef het bij deze verklaring, activiteiten werden niet ontplooid, enige vorm van lidmaatschap was niet mogelijk.
Om in deze behoefte te voorzien werd op 20 januari 1998 het Nieuw Republikeins Genootschap (NRG) opgericht."
|||May 6, 2008, Vrij Nederland (Republican Society-linked), 'Vive la republique?': "Ewout Irrgang is Tweede Kamerlid voor de SP. Hij voert het woord over financiën. Daarnaast is Irrgang ook een toegewijd republikein. Zó toegewijd dat hij ooit het Nieuw Republikeins Genootschap oprichtte, een collectief dat ijvert voor afschaffing van het Nederlandse koningshuis. Tot 2001 was hij daar voorzitter van."|
|||January 31, 1999, Nieuwsbank.nl, 'Nieuw Republikeins Genootschap houdt kermis in Amsterdam'.|
|||*) hetwitteplein.nl/manifest.htm (accessed: October 4, 2016): "Op 2 februari 2002 vindt in Amsterdam het huwelijk plaats van Willem-Alexander en Maxima. De binnenstad zal tijdelijk volop in het teken staan van dit Oranje-evenement. Tegenstanders en critici van de monarchie presenteren die dag op Het Witte Plein een alternatief programma."
*) hetwitteplein.nl/ondersteuners.htm (accessed: October 4, 2016): "COMITE HET WITTE PLEIN. Het Witte Plein is een samenwerkingsverband van diverse organisaties en individuen:
- Alejandra Slutzky (H.I.J.O.S. & S.P.)
- Alex van Veen (De Vrije Zone)
- Anne van Schaik (Maxipa Nee!)
- Anton van Hooff (universitair hoofddocent KUN)
- Dwars (Groenlinkse Jongeren)
- Eelke Heemskerk
- Hans Boot (Vakbondsblad Solidariteit)
- Jack Jan Wirken ([chair] Nieuw Republikeins Genootschap)
- Jan Meijer
- Jasper Fast (Jonge Socialisten in de PvdA)
- Karin Bruers en Bert Kampers (Stichting Dwaze Kroning).
- Luud Schimmelpennink
Pablo Ugarte (Latijns Amerika Centrum)
- Piet van der Lende (Bijstandsbond)
- René Danen (Amsterdam Anders/De Groenen)
- René Zwaap (journalist [and member Republican Society])."
|||parlement.com/id/vge7dtpleyza/e_ewout_irrgang (accessed: October 4, 2016): "
- financieel-economisch adviseur SP-fractie Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal, van 1998 tot mei 2005;
- medewerker afdeling monetair en economisch beleid, "De Nederlandsche Bank" te Amsterdam, van mei 2005 tot 4 oktober 2005;
- lid Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal, van 6 oktober 2005 tot 20 september 2012;
- bijzonder adviseur grondpolitiek (lid buitengewoon adviesorgaan), gemeente Amsterdam, van december 2012 tot 2013;
- technisch directeur te Dar-es-Salaam (Tanzania) voor de Stichting PharmAccess, vanaf september 2013. ...
- publicaties: diverse artikelen (o.a. over Attac, het IMF en de Wereldbank en over de WTO) "
258&AR=AR&ap=NewsArticleDetail.asp&p=ASP\~Pg24.asp (accessed: October 4, 2016): "PharmAccess is technical partner of the Joint Learning Network ... With catalytic funding from the Rockefeller Foundation and collaboration from other development partners including the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, GIZ, the World Bank and the World Health Organization, JLN members from Ghana, India, Indonesia, Kenya, the Philippines, Malaysia, Mali, Nigeria, and Vietnam, co-produce innovative products and tools in the areas of expanding coverage, information technology, provider payment and quality to accelerate country progress toward UHC. ....
The Joint Learning Network Secretariat, based at the Results for Development Institute (R4D), and the Joint Learning Fund, administered by ACCESS Health International are both supported by The Rockefeller Foundation. As requested by country members, technical support for activities to date have been provided by partners including GIZ, the Institute for Healthcare Improvement, the National Center for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE), PATH, PharmAccess Foundation, R4D, the World Bank, and the World Health Organization."
*) pharmaccess.org/RunScript.asp?Page=436&p=ASP\Pg436.asp (accessed: October 4, 2016): "During the Annual Dutch Postcode Lottery Charity Gala (Goed Geld Gala) on February 13, 2013, the Dutch Postcode Lottery announced that PharmAccess will be receiving a grant of 500,000 euros annually for the next five years. The gala, which is the largest charity event in the Netherlands, took place in the Concertgebouw in Amsterdam with former U.S. President Bill Clinton as the guest of honor. On the 26th of January 2015, PharmAccess received its third annual grant from the Dutch Postcode Lottery. The Goed Geld Gala 2015 distributed a record amount of 312 million euro."
*) pharmaccess.org/RunScript.asp? page=284&p=ASP\Pg284.asp (accessed: October 4, 2016): "Donors PharmAccess gratefully acknowledges funding and support from:
- The Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
- Dutch Aids Fonds;
- PEPFAR: US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief;
- STOP AIDS NOW! ...
- United States Agency for International Development;
- World Bank International Labor Organization; ...
- Nationale Postcode Loterij."
pharmaccess.org/RunScript.asp?page=265&p=ASP\Pg265.asp (accessed: October 4, 2016): "Prof. Joep Lange (1954-2014) founded PharmAccess in 2000, with support from the Dutch Aids Fonds, ... Initially, PharmAccess focused on the introduction of HIV/AIDS treatment programs for employees and dependents of Heineken [1001 Club] in sub-Saharan Africa, which was revolutionary at the time. "
*) path.org/annual-report/2011/institutional-supporters.php (accessed: October 4, 2016): "Institutional supporters This list includes institutions that provided $10,000 or more in funding through grants, donations, and in-kind contributions to PATH in 2011. ... Annenberg Foundation The Atlantic Philanthropies Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation ... ExxonMobil Foundation Ford Foundation... Nike Foundation The Norcliffe Foundation Open Society Foundations The Rockefeller Foundation... Google Inc. Health Partners International Hewlett-Packard Development Company LP,,, The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation... Merck & Co., Inc. Microsoft Corporation Omidyar Network... PharmAccess Foundation..."
|||beeldengeluid.nl/en/biografie-anjo-clement (accessed: May 4, 2016): "katholieke indoctrinatie Anjo Clement (1945) is sinds 2011 voorzitter van het Nieuw Republikeins Genootschap (NRG). Zijn moeder was een enorme Oranjefan. Zelf is hij als kind trots op het feit dat de Grote Markt van zijn geboortestad Breda is uitverkozen om op Koninginnedag de burgemeester te mogen toezingen. Zijn lagere en de middelbare school ervaart hij als katholieke indoctrinatie, dat hij van zich af schudt tijdens zijn studie Algemene Sociologie aan wat nu de Universiteit van Tilburg heet. In die periode raakt hij betrokken bij de opstanden van de jaren zestig. Alle gezag wordt ter discussie gesteld, ook de monarchie. loopbaan
Clement heeft een loopbaan binnen de ambtenarij van de gemeente Den Haag en houdt zich bezig met het beheer van internationale contacten. Vanuit zijn Europese reizen ziet hij de effecten van de Europese integratie. Belangrijk is de lobby in Brussel om namens 140 steden in Europa invloed te krijgen op de besteden van het budget van 6 miljard euro voor onderwijs. Hij wordt benaderd door de burgemeester van Den Haag om het imago van die stad in de Balkan op te vijzelen. Gebleken was, tijdens een conferentie in Belgrado, dat de naam van Den Haag synoniem was met het The Hague Tribunal. Hij wordt gevraagd voor crisis management in een organisatie die als doel had om Israëlische en Palestijnse gemeenten met elkaar te laten samenwerken. Resultaat: vier Israëlische en vier Palestijnse gemeenten werken nu nog altijd samen. Na twee jaar werken in een oorlogsgebied vertrekt hij uit Jeruzalem en mag hij met vervroegd pensioen. Voorzitter van Nieuw Republikeins Genootschap
In 2000 komt Clement in contact met het NRG [Nieuw Republikeins Genootschap ] en in 2002 wordt hij bestuurslid. Na zijn terugkomst uit Jeruzalem wordt hij opnieuw gekozen als bestuurslid van het NRG, eerst als Vice-voorzitter en in 2011 neemt hij op verzoek van het bestuur de voorzittershamer over van de vertrekkende voorzitter. Hij richt het beleid van NRG op het verkrijgen van landelijke bekendheid. En dat lukt, het ledental verdrievoudigd in twee jaar en ook het aantal sympathisanten groeit gestaag. Het NRG wordt benaderd door zowel binnenlandse als buitenlandse media."
|||December 4, 2001, Pim Fortuyn for Business Class, 'Israel': "Het conflict tussen Palestijnen en Israëliërs zit muurvast. De president van de Palestijnen, Yasser Arafat, heeft nu wel bewezen dat hij het in eigen land niet meer voor het zeggen heeft. ...
In mijn boek “Vijftig jaar Israël, hoe lang nog?" (1998), laat ik door middel van kaartjes zien wat voor een rare gatenkaas de verdeling van Palestina tussen Joden en Palestijnen, op basis van de tot nu toe gesloten akkoorden, oplevert. Elk zinnig mens kan maar tot één conclusie komen, jongens en meisjes sticht a.u.b. een federale staat met een Palestijns en een joods deel, waarin jullie samenleven op dit kleine stukje grondgebied. ...
Helaas zo is het niet, aan beide zijden hebben fundamentalisten een wurgend grote invloed. Die fundamentalisten weten van geen wijken en stellen dat op grond van hun godsdienst dit land hen door God zelf is gegeven. Alsof God zich zou verwaardigen zich daarmee ooit te bemoeien. Door dit geloofsaspect is er in rede geen oplossing te vinden. ...
Ten eerste dat de joden nu al meer dan vijftig jaar de moderniteit, onze cultuur dus, aldaar met hand en tand verdedigen.
Ten tweede dat aan de staat Israël mede ten grondslag ligt die inktzwarte bladzijde uit onze geschiedenis, de Holocaust. Het wordt tijd dat premier Kok (PvdA) na de ostentatieve ontvangsten van Arafat op het Catshuis, nu premier Sharon van Israël maar eens uitnodigt voor een uitgelezen diner op het Catshuis, om daarmee de vriendschap van Nederland met Israël stevig te onderlijnen."
|||December 21, 2003, Theo van Gogh for his theovangogh.nl (theovangogh.nl/AYAAN2.html), 'Het gelijk van Ayaan Hirsi Ali': "Hirsi Ali wordt nu al een jaar met lijfwachten beschermd omdat duizenden aanhangers van de achterlijke cultuur die Islam heet, menen dat zij als afvallige een hoer van Babylon is die verdelgd moet worden. Ook meneer Wallage, die vindt dat Hirsi Ali met haar opvattingen een klimaat schept dat in Groningen alleen heerste ten tijde van de deportaties van joodse kinderen, ook meneer Wallage hoopt dat Ayaan zal worden neergeschoten, al zal 'ie zulks niet toegeven en plechtig krokodillentranen plengen als de teef is afgemaakt. 't Is verwonderlijk om te zien hoe ouderwets Links (Wallage, Van Dam) de religieuze fascisten van de Islam aan de borst koestert."|
|||April 22, 2016, The Observer, 'Why Ayaan Hirsi Ali's Criticism of Islam Angers Western Liberals': "Ayaan Hirsi Ali can recount in virtual slow motion the events of November 2, 2004—the day Theo Van Gogh, her collaborator on a film about abuse of women in certain Muslim societies, was assassinated. The Somali-born women's rights advocate and writer, then a member of the Dutch Parliament, had herself received innumerable death threats for writing the film, entitled Submission. The Dutch Minister of Interior informed her of what had occurred: Mr. Van Gogh was shot eight times and left on an Amsterdam street with his throat slit and a large knife stuck in his chest. The killer used a second knife to attach a note to Mr. Van Gogh's chest, warning of violence to Western nations and to Jews, and pronouncing a death sentence against Ms. Hirsi Ali."|
|||December 22, 2007, The Humanist, 'Absolute Infidel: The Evolution of Ayaan Hirsi Ali': "Since September 2006 she has been a resident fellow of the powerful American Enterprise Institute in Washington, DC..."|
|||July 9, 2011, The Telegraph, 'Montenegro hosts billionaire Nat Rothschild's birthday bash': "The guest list was meant to be secret but was thought to have included the historian Niall Ferguson and his Dutch-Somali wife, Ayaan Hirsi Ali, members of the Guinness and Goldsmith families, Tony Hayward, the former BP boss whose name was tarnished by the Gulf of Mexico oil spill, Roland Rudd, the head of the public relations firm Finsbury and Princess Florence von Preussen, 27, the great-great granddaughter of Kaiser Wilhelm II, who has an "on and off" relationship with Mr Rothschild. ... Mr Rothschild and his father, Lord Rothschild, gave speeches, followed by dancing till 5am, with the music provided by DJs and a female singer in a glittering silver dress with a miniature disco ball in her hair. A fleet of six haulage trucks had brought five tonnes of food and wine all the way from the UK. ... Mr Munk's huge yacht, Golden Eagle, was one of two dozen docked in the marina, with the largest, the Queen K, belonging to Oleg Deripaska, a Russian aluminium oligarch and close friend of Mr Rothschild's who also has a stake in Porto Montenegro."|
|||belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/experts/2635/ayaan_hirsi_ali.html: "Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Fellow, The Future of Diplomacy Project. ... Ayaan is a Fellow with the Future of Diplomacy Project at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and The Harvard Kennedy School. She is also a visiting scholar at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington DC."
*) belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/about/international-council.html (accessed: September 9, 2008): "Ambassador Robert D. Blackwill ... Oleg Deripaska. John M. Deutch. ... Ambassador Thomas Foley. ... Nathaniel Rothschild ... James Schlesinger ... Paul Volcker..."
*) belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/about/international-council.html (accessed: December 10, 2015): "Ambassador Robert D. Blackwill ... Michael Chertoff ... Oleg Deripaska. John M. Deutch ... Thomas Kaplan ... Sam Nunn ... Nathaniel Rothschild ... Craig Stapleton ... Paul Volcker..."
|||*) opendemocracy.net/author/ayaan-hirsi-ali: "Ayaan Hirsi Ali is a Dutch-Somalian author, filmmaker, and former MP of the Dutch parliament. In 2004, with controversial Dutch filmmaker Theo van Gogh, she made the film Submission about the oppression of women in Islamic cultures. Click here to read her blog." Note: only co-wrote one 2006 article for OpenDemocracy.
*) opendemocracy.net/author/george-soros (wrote a 2004 and 2005 article).
|||*) March 20, 2009, hayekcenter.org/?p=600, 'crisis: PDFs & MP3s from the Mont Pelerin Society's Special Session on the Global Crisis, March 5-7 - See more at: http://hayekcenter.org/?p=600#sthash.hJijoM2b.dpuf': "Speakers include Deepak Lal, Amity Shlaes, Niall Ferguson, John Taylor, Gary Becker, Antonio Martino, Hannes H. Gissurarson, Henry Butler, John Greenwood, Martin Wolf, Timothy Congdon, Peter Boettke, Edwin Feulner, Greg Lindsay, Steve Forbes and Ayaan Hirsi Ali. (pdf)"
*) Spring 2010, volume 61, The Mont Pelerin Society, 'Report on the 2010 General Meeting in Sydney', p. 1: "Welcoming remarks were given by Greg Lindsay, followed by keynote presentations by Steve Forbes and Ayaan Hirsi Ali. We are particularly pleased that Ayaan Hirsi Ali was able to join us for this meeting. It was a remarkable experience to have her speak about eco - nomics and how she has been affected by Friedrich Von Hayek, not to mention her own personal challenges with fundamentalist Islam."
*) Winter 2011, volume 62, The Mont Pelerin Society, 'Report on the 2010 General Meeting in Sydney', p. 3: "It's impossible to summarise the scope of the sessions, but I'll list them. ... History, Culture and the Language of Liberty (Amity Shlaes, Ayaan Hirsi Ali, James Allen, Kenneth Minogue..."
|||crisigroup.org/en/about/board.aspx (accessed: December 9, 2015): "Co-Chairs: Lord (Mark) Malloch-Brown .... Other trustees: ... Mort Abramowitz ... Hunsang Ansary ... Carl Bildt ... Wesley Clark ... Mark Eyskens ... Wolfgang Ischinger ... Wim Kok ... "|
|||*) 2010, BNN production on NPO 3, 'Moordcomplot Pim Fortuyn', 26:00 (translated from DUtch to English]: "[Narrator:] That morning [May 6, 2002] Fortuyn has an appointment with Jorien van den Herik, director of Feyenoord [soccer club]. Here also the fact that Fortuyn is not protected is discussed.
[Van den Herik:] 'He thought he should be protected, that he shouldn't be doing that himself. He didn't look fearful at all, but certainly he said 'I have the right to be protected and I think I should get that.' And at that moment he really emphatically reproached prime minister [Wim] Kok that he never received that protection. And I got the impression that it may possibly have been refused to him.'"
*) December 9, 2005, Barend en Van Dorp with former interior minister Klaas de Vries, Yves Gijrath (a close Pim Fortuyn friend) and Jan Mulder. (youtube.com/watch?v=hqt7rglkYO8): "[Yves Gijrath, organizer Millionaire's Fair:] Did you know ... that he was deathly afraid? ... That in March he was threatened in a restaurant in The Hague? ... He was deathly afraid and he only wanted security if it was offered by Wim Kok and not by anyone else. And so I asked him once, "So, why are you so afraid?" It was April 30, Queen's Day, six days before his death. ...Isn't it about time you get some real security? He was not going to sleep at home anymore. He was going to spent nights somewhere in Groningen. I say, "Are you still not being offered any security?" "No, because they are eavesdropping on me." So I say, "How is that possible? Who is doing that?" There's only one person. That is you."
*) May 7, 2002, Telegraaf, 'Dramatisch einde voor 'schrik van het Binnenhof': Pim Fortuyn's grote angst werd waarheid' ('Dramatic end for 'Terror of Binnenhof': Pim Fortuyn's biggest fear became reality'): "Met 'At your service' en een heus saluut aan de leden van Leefbaar Nederland was de stormachtige entree van Pim Fortuyn in de Nederlandse politiek een feit. "Ik heb er zin an", riep Fortuyn. De wervelwind uit Rotterdam wilde Nederland veranderen, saneren en de 'puinhopen' van Paars opruimen. "Het is mijn grote angst dat er voor de verkiezingen mij wat overkomt. Maar ik zie dit als mijn opdracht. Dit moet ik doen. Ik wist zelf niet dat ik zo sterk was om hier aan te beginnen. Maar ik laat mij niet klein krijgen", vertelde hij twee maanden geleden op het strand in Noordwijk, terwijl we een wandelingetje maakten met zijn twee hondjes. Pim Fortuyn maakte op 21 augustus 2001 bekend dat hij de politiek in wilde. Jarenlang schreef hij zijn politieke columns voor Elsevier en daarvoor was iedereen uiterst tevreden over zijn belangrijkste klus in het bedrijfsleven, de oprichting van de OV-studentenkaart."
|||March 21, 2002, debate between Pim Fortuyn and other electoral candidates at Erasmus University.
youtube.com/watch?v=MoRyhqOccqE ('Pim Fortuyn 2002-03-21 Debat Erasmus Universiteit [2/2]')
|February 21, 2000, Volkskrant, 'De angsten van een publicist': "Waarom wordt er niet in veel dwingender termen gesproken over het achterblijven van hele generaties allochtonen en over de vorming van een etnische onderklasse? ... Werkloosheid, armoede, schooluitval en criminaliteit hopen zich op bij de etnische minderheden. ... het gaat om enorme aantallen achterblijvers en kanslozen, die de Nederlandse samenleving in toenemende mate zullen belasten. ... Sommigen maken zich ongerust over de WROK and AFKEER jegens de Nederlandse samenleving. Tal van deze 'slachtoffers' maken namelijk een snelle carriere als DADER."|
|May 7, 2012, AD.nl, ''Moord op Pim Fortuyn was een geniaal complot'' (''Murder of Pim Fortuyn was a genius plot''). The Algemeen Dagblad (AD) is the second largest Dutch newspapers. The largest Dutch newspaper, the Telegraaf, published a similar article on the same day under the heading ''Moordcomplot op Fortuyn niet goed onderzocht'' (''Murder plot on Fortuyn not investigated properly'').|
*) January 11, 2005, Trouw, 'Nieuwe thriller van Tomas Ross gaat over een moordcomplot tegen Ayaan Hirsi Ali': "Want Ross kon moeilijk de AIVD opbellen, om het uitgangspunt van zijn thriller te verifiëren: is er echt een aanslag op Ayaan Hirsi Ali verijdeld, in de nacht van 31 december 2004? De schrijver zou toch geen eerlijk antwoord krijgen, ook al was zijn vader een van de pioniers van de Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst (BVD)."
*) www.tomasross.nl/web/Biografie.htm (accessed: October 6, 2016): "Het is niet verwonderlijk dat Ross, zoon van een oud-verzetsman en pionier van de BVD, veel van zijn verhalen ontleent aan de Tweede Wereldoorlog en aan de activiteiten van de geheime inlichtingendienst."
*) nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tomas_Ross (accessed: November 11, 2016): "Hij werd geboren als Willem Pieter Hogendoorn op een onderduikadres te Den Bommel (Goeree-Overflakkee). Het pseudoniem Tomas Ross gebruikt hij sinds 1980. Zijn vader Pieter Gerardus Hogendoorn (1912-1971) was tijdens de oorlog lid van de verzetsgroep Albrecht en werd na de oorlog gevraagd bij de Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst, een instantie die in veel van Ross' boeken is terug te vinden."
*) April 28, 2005, Trouw newspaper, 'Het brein is verraderlijk': "Extra pijnlijk [voor de AIVD] omdat Theo van Gogh niet alleen filmmaker, columnist en interviewer was, maar ook zoon van Johan van Gogh, oud-medewerker van de geheime dienst."
*) December 10, 2015, Volkskrant, 'Op de bank bij het echtpaar Van Gogh': "Johan van Gogh is deskundig. Thuis moest hij vertellen dat hij op het Ministerie van Landbouw werkte, als er feest op de zaak was mocht zijn vrouw niet mee. Eigenlijk was hij BVD'er, de voorloper van de AIVD: Kremlin-watching was zijn specialiteit. Het rapport las hij van kaft tot kaft. 'Dat is het minste wat ik kan doen.' ... En nu? 'Het boek kan dicht', vindt Johan. 'Dat had ik ook wel verwacht. Dit is een professioneel onderzoek.' ... [Mother/wife] Anneke van Gogh: 'We zijn voorgelogen.' Naar de handlangers van Mohammed B. blijft ze onverminderd nieuwsgierig."
*) November 2, 2014, VPRO.nl (television), 'Spel van feit en fictie': "Bart Olmer, verslaggever inlichtingen- en veiligheidsdiensten van De Telegraaf... 'Ik kan je uit de eerste hand vertellen dat Johan van Gogh, de vader van Theo, die zijn hele werkzame leven medewerker was van de Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst... Ik heb Johan van Gogh twee keer ontmoet. Het was niet eenvoudig om hem te laten vertellen over zijn BVD-tijd, al is het wel gelukt. Het is wel een man die eist dat je scherp blijft. Hij komt nog ieder jaar bij elkaar met zijn oud-collega's van de afdeling Ideologie van het internationaal communisme. Een paar weken geleden nog. Allemaal mannen van hoge leeftijd.'"
*) June 14, 2014, De telegraaf, (no clue where this article has gone): "Zijn hele carrière werkte hij voor de Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst (BVD), voorloper van de geheime dienst AIVD. Johan van Gogh, vader van de vermoorde Theo van Gogh, was als analist gespecialiseerd in het communisme. Nadat zijn zoon Theo was vermoord, kwamen chefs van de geheime dienst hem thuis vertellen dat de AIVD daarbij niets te verwijten viel. Geloofde hij zijn oud-collega's?"
|||November 12, 2001, Volkskrant, 'Saddam zit erachter, die is zó vernederd' ('Saddam was behind it, he has been so humiliated').|
|||September 2009, Universiteit Twente, 'Hier en nu in ver verschiet, Utopische reflecties', interview with Tomas Ross by Yori Kamphuis, 'Ik ben dus wel voor 1984, zo ongeveer' ('Thus I am in favor of 1984, or just about'), p. 88.|
Interview of Hans Smolders with www.pimfortuyn.com, uploaded to Youtube on March 3, 2012 (Title: Pim Fortuyn 10 jaar later - Interview met Hans Smolders):
September 2009, Universiteit Twente, 'Hier en nu in ver verschiet, Utopische reflecties', interview with Tomas Ross by Yori Kamphuis, 'Ik ben dus wel voor 1984, zo ongeveer' ('So I am in favor of 1984, or just about'), p. 90.
|||July 7, 2006, Elsevier magazine, 'Meer bewijzen tweede moord Van der Graaf' ('More evidence of second murder Van der Graaf'): "The [Dutch] Federal Bureau of Investigation is in the possession of strong evidence that Volkert van der Graaf, the killer of Pim Fortuyn, earlier also shot to death environmental civil servant Chris van der Werken. According to a secret report (pdf) of the [Dutch] FBI, in the possession of the Telegraaf, the evidence against Van der Graaf is stacking up. ... He would have threatened the environmental civil servant and would have been in the possession of a firearm at the time. On top of that the liquidation shows similarities with the one of Fortuyn and his car has been spotted at the scene. Van der Graaf does not have a fitting alibi. ... The 43-year-old Chris van der Werken from Nunspeet was murdered on Sunday afternoon, December 22, 1996, with three bullets to the back. Van der Werken was environmental coordinator of the Harderwijk state office. In that function he had mediated in the heated conflict between Veluws farmers and the Vereniging Milieu Offensief [VMO] of Van der Graaf. During debates about a ammonia reduction plan Van der Werken too much chose the side of the farmers, it was Vander Graaf's opinion. That's why he was considered a suspect at the time, but there was insufficient proof against him (read the Elsevier reconstruction of the murder: Kille liquidatie op een onschuldig bospad). As it now turns out, Van der Werken was threatened with death, according to a witness testimony of a farmer. Shortly after the liquidation a red Opel Kadett would have been spotted at the domain - a model and color Van der Graaf was driving at the time. On top of that a landlord of Van der Graaf's home at the time would have found a firearm which possibly may have been used in the liquidation. Almost three years ago, the television program EO-Twee Vandaag already drew similar conclusions." Note: Elsevier is staunchly anti-socialist and anti-green and on top of that tied to the Republican Society. Despite that, it's a very mainstream and leading political magazine in the Netherlands.|
|||September 2009, Universiteit Twente, 'Hier en nu in ver verschiet, Utopische reflecties', interview with Tomas Ross by Yori Kamphuis, 'Ik ben dus wel voor 1984, zo ongeveer' ('Thus I am in favor of 1984, or just about'), p. 88.|
|||December 9, 2005, Barend en Van Dorp with former interior minister Klaas de Vries, Yves Gijrath (a close Pim Fortuyn friend) and Jan Mulder. (youtube.com/watch?v=hqt7rglkYO8).|
|||December 15, 2005, Elsevier, 'LPF: Onderzoek naar Fortuyn 'misselijkmakend': "De LPF wil een kamerdebat over het onderzoek van de inlichtingendienst AIVD naar het seksleven van Pim Fortuyn. LPF-kamerlid Gerard van As noemde de werkwijze van de AIVD 'misselijkmakend'. Dat zei hij in een interview met BNR Nieuwsradio. Zondag onthulde misdaadverslaggever Peter R. de Vries dat op diskettes die een AIVD-medewerker in zijn leaseauto had laten liggen, informatie stond over mogelijke 'seksuele escapades' van Pim Fortuyn met 'Marokkaanse jongetjes' (lees Woede over kwijtraken AIVD-diskettes). De AIVD deed onderzoek naar het seksleven van Pim Fortuyn LPF: Onderzoek 'misselijkmakend' Van As vindt het ontoelaatbaar dat een politicus zonder dat hij het weet door de AIVD wordt doorgelicht. In een brief aan de Tweede Kamer schreef minister Johan Remkes van Binnenlandse Zaken (VVD) woensdag dat de informatie over Fortuyn voor justitie destijds onvoldoende houvast heeft geboden om van een verdenking te kunnen spreken. Laster Daarmee is volgens de LPF de 'lasterlijke' berichtgeving over Fortuyn en zijn partij 'naar het rijk der roddels en fabels' verwezen. De partij laakt de handelwijze van De Vries, die het principe van hoor en wederhoor onvoldoende zou hebben toegepast. Volgens Peter R. de Vries bleek uit de informatie dat de AIVD ook andere LPF-kopstukken zoals Mat Herben, Jim Janssen van Raay, Joao Varela en Ferry Hoogendijk in het vizier hield. Maar Remkes ontkende woensdag dat de politici over wie informatie staat op de diskettes zijn geobserveerd, gevolgd of afgeluisterd (lees ook Remkes: AIVD observeerde politici niet). Suggestief Remkes schreef in zijn brief dat enkele LPF-kamerleden in de uitzending van Peter R. de Vries 'door de combinatie van beeld en voice-over op suggestieve wijze ten onrechte bij deze zaak worden betrokken'. De AIVD heeft aangifte gedaan tegen de misdaadverslaggever met politieke ambities, die de diskettes inmiddels heeft ingeleverd (lees ook AIVD doet aangifte tegen Peter R. de Vries)."|
|||July 26, 2013, Telegraaf, 'AIVD tapte politicus af' ('AIVD tapped politician').|
|||December 9, 2005, Barend en Van Dorp with former interior minister Klaas de Vries, Yves Gijrath (a close Pim Fortuyn friend) and Jan Mulder. (youtube.com/watch?v=hqt7rglkYO8):
*) Nederland 2 host: "Our security service has eavesdropped on Pim Fortuyn, that is what several friends and associates have explained to the Van den Haak Commission."
*) Narrator: "According to Hans de Haij, lawyer of the Fortuyn family, butler Herman and Pim Fortuyn sometimes spoke in code language to not be listened in on."
*) Narrator: "... Harry Mens, a friend of Fortuyn, confirms this and says that Pim was aware that information was being tapped."
*) Evening news interview with Klaas de Vries, minister of the interior and the one who should have authorized the tapping of Fortuyn: See article for transcript.
*) Barend and Van Dorp discussion with Klaas de Vries present: See article for transcript.
|||In 2006 Peter R. de Vries produced a 2 hour documentary on the Kennedy assassination based on the work of millionaire conspiracy theorist Wim Dankbaar. The documentary mirrors the work of Jim Garrison: the overal conclusion that the CIA was responsible seems very reasonable, but the majority of witnesses and other evidence used is bogus. It features a blatantly fake grassy knoll witnesses, a fake former lover of Oswald, and, as always, a great amount of effort is spent on misidentifying the "three tramps," despite the fact that the (little) known arrest records say: Harold Doyle, John Forrester Gedney and Gus W. Abrams. The faces of these persons fit the three tramps pretty darn well. To top things off, a veteran FBI insider enters the scene who brings De Vries and Dankbaar in touch with James Files, a mafia hitman of the Chicago Outfit who claims to have been the shooter at the grassy knoll. There's no evidence, of course. All I can say is James Files' claim that he put the bullet casing on top of the picket fence after the shooting is not a element that comes back in the testimonies of the persons who were the first to enter this area after the JFK shooting. Two sets of tracks were found, cigarette buds, and mud on a bumper--that's it.|
December 8, 2005, NOS, '"Zoekraken diskettes heel ernstig"': "De Regionale Inlichtingendienst RID, onderdeel van het regionale politiekorps, deed in 2002 in het geheim onderzoek naar Rotterdamse politici. Twee diskettes met daarop vertrouwelijke gegevens van de RID kwamen in handen van misdaadjournalist Peter R. de Vries. ... De politie Rotterdam-Rijnmond is een onderzoek begonnen naar het uitlekken van de geheime informatie. Korpsbeheerder en burgemeester Opstelten van Rotterdam zei in een reactie dat hij wist dat de RID onderzoek deed naar politici, maar stelde niets te weten over de inhoud van de diskettes. Wel zei hij dat uit het onderzoek moet blijken wie verantwoordelijk is voor het naar buitenkomen van de gegevens. ... De Vries wil de gegevens, onder andere over Pim Fortuyn en diens partij Leefbaar Rotterdam, zondag in zijn programma openbaar maken. Volgens de AIVD mag de informatie niet naar buiten worden gebracht omdat het om staatsgeheimen gaat. De AIVD eist de diskettes terug. Op de schijfjes zou informatie staan over Nederlandse geheimagenten die infiltreerden in milieubewegingen. Ook zouden vooraanstaande lokale en landelijke politici zijn gevolgd. Over hen zouden dossiers zijn bijgehouden. Deze zouden onder meer het seksleven van Fortuyn beschrijven en handelen over de Leefbaar Rotterdammer Dries Mos. "De inlichtingendienst had bijzonder veel belangstelling voor de escapades van Fortuyn en stelt vast dat hij seksuele contacten had met minderjarige Marokkaanse jongens", aldus De Vries. De journalist zegt dat hij in zijn programma toch aandacht zal besteden aan de diskettes. Hij zal naar eigen zeggen niet alle informatie laten zien, want sommige dingen zijn volgens de verslaggever "gewoon te geheim".
June 5, 2002, Nova TV, 'Familie Fortuyn steunt aanklacht Spong en Hammerstein': "Het nieuwe bestuur dat de Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) woensdag heeft gepresenteerd distantieert zich van de aanklacht tegen politici en journaisten. De advocaten Spong en Hammerstein willen de aanklacht doorzetten. De advocaten willen de politici en journalisten voor de rechter dagen omdat ze zouden hebben aangezet tot haat tegen Fortuyn. Volgens het nieuwe bestuur is het aan de familie van Fortuyn om hierover te beslissen. In de studio een reactie van Marten Fortuyn, de broer van Pim Fortuyn."
|||See ISGP's 2014 article Dutch Joris Demmink Affair Reveals the Supranational Politics of Heroin, Cocaine, Blackmail and Deception for background and sources.|
|||Anno 2014 site explains that Hammerstein did put up the funds: meervrijheid.nl/?pagina=1070 (accessed: october 10, 2014): "Op 15 december  is www.degestopteroker.nl online gegaan. De site is opgezet door journalisten, fotografen en een cartoonist die eerder meewerkten aan De Gezonde Roker, de website van Theo van Gogh. Na de moord op Theo van Gogh besloten de medewerkers dat ze door wilden gaan met een nieuwe site (Theovangogh.nl wordt omgebouwd tot een bibliotheek). Internet is hét medium voor het vrije woord... Wat biedt De Gestopte Roker? Wekelijkse columns, analyses en journalistieke verhalen van onafhankelijke scribenten als Pamela Hemelrijk, Micha Kat, Paul van Buitenen en Bernadette de Wit, brieven van Paul Ruys aan bobo's en elke week een ‘misselijke grap' van cartoonist Gregorius Nekschot. ... De Gestopte Roker wordt gesponsord door advocaat Oscar Hammerstein en is gebouwd met hulp van de Stichting MeerVrijheid.nl, naar een ontwerp van Gregorius Nekschot."|
|||March 12, 2005, Volkskrant, 'Complotdenkers.nl': "Ze maken er wel een zooitje van, de zelfbenoemde beheerders van het erfgoed van wijlen Theo van Gogh. Toen de website van de vermoorde cineast, degezonderoker.nl noodgedwongen werd gestopt, richtten opgewonden columnisten en complotdenkers als Micha Kat, Pamela Hemelrijk en Bernadette de Wit de website degestopteroker.nl op, om lucht te... Lang mocht de nagedachtenis niet duren: nog geen half jaar na de moord op Van Gogh staan de erfopvolgers als kemphanen tegenover elkaar. De gestopte roker is gestopt, meldt de site nu, na slechts acht afleveringen. Reden: de financier, advocaat Oscar Hammerstein - ervaringsdeskundige als beheerder van het gedachtegoed van Pim Fortuyn - weigert met geld over de brug te komen, ondanks eerdere beloften aan de makers. Die kosten bedragen vijfduizend euro voor de bouw van de site, driehonderd voor de hosting en duizend euro per maand voor de eindredactie. Op een andere website, frontaalnaakt.nl, wijt De Wit dit alles aan 'de egocentrische, amateuristische cultuur in het bestuur'. Helaas is zij onbereikbaar voor nader commentaar op dit ferme statement, evenals alle andere betrokkenen, die ieder in het buitenland blijken te vertoeven."|
June 5, 2002, Nova TV, 'Familie Fortuyn steunt aanklacht Spong en Hammerstein': "Het nieuwe bestuur dat de Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) woensdag heeft gepresenteerd distantieert zich van de aanklacht tegen politici en journaisten. De advocaten Spong en Hammerstein willen de aanklacht doorzetten. De advocaten willen de politici en journalisten voor de rechter dagen omdat ze zouden hebben aangezet tot haat tegen Fortuyn. Volgens het nieuwe bestuur is het aan de familie van Fortuyn om hierover te beslissen. In de studio een reactie van Marten Fortuyn, de broer van Pim Fortuyn."
See ISGP's 2014 article Dutch Joris Demmink Affair Reveals the Supranational Politics of Heroin, Cocaine, Blackmail and Deception for background and sources.
meervrijheid.nl/?pagina=779 (accessed: october 10, 2014): "Raad van Aanbeveling: Hans Labohm [Dutch representative to NATO in Brussels 1971-1974; ministry of foreign affairs 1974-1987; permanent representative to the OECD 1987-1992; guest scholar and advisor to the board at Clingendael, the Dutch CFR, 1992-2005; expert reviewer Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), but a skeptic of human influence on climate change; advisor to the Exxon-financed and right-wing Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow; expert of the conservative Heartland Institute] Auke Leen [Docent economie Universiteit van Leiden.] Mary Ruwart: [libertarian activist] Walter Block [senior fellow of the Ludwig von Mises Institute; economics professor Loyola University]..."
|||2014, Oscar Hammerstein, 'Oscar Hammerstein: Ik heb de tijd' (digital): "Op 5 april 2002 deed ik samen met Pim Fortuyn aangifte op het politiebureau Jan Hendrikstraat in Den Haag nadat een aanslag op hem was gepleegd in Perscentrum Nieuwspoort. Kort voordat hij op 6 mei 2002 vermoord werd, bracht ik nog een avond met hem door bij hem thuis in Rotterdam. ... Het waren dierenactivisten [die eerder een taart in Fortuyn's gezicht gooiden] van wie bekend was dat ze er niet mee zaten om grof geweld te gebruiken tegen mensen wanneer in hun ogen de rechten van dieren werden aangetast. Fanatici die alleen maar te vergelijken zijn met moslim-extremisten en andere gekken die zich ter rechtvaardiging van de tereur die zij uitoefenen, beroepen op een bijzondere band met de Schepper."|
|||2014, Oscar Hammerstein, 'Oscar Hammerstein: Ik heb de tijd' (digital): "Op 5 april 2002 deed ik samen met Pim Fortuyn aangifte op het politiebureau Jan Hendrikstraat in Den Haag nadat een aanslag op hem was gepleegd in Perscentrum Nieuwspoort [by cake throwers]. Kort voordat hij op 6 mei 2002 vermoord werd, bracht ik nog een avond met hem door bij hem thuis in Rotterdam. ... Het waren dierenactivisten [die eerder een taart in Fortuyn's gezicht gooiden] van wie bekend was dat ze er niet mee zaten om grof geweld te gebruiken tegen mensen wanneer in hun ogen de rechten van dieren werden aangetast. Fanatici die alleen maar te vergelijken zijn met moslim-extremisten en andere gekken die zich ter rechtvaardiging van de tereur die zij uitoefenen, beroepen op een bijzondere band met de Schepper."|
|||*) March 22, 2003, Peter Siebelt in het Reformatorisch Dagblad, 'Drie taarten, vijf kogels: Over Biologische Bakkers Brigade zal Volkert van der G. ongetwijfeld het stilzwijgen bewaren'. See ISGP's 2014 article Dutch Joris Demmink Affair Reveals the Supranational Politics of Heroin, Cocaine, Blackmail and Deception for excerpts.|
|||*) March 29, 2006, Hendrik Jan Korterink for his misdaadjournalist.nl, 'Volkert en de moord in Nunspeet' (very detailed biography of Volkert van der Graaf): "In 1992 richtte Volkert samen met zijn goede vriend Sjoerd van de Wouw de Vereniging Milieu-Offensief (VMO) en stortte hij zich daar volledig op. Hij gaf de brui aan zijn studie. De inkomsten van VMO bestonden uit gewonnen procedures bij de Raad van State, die rond de 1500 gulden opleverden. In totaal werden er zo'n 2200 procedures gevoerd, die voor meer dan driekwart werden gewonnen. Verder kregen ze subsidie van verschillende overheidsinstanties en via de Stichting Doen van de Nationale Postcodeloterij."
*) May 8, 2002, De Telegraaf, 'Moordenaar is milieuradicaal': "Van der G. is sinds 17 oktober 1994 secretaris/penningmeester van de Vereniging Milieu Offensief ..."
|||May 11, 2002, De Groene Amsterdammer, 'Verbijstering onder zijn vrienden Volkert is ook dood. De Volkert die je kende is niet de Volkert van nu': "Milieu-Offensief is gehuisvest in het gebouw waar ook MilieuDefensie en het Infocentrum zijn gevestigd. Ook als je hem niet goed kent is de kans groot dat je Volkert ooit hebt gezien op een bijeenkomst."|
|||*) milieudefensie.nl/organisatie/foe/index.htm (August 18, 2007): "Milieudefensie is the Dutch branch of Friends of the Earth International."|
|||*) 1988, Jack Raymond for the Aspen Institute for Humanistic Studies, 'Robert O. Anderson: Oil Man /environmentalist and His', p. 8: "[Robert Anderson] helped David Brower establish Friends of the Earth, though he disagreed with Brower's political activism and some of his views." 1973, Volume 16, American Opinion, Robert Welch, Page 34: "Robert O. Anderson, who shunted $200,000 into the organization to get it started, Friends of the Earth isn't about to go under." 1976, Sheldon M. Novick, 'The Electric War: The Fight Over Nuclear Power', p. 187: "These people, a good many became our original board of directors for Friends of the Earth, and a good many of them still serve. The chairman of Atlantic Richfield was one of that group, wasn't he? BROWER: Robert Anderson--Robert O. Anderson--was one of the people who came in with some initial support for the John Muir Institute, never for Friends of the Earth. Altogether he put in about seventy thousand dollars to help its program and to help some Aspen conferences, at least the first one. And then he lost interest when Friends of the Earth sued to stop the pipe [the trans-Alaskan pipeline, in which Atlantic-Richfield was a major partner]. Along with the Wilderness Society and others."
*) 2014, Gloria Crook, 'Trans-Dimensional Daughter' (digital) (speech around 1990): "Good afternoon ladies and gentlemen. My name is Angela Buller, and I am one of the senior students at the Robert Muller School. ... I am privileged to be here today to introduce to you our next distinguished speaker. Mr. Ted Turner is chairman of the board and president of Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. ... He sits on the boards of numerous humanitarian institutions, including the Martin Luther King Center for Nonviolent Change, Friends of the Earth, and the NAACP."
*) United Nations Environmental Programme, Sasakawa Prize section: "Dr. Aurelio Peccei: Winner 1984: The inaugural UNEP Sasakawa Environment Prize was awarded posthumously to Dr. Peccei ... [who] ... in his new role turned the Club of Rome, which he had helped found, into one of the world's leading bodies promoting sustainable and fair development. He gave tirelessly to the causes which he espoused, as a member of the UNESCO Panel of Counsellors on Major World Problems; a member of the Governing Council of the Society for International Development; a member of the Board of Trustees of the Foundation for the International Training for Third World Countries; and as a member of the Friends of the Earth Advisory Council."
*) Maurice Strong papers at Harvard University Library: "Box [*] Sierra Club: 1976 May-1978 Aug. ... Box [**] Friends of the Earth, Ottawa: 1976 Nov-1979 May; n.d. (Includes "Friends of the Earth Foundation Advisory Council")
rbf.org/grant/10735/friends-earth-3 (Rockefeller Brothers Fund): "Friends of the Earth: $17,500 [in 2009]: For media capacity building and coordination with climate equity advocacy organizations... $200,000 [in 2011]: For continued support of its initiative, Advancing and Protecting Sustainability Standards in Development Finance. ... $100,000 [in 2013:] For continued support of its Economic Policy program's initiative, Advancing Sustainability Standards in International Finance and Trade. ... $170,000 [in 2014:] For continued support of its Economic Policy Program's initiative, Advancing and Protecting Sustainability Standards in Development Finance."
*) January 18, 2005, Capital Research,'The Rockefeller Brothers Fund and Rockefeller Family Fund: How a Great Capitalist's Fortune Came to Fund Anti-Capitalist Causes': "The Rockefeller Family Fund also gave substantially to groups challenging Bush administration environmental policies. Donations by the Fund in 2003 and 2004 included $150,000 to the Campaign to Protect America's Lands to “stop anti-environmental public lands decrees through sustained grass roots and media efforts," $25,000 to the Friends of the Earth Foundation."
|||June 6, 2003, Stan de Jong and Joost Niemöller for HP / De Tijd, 'De GroenLinks connectie': "Een voorbeeld. Volkerts rechterhand Sjoerd van de Wouw was niet alleen medeoprichter van VMO, maar tevens beleidsmedewerker bij Milieudefensie, dat in de praktijk als banenmotor voor GroenLinks fungeert, en de man achter Wakker Dier, de opvolger van Lekker Dier. De organisaties zaten in Wageningen in hetzelfde pand."|
|||*) milieudefensie.nl/organisatie/foe/index.htm (August 18, 2007): "Milieudefensie is the Dutch branch of Friends of the Earth International."
*) February 16, 1993, Reformatorisch Dagblad, 'Veebedrijven in Holten behouden vergunning': "DEN HAAG (ANP) - Drie veebedrijven in Holten (Overijssel) kunnen hun bedrijf voorlopig voortzetten. De Raad van State heeft vandaag het verzoek afgewezen van de Vereniging Milieudefensie Almelo om schorsing van de hinderwetvergunning. Milieudefensie vindt dat de gemeente Holten ten onrechte de vergunning heeft afgegeven omdat de bodem al te erg is verzuurd. De uitspraak van de Raad van State betekent niet dat de bedrijven definitief open mogen blijven. Over de zaak moet nog een definitieve uitspraak komen in de bodemprocedure. In januari vernietigde de Raad van State twee hinderwetvergunningen van veebedrijven in het Twentse Ambt-Delden. Het ging toen om een kroonuitspraak. De gemeente Ambt-Delden had volgens de Raad van State geen hinderwetvergunning mogen verstrekken, omdat de omgeving al in ernstige mate is verzuurd door de veehouderij. Begin februari verwierp de Raad van State het verzoek van de stichting Milieu-Offensief Wageningen voor schorsing van de hinderwetvergunning van acht veehouders uit de gemeente Ede."
*) December 15, 1999, De Toren, 'Milieuorganisaties in het geweer': "Milieudefensie en de vereniging Milieu-offensief [VMO, of Volkert van der Graaf] hebben een reeks milieuvergunningen van de gemeente Hardenberg voorgedragen voor vernietiging door de Raad van State."
*) May 8, 2002, Trouw, 'Impopulair bij dierenactivisten': "Wat zeker is: Pim Fortuyn maakte zich met zijn plannen om varkens in een varkensflat te fokken en het opheffen van het fokverbod voor nertsen zeer impopulair onder dierenactivisten. ... Uit welke motieven Fortuyn is vermoord, is onduidelijk. De dader werkte bij de Vereniging Milieu-offensief, een milieu-organisatie die via juridische procedures de bio-industrie bestrijdt. De club werkt samen met het veel grotere Milieudefensie [Dutch branch Friends of the Earth]. Eind jaren '90 procedeerden ze samen tegen de uitbreiding van veehouderijen. ... Milieu-offensief is een vrij kleine club, met een kantoor in Wageningen."
|||June 6, 2003, Stan de Jong and Joost Niemöller for HP / De Tijd, 'De GroenLinks connectie': "Een voorbeeld. Volkerts rechterhand Sjoerd van de Wouw was niet alleen medeoprichter van VMO, maar tevens beleidsmedewerker bij Milieudefensie, dat in de praktijk als banenmotor voor GroenLinks fungeert, en de man achter Wakker Dier, de opvolger van Lekker Dier. De organisaties zaten in Wageningen in hetzelfde pand."|
|||*) Van der Graaf worked for the environmental organization Vereniging Milieu Offensief in Wageningen, which he had co-founded in 1992. His job involved challenging violators of environmental regulations through litigation. He concentrated particularly on contesting practices in intensive animal farming and fur farming. He was said to be highly motivated, working more than the four days per week of his contract. He was successful at litigation, winning about three out of every four cases.
*) May 8, 2002, De Telegraaf, 'Moordenaar is milieuradicaal': "Van der G. is sinds 17 oktober 1994 secretaris/penningmeester van de Vereniging Milieu Offensief [which was founded in 1992] ...
VMO is voor deze actie een samenwerkingsverband aangegaan met Bont voor Dieren. Ook werkt VMO samen met organisaties als Milieudefensie, Stichting Lekker Dier en Animal Freedom.
De harde kern rond Van der G. kreeg van 1992 tot en met 1998 subsidiegelden van de Nationale Postcode Loterij (NPL) via de Stichting Doen, zo blijkt uit eerdere publicaties over de VMO. Stichting Doen, een van de goede doelen van de Nationale Postcode Loterij, werd door de NPL en de ontwikkelingshulporganisatie NOVIB opgericht om "een deel van de opbrengsten van de loterij te verdelen onder organisaties voor natuur en milieu." In totaal ontving VMO 330.000 gulden waarvan 30.000 gulden als lening weer is terugbetaald.
De Nationale Postcode Loterij reageerde gisteravond geschokt. "Wat er met Pim Fortuyn is gebeurd, is verschrikkelijk. Wij als Postcode Loterij steunen veertig organisaties op het gebied van mens en natuur. Eén daarvan is de Stichting Doen. Deze stichting is zelf verantwoordelijk voor de besteding van haar gelden, maar natuurlijk worden we wakker geschud. We moeten kijken of we alerter moeten zijn", aldus woordvoerster Lisette Schone. Opspraak De Stichting Doen heeft haar subsidieverstrekking aan de milieuactivisten mogelijk beëindigd nadat VMO eind jaren negentig in opspraak kwam door beschuldigingen van afpersing van veeboeren. Tegen forse betalingen zou VMO bereid zijn geweest geen tijdrovende bezwaren te maken tegen nieuwe vergunningaanvragen. Dit leidde tot grote beroering in de agrarische sector. Naar aanleiding van vragen van het Kamerlid Stellingwerf stelde minister Pronk (Milieu) destijds een onderzoek in naar VMO. Dit onderzoek leverde overigens weinig op. Medewerkers van de Lijst Pim Fortuyn zeggen dat zij van justitie te horen hebben gekregen dat leden van de harde kern rond Van der G. al eerder iemand hebben vermoord. Volgens deze zegslieden zou dit in de doofpot zijn gestopt. Van der G. heeft de hulp ingeroepen van het Amsterdamse advocatenkantoor van Britta Böhler, die eerder de PKK-terrorist Öcalan bijstond. Het kantoor wil op dit moment geen enkele mededeling doen rondom de verdachte."
|||May 10, 2002, Veluws Dagblad, Harderwijk (home town of Volkert van der Graaf; since March 2003 absorbed into the Stentor), 'Klacht Stichting Milieu-Offensief bij Raad voor de Journalistiek': "Een berekenende man, die geen woord teveel zei. Een echte dossiervreter. Dat zegt verslaggever Henk van Ess van deze krant over de vermoedelijke moordenaar van Pim Fortuyn, de Harderwijker Volkert van der G. In 1998 had van Ess met Volkert "het langste interview in zijn leven".
Negen uur lang sprak Van Ess in het nest van de Vereniging Milieu Offensief (VMO) in Wageningen met Volkert en medebestuurslid Sjoerd van der Wouw, waar duizenden ordners in kasten langs de muur stonden. Het gesprek vond plaats naar aanleiding van onderzoek van deze krant naar deze bezwarenmachine tegen de bio-industrie.
Van Ess: Volkert kwam op mij professioneel en intelligent over. Het bleek dat VMO geregeld milieuprotesten liet afkopen door boeren. Die organisatie diende duizenden bezwaarschriften in tegen rammelende milieuvergunningen van gemeenten. Veehouders vreesden de daadkracht van de VMO zo sterk dat zij met alle middelen probeerden procedures bij de Raad van State trachten te voorkomen. VMO bleek bereid bezwaren in te trekken als veehouders bereid waren voor tienduizenden guldens ammoniakrechten elders in het land op te kopen. Het brein achter die duizenden procedures was zonder twijfel Volkert, zegt van Ess.
De bescheiden organisatie groeide eind jaren negentig uit tot de belangrijkste tegenstander van de intensieve veehouderij in Utrecht en Gelderland. Tegen een op de vier milieuvergunningen werd bezwaar aangetekend. Onder leiding van Volkert won de organisatie bovendien honderden zaken bij de Raad van State.
Tijdens het gesprek zei Volkert niet veel, herinnert van Ess zich. Zijn collega Sjoerd van der Wouw was meer het gezicht naar buiten, de smooth guy. Volkert lachte en grinnikte wat, had wat binnenpretjes, maar zei geen woord teveel. Hij maakte voortdurend een berekenende indruk. Even berekenend verkwanselde hij ook weer zijn idealen door bezwaarschriften weg te poetsen als boeren bereid bleken voor tonnen mestrechten op te kopen.
Hoe Volkert en de VMO zich in procedures kunnen vastbijten ontdekte overigens deze krant: naar aanleiding van de publicaties over de werkwijze van de VMO stapte de organisatie van Volkert naar de Raad voor de Journalistiek. Dit keer overigens zonder succes. De raad achtte de klacht dat de VMO onterecht in een kwaad daglicht zou zijn gesteld onterecht. ...
Klacht Vereniging Milieu Offensief tegen H. van Ess.
Beslissing van de Raad voor de Journalistiek inzake de klacht van Vereniging Milieu-Offensief tegen H. van Ess.
Bij brief van 18 augustus 1998 met 4 bijlagen heeft ir. S.C. van de Wouw, voorzitter van de Vereniging Milieu-Offensief te Wageningen (klaagster) een klacht ingediend tegen journalist H. van Ess (betrokkene). Hierop heeft R.H. van de Loo, adjunct-hoofdredacteur van Wegener Uitgeverij Midden Nederland, namens betrokkene gereageerd in een brief van 16 september 1998. De zaak is behandeld ter zitting van de Raad van 10 december 1998, in aanwezigheid van partijen.
Op grond van de stukken en het verhandelde ter zitting gaat de Raad uit van de volgende feiten. Op de voorpagina van het Utrechts Nieuwsblad verscheen op zaterdag 1 augustus 1998 een artikel van de hand van betrokkene met de kop Boeren kopen milieuprotest af. De inleiding bij het artikel luidt: Ruim honderd Utrechtse en Gelderse boeren hebben voor tienduizenden guldens per persoon milieuprotesten afgekocht van een actiegroep tegen de bio-industrie. Naast de boeren betaalt ook één gemeente, Harderwijk, om de kritiek van de milieuactivisten van tafel te krijgen."
|||Friends of the Earth: Dutch branch (Milieudefensie) financed by Postcode Loterij / Stichting Doen while the international branch is financed by the Rockefeller, Ford and other foundations. Postcode Loterij finances Doctors Without Borders, the WWF, UNICEF, Oxfam Novib and related groups. Examples of Stichting Doen partnership with international foundations:
*) July 2003, Human Rights Watch, "Killing Is A Very Easy Thing For Us.", p. 95: "Our work on Afghanistan has required significant financial resources. We thank the Ford Foundation, ... MacArthur Foundation ... Carnegie Corporation ... Stichting Doen, and Rockefeller Brothers Fund for their generous contributions to our emergency work in Afghanistan."
*) thegiin.org/investors-council (accessed: April 8, 2016): "Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation ... Packard Foundation ... DOEN Foundation ... Ford Foundation ... MacArthur Foundation ... Omidyar Network ... Rockefeller Foundation..."
*) theclimategroup.org/what-we-do/news-and-blogs/More-Companies-Make-Link-Between-Climate-Change-and-Increased-Profit/ (accessed: April 8, 2016): "The third edition of the report Carbon Down Profits Up is supported by Garfield Weston Foundation, DOEN Foundation (Stichting DOEN) and Rockefeller Brothers Fund."
*) November 30, 2004, 'The Global Witness Trust Report & Financial Statements': "During the year incoming funds increased by £278,484, due to new funding from Stichting Doen & Comic Relief, offset by discontinuation of funding by Rockefeller Brother Foundation..."
*) mdif.org/about-us/investors/ (accessed: February 8, 2013): "DOEN Foundation ... Foundation for Democracy and Media ... MacArthur Foundation. Omidyar Network. Open Society Foundation. Oxfam Novib."
|||March 18, 2006, Volkskrant, 'Hypocriet, al die opwinding': "Moedeloos wordt Simon Jelsma, ex-pater en oprichter van de ontwikkelingsorganisatie [Oxfam] Novib en [in 1989] de Postcode Loterij, er niet van. 'Op 23 maart 1956 kwam uit de Pleingroep de Novib tot stand. Prins Bernhard (wiens portret bij Jelsma thuis aan de muur hangt) was als algemeen voorzitter bij de oprichtingsvergadering in het Amsterdamse Instituut voor de Tropen aanwezig."|
|||March 18, 2006, Volkskrant, 'Hypocriet, al die opwinding': "Moedeloos wordt Simon Jelsma, ex-pater en oprichter van de ontwikkelingsorganisatie [Oxfam] Novib en [in 1989] de Postcode Loterij, er niet van. 'Op 23 maart 1956 kwam uit de Pleingroep de Novib tot stand. Prins Bernhard (wiens portret bij Jelsma thuis aan de muur hangt) was als algemeen voorzitter bij de oprichtingsvergadering in het Amsterdamse Instituut voor de Tropen aanwezig. 'De vader van minister Ben Bot van Buitenlandse Zaken [Theo Bot, a colonial and Dutch secretary in the 1960s and chair Dutch delegation of UNICEF. His son Ben Bot: director Dutch intel-connected JASON 1970s; president governor Dutch Institute of International Affairs; Dutch EU representative 1992-2003; minister of foreign affairs 2003-2007; chair Dutch Carnegie Foundation] was ook betrokken bij de oprichting. Die was net terug uit Indonesië, met de kleine Ben aan zijn hand.' De econoom Jan Tinbergen [consultant League of Nations 1936-1938; first director Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis 1945-1955; professor Harvard 1955-1956; visitor Bilderber 1966; member IISS] schreef Jelsma vrijwel onmiddellijkna de oprichting een brief waarin hij zijn sympathie betuigde.' Hij zei dat hij tot alle diensten bereid was. Dat scheelde, want Tinbergen had invloed indertijd.' In het algemeen bestuur zouden later ook prominenten als Wim Meijer [secretary of state for culture 1973-1976; Labor MP 1977-1989; director Rabobank; chair Netherlands Railroads], Max van der Stoel [elite Minerva fraternity; foreign affairs minister 1973-1977, 1981-1982; representative to the UN 1983-1986; chair Dutch Carnegie Foundation 1989-1990s; high commissioner East-West Institute 1993-2001; JASON (Dutch intel-linked); governor Dutch Institute of International Affairs 1990s; The Global Panel; Bilderberg participant], Wim Kok [Labor Party leader 1986-2001; deputy PM and finance minister 1989-1994; PM 1994-2002 when Volkert van der Graaf assassinated Fortuyn; at Soros' International Crisis Group; Bilderberg 2003; president Club of Madrid; mentor CMi], André Kloos [SER 1958-1971; member Monnet Committee 1970; senator 1963-1982; chair VARA broadcasting 1971-1980] en Henk Korthals [involved in the early EU processes; vice PM 1959-1963; member Council of State 1964-1976; his son, Benk Korthals: minister of justice 1998-2002, minister of defense May-December 2002 due to the Fortuyn assassination and forced out by the Bouwfraude/Buidling Fraud] zitting nemen. 'Dat gaf wat body aan de organisatie.' Het eerste project van Novib staat hem nog helder voor ogen.' In 1957 reisde ik af naar Soedan."|
||| Examples of Oxfam financing by major Eastern Establishment foundations:
*) Ford Foundation grants to Oxfam network 2006-2015 (Excel sheet of grants from Ford Foundation website): "
*) Tides Foundation grant to Oxfam network: "
[2004:] Oxfam America. $36,965.00.
[2005:] Oxfam America. $68,800.00.
[2006:] Oxfam America. $42,584.00.
[2007:] Oxfam America. $36,000.00.
[2008:] Oxfam America. $4,500.00.
[2009:] Oxfam America. $133,265.00.
[2010:] Oxfam America. 135,025.00.
[2011:] Oxfam America. 93667.
[2012:] Oxfam America. 81020.
[2013:] Oxfam America. $1,000.00. $15,000.00. $100,000.00. $60,000.00. $26,092.00.
[2014:] Oxfam America. $1,000.00. $100,000.00. $25,000.00."
|||See note 74.|
|||*) 2003, EO Visie, 'Dubieuze netwerken': "Ziet Peter Siebelt Volkert van der G. dan als iemand die opdracht heeft gekregen om Pim Fortuyn te vermoorden? "Nee, maar Volkert is wel een product van een maatschappelijk klimaat en een omgeving, de tijd van RARA en de krakers. Hij komt zelf uit de krakerswereld voort. Ook enkele professoren op de Landbouwuniversiteit Wageningen, waar Volkert een tijdje heeft gestudeerd, huldigden zeer radicale opvattingen."
*) March 22, 2003, Reformatorisch Dagblad, 'Drie taarten, vijf kogels: Over Biologische Bakkers Brigade zal Volkert van der G. ongetwijfeld het stilzwijgen bewaren': "Siebelt, een internationale vraagbaak op het gebied van actiegroepen en terrorisme, is al maanden bezig het netwerk rond Volkert van der G. in kaart te brengen. Van der G.''s vroegere woonplaats Wageningen speelt hierin een belangrijke rol. Siebelt laat aan de hand van een stapel documentiemateriaal zien hoe diverse actiegroepen in de universiteitsstad met elkaar verbonden waren: taartgooiers en Volkert van der G. behoorden tot dezelfde kringen. "De schakel tussen Van der G. en de taartbrigades is Judith Scheltema", vertelt Siebelt. "Van der G., zijn vriendin Petra L. en Scheltema waren goede vrienden. Gezamenlijk was het drietal jarenlang in Wageningen actief tegen onder meer genetisch gemanipuleerd voedsel - Scheltema in de actiegroep NoGen, Petra L. in de Stichting Lekker Dier en Van der G. in de actiegroep de Ziedende Bintjes."
|||*) Cees Veerman: Hoogleraar agribusiness aan de Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam 1990-1997. Voorzitter van de raad van bestuur van het Wageningen Universiteit en Researchcentrum 1997-2002. Minister van Landbouw, Natuurbeheer en Visserij 2002-2003. Minister van Landbouw, Natuur en Voedselkwaliteit 2003-2007. Voorzitter Wetenschappelijk Instituut voor het CDA 2007-2010. Chair Vereniging Natuurmonumenten 2007- (successor of Herman Wijffels). Advisory board Rabobank 2007-2015. Chair advisory board Holding Nationale Goede Doelen Loterijen B.V. since April 2012.
*) rabobank.com/nl/images/cv-cees-veerman-nl-2014-10-02.pdf: "Hoofdfunctie - Hoogleraar Universiteit van Tilburg en Wageningen Universiteit, aandachtsgebied duurzame plattelandsontwikkeling vanuit Europees perspectief. ... - Lid raad van commissarissen Rabobank Nederland. ... - Voorzitter raad van commissarissen Holding Nationale Goede Doelen Loterijen B.V. - Voorzitter raad van commissarissen Ziekenhuis Ikazia Rotterdam."
|||*) Pieter Winsemius: Son of economist Albert Winsemius, who was influential in distributing the Marshall Plan funds in the Netherlands and worked closely with future 1001 Club member Jan van den Brink. Pieter was educated at Leiden University and Stanford. Partner McKinsey & Company Inc. 1986-2002. Minister van Ministerie van Volkshuisvesting, Ruimtelijke Ordening en Milieubeheer / Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment (VROM) 1982-1986, 2006-2007. Chairman of the Vereniging Natuurmonumenten 1988-1999. Member Dow Chemical Company's Corporate Environmental Advisory Council 1997-. Trustee Shell Foundation. Chair Nationale Goede Doelen Loterijen 2001-2012. Chair Van Gogh Museum. Advisory board member Erasmus University 2004-2006. Member Commission Van Doorn in 2011.
*) parlement.com/id/vg09llnkd0zb/p_pieter_winsemius: "voorzitter Raad van Commissarissen N.V. Holding "Nationale Goede Doelen Loterijen" (tot 2004 Raad van Toezicht Nationale Postcode Loterij en Nederlandse Sponsor Loterij), vanaf 31 januari 2001."
|||August 2, 2002, Volkskrant, 'Justitie negeerde eerder wilsverklaring': "Op 25 september 2001 ontmoeten ze elkaar. Volkert van der G. voert het woord namens de Vereniging tot Behoud van Natuurmonumenten, die bij de Raad van State bezwaar heeft aangetekend tegen een oprichtingsvergunning voor een groothandel in 'watervogels'.... Piet Hein Donner luistert aandachtig naar het betoog van de milieuactivist. Als een van de 26 staatsraden bij de Raad van State is hij onder meer belast met bestuursrechtelijke conflicten. Donner is tevens voorzitter van de milieukamer, de afdeling die al heel wat bezwaren van de Vereniging Milieu Offensief, de juridische actiegroep van Van der G., heeft toegewezen. Maar dit beroep zal stranden: op 7 november verklaart Donner het ongegrond. Nu is Donner minister van Justitie en is Van der G. de verdachte van de moord op Pim Fortuyn. Donner is als minister verantwoordelijk voor de gezondheid van de gedetineerde Van der G., die gisteren zijn vierde week van hongerstaking inging. De verdachte protesteert met deze actie tegen het permanente cameratoezicht in zijn cel, dat hij als een inbreuk op de privacy beschouwt.Donner heeft zich sinds zijn aantreden anderhalve week geleden nog niet uitgelaten over Van der G., diens hongerstaking en de camera-kwestie. Wel stelt hij zich van de ontwikkelingen op de hoogte, aldus een woordvoerder van Justitie."|
|||May 15, 2002, De Telegraaf, 'Taartengooister blijkt barones': "Een van de drie opgepakte activisten die Pim Fortuyn met 'taarten' van braaksel en uitwerpselen besmeurden, blijkt een barones uit een vermaard adellijk geslacht te zijn. Het gaat om de 27-jarige Pauline van T. van S., wier ouders in Duitsland wonen. De links-radicale barones stuurde onlangs af in psychologie aan de universiteit in Groningen. Volgens haar familie verbleef zij op een hen onbekend adres. Haar onderkomen blijkt een gekraakte boerderij op het Hoenderloose landgoed Deelerwoud, waar de adellijke activiste gisterochtend rond vijf uur samen met een tweede taartensmijter, Jelle G., in de boeien werd geslagen door arrestatieteams. De krakers hadden 'hun' onderkomen gebarricadeerd en de oprit afgesloten met hekken en kettingen. Omwonenden die door het tumult rond de politieactie werden gewekt, meldden dat hun kinderen regelmatig contact hadden met de krakers, onder wie Pauline van T. van S. en Jelle G. "Ze zijn altijd bijzonder vriendelijk. Maar de krakers gebruiken waarschijnlijk veel drugs. We hebben vaak vuile spuiten en naalden zien rondslingeren." Volgens de eigenaar jonkheer [Volker] Repelaar [Repelaer] van landgoed Deelerwoud werd zijn boerderij een halfjaar geleden gekraakt. "Ik heb daarvan vergeefs aangifte gedaan. Nu politie en justitie, nota bene pas twee maanden later, dat tuig hebben geïdentificeerd en blijkt dat mijn pand een broeinest van illegale activiteiten is geworden, wordt er opeens wel opgetreden. Ik ben daar woest over." Een team van 55 rechercheurs onderzoekt of de drie banden hebben met Fortuyns vermoedelijke moordenaar Volkert van der G. Volgens hun advocate, mevrouw mr. Van den Brûle, heeft het drietal inmiddels verklaard Van der G. niet te kennen."|
|||1001 Club members:
- Baron F. W. W. "Freddie" van Tuyll Van Serooskerken (1978 list).
- Baron G.C.M. van Tuyll Van Serooskerken (1978 list) / Baron G. C. W. van Tuyll Van Serooskerken (1987 list; on the 2010 list, as having joined in 1977, so likely G.C.M. was typo).
|||*) May 8, 2002, Trouw, 'Impopulair bij dierenactivisten': "Wat zeker is: Pim Fortuyn maakte zich met zijn plannen om varkens in een varkensflat te fokken en het opheffen van het fokverbod voor nertsen zeer impopulair onder dierenactivisten."
*) lpf-gelderland.nl/bestuur2.htm (accessed October 8, 2002): "Gelderland. Op 20 september j.l. is de LPF-Gelderland gesticht en hebben bestuursverkiezingen plaats gevonden. Het Gelderse LPF bestuur bestaat uit: -, voorzitter Olof Wullinker [INSEAD; Catholic Radboud University]; - Leontien van Nieuwenhuijzen, secretaris [active at Erasmus and Radbout universities]; - Anne Zweers, penningmeester [Pastor - "spiritual caretaker" - Dutch military]; - Rob van der Zee, alg. bestuurslid; - Trudy van Tuyll van Serooskerken - van der Heide, [owner physical therapy practice since 1970] alg. bestuurslid."
*) January 10, 2003, PimFortuyn.nl forum: "Trudy van Tuyll: Hallo allemaal, Iemand van jullie forum zond mij een mail betreffende dit Forum. Voor alle duidelijkheid hierin worden een paar zaken verward en dat is voor mij hoogst ongelukkig. Ik ben niet de taartgooister, maar wel een aktief lid van de LPF zittende in het bestuur Gelderland. Tevens heb ik me voor de LPF kandidaat gesteld voor de Provinciale Staten en ben zelf geen dieraktiviste of wat dan ook maar. Tegen het zinloos vernietigen van dieren ben ik wel ten strijde getrokken dmv de Stichting Boer en Vee. Die distantieerd zich echter van alle aktiviteiten die te maken hebben met de andere familieleden. Verder ben ik hoogst aktief in de Partij en wil dit ook blijven, maar dan wel graag zonder alle negatieve gezeur daar omheen. We hebben het al lastig genoeg met z'n allen en meer rompslomp is niet nodig, lijkt me. Op de Lijst-PimFortuyn.nl kunt alles wat U over mij wilt weten lezen. Trudy"
|||Partijvoordedieren.nl/partij/kandidaten/kandidaten.html (accessed: December 8, 2002): "Kandidatenlijst Partij voor de Dieren: 1. mr Thieme, M.L. (Marianne) (v) Maarssen [member extremist Seventh-Day Adventist Church], Beleidsmedewerker stichting Bont voor Dieren; 2. Saaman, D.M. (Diana) (v) Wehl, Biologisch varkenshouder en landbouwjournalist; 3. drs Stoop, L.A.M. (Bert) (m) Groningen Webredacteur Animal Freedom. ... 6. Jonkvrouw van Holthe, S.A.T. (Selby) (v) Houten, Huisvrouw / psychotherapeut ... 14. Barones van Tuyll van Serooskerken, M.E. (Bobbie)(v) Doorn Edelsmid..."|
|||Maart 28, 2007, Elsevier, 'De juridische terreur van Wakker Dier': "Even ter opfrissing, onder de toenmalige leiding van Marianne Thieme en met steun van Sjoerd van der Wouw (kompaan van Volkert van der Graaf, de moordenaar van Fortuyn) heeft Wakker Dier een eipolitie ingesteld die van supermarkt naar supermarkt trok om het scharrelei te introduceren."|
|||March 10, 2007, NRC, 'Financier van dierenpartij betrokken bij dierproeven': "Nicolaas Pierson, de belangrijkste financier van de Partij voor de Dieren, verdient zijn geld met de verkoop van geïmpregneerde klamboes waarvan de chemicaliën zijn getest op dieren. Zijn bedrijf werkt al jaren nauw samen met chemieconcern Bayer, dat op grote schaal dierproeven doet. ...
Pierson doneerde vorig jaar 300.000 euro aan de partij. Dat geld kwam naar eigen zeggen uit de winst van zijn klamboebedrijf SiamDutch. Volgens de Partij voor de Dieren zelf is met die donatie het grootste deel van de succesvolle campagne van de partij tijdens de verkiezingen van november gefinancierd. De partij kwam toen met twee zetels in de Tweede Kamer. Door de uitslag van de provinciale verkiezingen krijgt de partij ook een zetel in de senaat.
"Wij hebben het geld van Pierson persoonlijk gekregen", zegt partijleider Marianne Thieme in een reactie. "Geld van zijn bedrijf of van Bayer hadden we niet aangenomen." De dierproeven voor de chemicaliën op de klamboes noemt ze een "noodzakelijk kwaad". Dierenbeschermers reageren verrast op de herkomst van het campagnegeld."
|||From ISGP's 1001 Club membership:
*) Allard Jiskoot: "His father married a member of the Pierson banking family. ... Director of AMRO bank. Chairman Bank Pierson, Heldring & Pierson 1975-1981. On the advisory boards of ... Elsevier, Heineken, ... Vice chairman of the Dutch branch of the Royal Bank of Scotland. Treasurer of the Red Cross. ... Chairman Stichting Toezicht Effectenverkeer (Netherlands Authority for the Financial Markets). A younger relative, Wilco Jiskoot, later held top positions at ABN AMRO Bank... "
*) Jan Lodewijk Pierson (cousin of Niek Pierson): "Member of the Pierson & Co. banking family. ... Married Lucy Mary Franssen (pseudonym Ellen Forest; 1878-1959), who translated four books of Mussolini, whom the couple admired and was friendly with. Put in jail during the Nazi invasion in 1940 for his activities in the National Socialist Movement (NSB), the Dutch fascist movement. Rehabilitated after WWII."
|||nl.linkedin.com/in/paulinevantuyll (accessed: May 31, 2014): "Rijksuniversiteit Groningen - Master of Arts, Psychologie 1995 – 2002. ... vennoot Tuyll-Goris Producties October 2003 – December 2010. ... Radbouduniversiteit Nijmegen Social Geography 2009 – 2010. Activiteiten en verenigingen: Mastercursussen Sociale Geografie; Internationale Migratie, Globalisering en Ontwikkeling, Multiculturele Samenleving & Cross-border Governance. ... Diverse internetfilms, oa Milieudefensie 2010. Authors: Pauline van Tuyll. ... Birsen FAIRbeeld Producties, April 2, 2013, Authors: Pauline van Tuyll. ... Health Care for international students and staff of Wageningen UR, Wageningen University and Research Center, August 20, 2013. Authors: Pauline van Tuyll, Gerda Wink."|
|||Brabants Historisch Informatie Centrum: bhic.nl/onderzoeken/wapenboeken-illustre-lieve-vrouwe-broederschap, 'Wapenboeken Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap' (includes scans of the wapenboeken) (accessed: October 9, 2016): "[Queen] Beatrix ... [Prince] Bernhard ... [Prince] Claus ... [Princess] Irene ... [Queen] Juliana ... [Queen] Wilhelmina ... [King] Alexander ... Beelaerts van Blokland [4 family members listed in total] ... Beuningen, M.Ch.M. van. Beuningen, W. van. ... Croij, Gerardus. Croij, Gerardus de ... Egmond, Fredericus van. Egmont, Florentius van. Egmont, Maximilian van. ... Fentener v. Vlissingen, J.M. Fentener van Vlissingen, F.H. Fentener van Vlissingen, F.H. Fentener van Vlissingen, F.H. ... Lanschot, W.C.J.M. ["Bib"] van [24 family members listed in total] ... Lennep, D.F.H. van ... Merode, Florentius van. Merode, Floris van [17th century]. ... Michiels van Kessenich, L.M. Michiels van Kessenich, W.E.M. ... Nassau, Lodewijck van. Nassau, Walrad van. Nassau, Willem van. ... Oranje Nassau, Willem van. Oranje, Willem van [19th century]. ... Otten, F.F. [Frans Otten of Philips and son-in-law of A.F. Philips] ... Philips, A.F. Philips, A.F. Philips, F. Philips, F.J. Philips, W. [founder of Philips and family] ... Röell, W. [20th century] ... Roy van Zuidewijn, D.B.W. de. Roy van Zuidewyn, B.W.J.M. de. ... Schoonhoven, Wilhelmus van [16th century] ... Tuijl, Gosuinus van. Tuijll van Serooskerke, S.J. van. ... Tuyll van Serooskerken, F.C.C. van [Baron Frederik Christiaan Constantijn]. Tuyll van Serooskerken, J.M. van [Baron Jan Maximiliaan]. Tuyll van Serooskerken, J.P. van. Tuyll van Serooskerken, S.E. van [Sammy]. [19th and 20th century] ... Voorst tot Voorst, A.E.J. van. Voorst tot Voorst, B.J.M. van. Voorst tot Voorst, E.L.A. van. ... Vos van Steenwijk, C.H. de. Vos van Steenwijk, J.A. de. Vos van Steenwijk, J.E. de. Vos van Steenwijk, R.H. de. Vos van Steenwijk, R.W. de."|
|||nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Van_Tuyll_van_Serooskerken (accessed: October 10, 2016): "
- ir. Frederik Christiaan Constantijn baron van Tuyll van Serooskerken (1886-1958), burgemeester van onder andere Zuilen.
-- Hans Georg Inundat baron van Tuyll van Serooskerken (1917-1988), burgemeester van Utrecht van 1970 tot 1974.
--- dr. Cornelis Nicolaas baron van Tuyll van Serooskerken (1946).
---- Pauline van Tuyll van Serooskerken (1974), activiste die een taart in het gezicht van Pim Fortuyn gooide."
||| *) 2003, EO Visie, 'Dubieuze netwerken' (book review of Peter Siebelt's 'Eco Nostra' (note: Siebelt is an ultra-right intelligence asset).
*) June 6, 2003, Stan de Jong and Joost Niemöller for HP / De Tijd, 'De GroenLinks connectie': "Voor het grote publiek zal Peter Siebelt een onbekende zijn. ... Op de website van Theo van Gogh staat dan ook nog sinds kort een intrigerende voorpublicatie van een boek met de niet minder intrigerende titel Eco Nostra - het netwerk achter Volkert van der G., waarin een ingewikkeld netwerk van linkse dwarsverbanden wordt blootgelegd. Enfin, alle reden om eens langs te gaan.
[Peter Siebelt:] "De bovenste laag bestaat uit de linkse politieke partijen: SP, GroenLinks en PvdA. Plus een verdwaalde VVD'er en CDA'er. Ook de vakbeweging, een aantal universiteiten en de kerk behoren tot de bovenlaag. "Een laag daaronder zitten de goed georganiseerde en zwaar gesubsidieerde non-gouvernementele organisaties als Novib, Pax Christi, IKV Greenpeace en VluchtelingenWerk. Vervolgens krijg je wat ik noem de middenklassers, waaronder de stichting Natuur en Milieu en de vereniging Milieudefensie. Iets meer naar beneden vind je de radicalere organisaties: VMO, Bont voor dieren, Wakker Dier, Lekker Dier, noem maar op...
"Maar laten jullie je door al die namen met van de wijs brengen. Soms betreft het gewoon afsplitsingen van dezelfde clubs. Of fusieproducten. Vandaar ook dat ik de maffia-terminologie hanteer: men houdt het bewust ondoorzichtig. Burgers mogen niet weten dat de 'nettere' delen in Eco Nostra aan de 'extremere' delen linken. Bovendien kan men zo de meeste subsidie vangen van de overheid. ...
"In de onderste laag van de koek zitten de hooligans onder de non-gouvernementele organisaties, zoals GroenFront!, het Dierenbevrijdingsfront en Vluchteling onder Dak, waar Judith Scheltema, een vriendin van Volkert, de scepter zwaait. Nu kom ik op de aangebrande bodem terecht. Dat zijn de vrijstaten in Nederland: Vrankrijk in Amsterdam; Grote Broek, Nijmegen; Eurodusnie, Leiden; De Wilde Wereld, Wageningen; De Blauwe Aanslag in Den Haag. Daar verzamelen hardcore-activisten zich als er ergens een hek moet worden doorgeknipt, een brandbommetje geplaatst of een taart gegooid.
"Dwars door de spekkoek heen loopt de Amsterdamse organisatie XminY, die bijvoorbeeld de antiglobaliseringstripjes vanuit Vrankrijk organiseert. Daarnaast financiert XminY tal van linkse projecten. Men spreekt wel van de 'rooie bank'.
"In Eco Nostra worden de draadjes van het netwerk door personele unies aan elkaar verbonden. Een voorbeeld. Volkerts rechterhand Sjoerd van de Wouw was niet alleen medeoprichter van VMO, maar tevens beleidsmedewerker bij Milieudefensie, dat in de praktijk als banenmotor voor GroenLinks fungeert, en de man achter Wakker Dier, de opvolger van Lekker Dier. De organisaties zaten in Wageningen in hetzelfde pand."
|||*) October 16, 2007, Nederlands Dagblad, 'Bakker Schut goeroe politieke advocatuur': "De verdediging van Volkert van der Graaf, op 6 mei 2002 de nadrukkelijk politiek gemotiveerde moordenaar van Pim Fortuyn, weigerde hij echter. Het verdedigen van politieke terroristen en drugscriminelen lag voor hem in het verlengde van elkaar. "Bij de RAF-verdachten kon ik sympathie opbrengen voor hun ideologische gedachtegoed. De daden die mijn clienten pleegden waren iets anders. Maar bij mijn huidige clienten heb ik ook niets tegen de daden, de drugssmokkel zelf. Die lokt de staat immers uit doordat de overheid de handel illegaal heeft gemaakt. Ze accepteert op alle gebieden kapitalistische wetten met uitzondering van dit terrein. Dat is wel erg kras", zei hij daarover."|
|||*) December 21, 2010, Bureau De Helling: Wetenschappelijk Bureau GroenLinks, '"Mensen pikken niet alles": Interview met Ties Prakken': "Prakken heeft afwisselend in de advocatuur en in de wetenschap gewerkt. Zo was zij meer dan tien jaar verbonden aan de Universiteit Utrecht, waar ze samenwerkte met Toon Peters en Pieter Bakker Schut. "Dat waren gouden tijden, waarin ik echt iets van het strafrecht heb leren begrijpen en mijn draai vond in het recht." Na haar promotie (1985) kwam Prakken samen met Bakker Schut terecht bij het Amsterdamse advocatenkantoor Nieuwezijds, een kantoor met een politieke signatuur, waarvan de wortels zijn terug te vinden bij het huidige Böhler Advocaten. Prakken en Bakker Schut hadden er binnen de kortste keren een bloeiende politieke strafpraktijk. "Krakers, actievoerders, allemaal hadden ze ons telefoonnummer op hun hand geschreven.""
*) March 8, 1999, NRC Handelsblad, 'Het dubbele denken van Britta Bohler': "Ze koos voor het advocatenkantoor van Phon van den Biesen en Ties Prakke. Van den Biesen en Prakke stonden bekend als linkse, activistische advocaten. Prakke bijvoorbeeld, verdedigde krakers, milieu-activisten en de gearresteerde demonstranten tijdens de Europese top in Amsterdam, in de zomer van 1997. De zestigjarige advocate was bovendien al jaren bij de Koerdische zaak betrokken. ... En ja, het advocatenkantoor had iemand nodig om geld te verdienen. ...
Curriculum Vitae: 1989-1994: Advocaat bij Peat Marwick GmbH, Frankfurt. 1991-1994: Advocaat bij Loeff Claeys Verbeke, Amsterdam. 1994-1995: Waarnemer voor Stichting Juristen, Johannesburg, Zuid-Afrika. 1995-tot heden: Advocaat bij Van den Biesen, Prakken, Bohler, Amsterdam."
|||March 8, 1999, NRC Handelsblad, 'Het dubbele denken van Britta Bohler': "Ze ontdekte de RAF activisten Ulrike Meinhof en Gudrun Ensslin al op veertienjarige leeftijd. Die ontdekking werd niet ingegeven, zegt ze, door hun manier van actievoeren, via bomaanslagen. Eerder werd de nieuwsgierigheid van de jonge Bohler gewekt door het feit dat Meinhof en Ensslin vrouwen waren, uit goede milieus. ''Hun keuze in het leven intrigeerde me.'' Ze wist niet dat haar bewondering voor Ulrike Meinhof en Gudrun Ensslin jaren later wereldnieuws zouden worden. Eind vorig jaar vertelde ze in een interview met de Volkskrant over deze episode in haar leven. ... buitenlandse media namen de anekdote over. In de Turkse propaganda machine werd het verhaal vermalen. Bohler had RAF-terroristen verdedigd, heette het, en was nu toe aan haar volgende terrorist: Abdullah Ocalan. Weer klinkt haar lach: "Ten tijde van die processen was ik vijftien, zestien jaar!" ... Juist Otto Schily is, samen met de advocaat van de Zuid-Afrikaanse president Nelson Mandela, haar grote voorbeeld. Schily maakte in haar tijd als puber al indruk op haar. "Ik bewonderde hem om zijn ongewone en moedige keuze om de verdedigingen van de RAF op zich te nemen en om zijn duidelijke visie. Hij wilde waken voor de macht van de staat.""|
|||*) May 10, 2002, NRC, 'Drie advocaten staan verdachte bij': "Drie advocaten staan de verdachte van de moord op Pim Fortuyn bij: Stijn Franken, Britta Böhler en Victor Koppe van het Amsterdamse kantoor Böhler, Franken, Koppe, De Feijter-advocaten."
*) May 15, 2002, Oneworld.nl, 'Verklaring Greenpeace over aftreden voorzitter Britta Böhler': "Source: Greenpeace.nl ... Britta Böhler is donderdag 9 mei teruggetreden als voorzitter van bestuur van de Stichting Greenpeace Nederland. Zij is een van de advocaten die de verdediging van de verdachte op de moord van Pim Fortuyn op zich nemen."
*) 2003, EO Visie, 'Dubieuze netwerken' (book review of Peter Siebelt's 'Eco Nostra' (note: Siebelt is an ultra-right intelligence asset): "Pieter Siebelt vindt het niet toevallig dat Volkert van der G. direct na de moord zei dat hij mr. Pieter Bakker Schut als advocaat wilde. "Een advocaat die grote sympathien voor de 'Rote Armee Fraktion' koesterde, en zich later in uiterst extreme kringen bewoog. Als zulke terroristen opgepakt waren, schilderde Bakker Schut hen af als politieke gevangenen. Zijn advocatenkantoor werd later overgenomen door Ties Prakken. Toen Prakken naar de universiteit van Maastricht vertrok, ging de Duitse Britta Bohler, ook een dame met een interessant verleden, er de scepter zwaaien. Bohler werd Volkert's advocaat."
*) May 14, 2002, De Groene Amsterdammer, 'De Spongen en de Bohlers. Profiel: De politieke advocaat': "Politieke advocaten zie genoemde voorbeelden zijn tegendraads. Bakker Schut weigerde de leden van de RAF terroristen te noemen. Hij vond de term politieke strijders beter. Over bommen zij hij: Het kan onmogelijk zijn om op vreedzame wijze en verandering van de samenleving te bereiken. Dat De Telegraaf hem ervan verdacht de advocaat van Volkert te zijn, is dus niet vreemd. Mevrouw Bohler sprak ook al over de vrijheidsstrijder Ocalan en voelde zich verbonden met diens strijd. ...
De advocate van verdachte Volkert van der G., mr. A.A. Stijn Franken verbonden aan hetzelfde kantoor als mevrouw Bohler (Bohler, Franken, Koppe, De Feijter) schijnt eveneens een uitzonderlijk type te zijn. Het feit dat de van de moord op Pim Fortuyn verdachte Van der G. Franken als advocaat wenst, is voor velen overigens al een aanwijzing dat de mood op Fortuyn een politieke moord is. ... [Fortuyn advocaat Gerard Spong] is typisch iemand die de moord op Fortuyn tot een politieke aanslag verheft [maar dat uiteraard niet doet]."
*) September 22, 2015, Nu.nl, 'OM vindt niet dat Volkert van der Graaf mediaverbod heeft overtreden': "Het OM was al in 2014 op de hoogte gesteld van foto's die van Van der Graaf, de moordenaar van Pim Fortuyn, werden gemaakt.
Van der Graaf stelde in een heimelijk opgenomen gesprek dat hij foto's die vorig jaar in De Telegraaf verschenen zelf "in scène heeft gezet". Hij vertelt dat zijn toenmalige advocaat, Stijn Franken, contact legde met de fotograaf."
|||*) March 8, 1999, NRC Handelsblad, 'Het dubbele denken van Britta Bohler': "Curriculum Vitae: 1989-1994: Advocaat bij Peat Marwick GmbH, Frankfurt. 1991-1994: Advocaat bij Loeff Claeys Verbeke, Amsterdam. 1994-1995: Waarnemer voor Stichting Juristen, Johannesburg, Zuid-Afrika. 1995-tot heden: Advocaat bij Van den Biesen, Prakken, Bohler, Amsterdam."
*) March 8, 1999, NRC Handelsblad, 'Het dubbele denken van Britta Bohler': "Haar reis naar Zuid-Afrika bracht atwoorden. In 1994 ging ze erheen, in de aanloop naar de eerste vrije verkiezingen daar en op uitnodiging van de anti-apartheidsbeweging en de Nederlandse politiebonden. ... En Britta Bohler toonde zich, samen met haar vriendin Monica Bremer van Loeff Claeys Verbeke, zeer actief. "Ze was niet bang, ging met leden van het ANC de townships in. ..." ... Juist Otto Schily is, samen met de advocaat van de Zuid-Afrikaanse president Nelson Mandela, haar grote voorbeeld."
|||December 14, 1999, Volkskrant, 'Belangenconflict kantoorgenoten Boekel de Nerée Curator Text Lite weg wegens enquêterapport': "In de jaren tachtig waren Salomonson en Hammerstein verbonden aan een ander Amsterdams advocatenkantoor, het huidige Loeff Claeys Verbeke."|
|||parlement.com/id/vhi12qcvnlwq/b_britta_bohler (accessed: February 2, 2015): "- secretaris Greenpeace Nederland, van 1994 tot 1999;
- lid bestuur "Advocaten voor Advocaten", van 1995 tot 2003;
- voorzitter Greenpeace Nederland, van 2000 tot 2003."
Note: Over the course of 2016, Parlement.com has introduced less extensive biographies on a least a number of public officials, including a notice at the bottom that reads:
"Van deze pagina bestaat een uitgebreide versie met partijpolitieke functies, maatschappelijke nevenfuncties, opleiding, wetenswaardigheden etc. Laat het ons weten als u daar belangstelling voor heeft."
This shorter biography doesn't include her past positions at Greenpeace anymore.
|||*) May 10, 2002, NRC, 'Drie advocaten staan verdachte bij': "Britta Böhler heeft in samenspraak met Greenpeace besloten haar functie als voorzitter van deze milieuorganisatie neer te leggen. Dit, volgens Greenpeace-directeur Harry Crielaars, om te voorkomen dat buitenstaanders Greenpeace associëren met Böhlers cliënt, die in de publiciteit als milieuactivist wordt omschreven en werkte bij de Vereniging Milieu Offensief."
*) May 15, 2002, Oneworld.nl, 'Verklaring Greenpeace over aftreden voorzitter Britta Böhler': "Source: Greenpeace.nl ... Britta Böhler is donderdag 9 mei teruggetreden als voorzitter van bestuur van de Stichting Greenpeace Nederland. Zij is een van de advocaten die de verdediging van de verdachte op de moord van Pim Fortuyn op zich nemen.
Britta Böhler treedt terug omdat deze moord sterk in verband wordt gebracht met de milieubeweging. Greenpeace heeft direct resoluut afstand genomen van deze gewelddadige aanslag. Als milieuorganisatie streven wij naar een duurzame samenleving waarin mensen op een vreedzame wijze met elkaar omgaan.
Greenpeace Nederland heeft het voorzitterschap van Britta Böhler altijd zeer gewaardeerd. Zij was zeer begaan met de organisatie en heeft zich voor de volle 100% ingezet voor de doelen van Greenpeace.
Zij wordt voorlopig opgevolgd door Gerrit Hoekman, de huidige penningmeester en vice-voorzitter."
Note: The original press release appears to have been almost immediately removed from the Greenpeace.nl website, with no mention anymore in the archive.
|||*) See ISGP's "liberal CIA" article for sources and details of superclass financing of Greenpeace.
*) September 22, 2003, PR Newswire Europe, 'Non-profit watchdog files IRS complaint against Greenpeace, seeks Federal probe': "Because Greenpeace receives significant donations from large entities, such as the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and the Turner Foundation, the report also calls into question the accountability of these donors."
*) activistfacts.com/organizations/131-greenpeace/ (accessed: November 27, 2015): "$ Donations (Click headers to sort): ... Agape Foundation $300. 2001 ... Charles Stewart Mott Foundation $249,000. 2002 ... David & Lucile Packard Foundation $450,000. 2000 ... Harold K. Hochschild Foundation $100,000. 2001 ... J. P. Morgan Charitable Trust $550. 1998 ... John D. & Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation $841,365. 2002 ... John Merck Fund $80,000. 2002 ... Lannan Foundation $200,000. 1996 ... Rockefeller Brothers Fund $1,080,000. 2005. Rockefeller Family Fund $115,000. 2005. Rockefeller Foundation $20,285. 2001. ... Turner Foundation $1,390,000. 2001. ... "
*) Ford Foundation grants list 2006-2015: "104670. Stichting Greenpeace Council "Greenpeace". 2006. $25,000."
||| *) 2002, NOS.nl (mainstream media), 'Portrait: Rosenmoller: scherp debater': "Father George [Rosenmoller] is V&D director in the Haarlem region: with families Vroom, Dreesman, Vehmeijer, Peek and Berendsen the family Rosenmoller heads the V&D corporation. ... To the dismay of his parents, in 1976, shortly before candidacy Sociology at the University of Amsterdam, he goes to the harbor of Rotterdam. There he quickly climbs up to strike leader."
*) Anton Dreesmann (1923-2000). Grandson of one of the founders of Vroom & Dreesmann, better know as V & D, a famous Dutch department store chain. A great uncle, Anton August Sigismund Dreesmann (1897-1945), married Leonie Brenninkmeijer (1903-1994). His great aunt on the same side, Anna Dreesmann (1856-1929), married Bernhard Rosenmoller (1840-1928), from whom Groenlinks/Greenleft leader Paul Rosenmoller descended.
*) Anton Dreesmann, his son, Pieter Dreesmann and R. W. Brenninkmeijer were members of Prince Bernhard's 1001 Club. See ISGP's membership list of the 1001 Club for more details. The Brenninkmeijers in particular have been linked to the Knights of Malta, Opus Dei and the Jesuits.
|||May 3, 2005, De Telegraaf, 'Kassa Rosenmöller rinkelt': "Former Greenleft-chairman Paul Rosenmoller has become embroiled in controversy due to his chairmanship of the integration committee, which, after two years, will soon be discontinued, for which he received over 140,000 euros. The activities of the so-named PaVem Commission, in which Princess Maxima also takes part, take up about one day a week on average. ... It turns out that the former Greenleft-candidate received a standard pay of 1360 euros a day. ... For every working day, the ex-politician gets another 15 percent for expenses made."|
||| March 8, 1999, NRC Handelsblad, 'Het dubbele denken van Britta Bohler': "Britta Böhler toonde zich, samen met haar vriendin Monica Bremer van Loeff Claeys Verbeke, zeer actief [in Zuid Afrika]. "Ze was niet bang, ging met de leden van het ANC de townships in." ... Juist Otto Schily is, samen met de advocaat van de Zuid-Afrikaanse president Nelson Mandela, [Bohler's] grote voorbeeld. ...
Curriculum Vitae: ... 1991-1994: Advocaat bij Loeff Claeys Verbeke, Amsterdam. 1994-1995: Waarnemer voor Stichting Juristen, Johannesburg, Zuid-Afrika. ... sinds 1994: Voorzitter Stichting Juristen voor Zuid-Afrika..."
|||University of Amsterdam webiste: uva.nl/nieuws-agenda/nieuws/uva-nieuws/content/ persberichten/2011/09/mw-dr-b-bohler.html (accessed: October 4, 2016): "Daarnaast was zij van 2009 tot juli 2011 lid van de Raad van Toezicht van de ICCO, een Nederlandse stichting op het terrein van ontwikkelingssamenwerking."|
|||*) 2013 annual report, ICCO, p. 18: "New donors started funding ICCO Cooperation, like the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Ford Foundation."
*) icco-cooperation.org/nl/word-partner/donors/nationale-postcode-loterij-nl (accessed: October 4, 2016): "Sinds 2008 is ICCO beneficiënt van de Nationale Postcode Loterij. Jaarlijks ontvangen wij een bedrag van 1.350.000 euro als institutionele steun!"
|||April 3, 2007, Volkskrant, 'Aangifte wegens pedofilie tegen hoge ambtenaar': "De tot levenslang veroordeelde crimineel Hüseyin Baybasin heeft aangifte gedaan tegen onder anderen een topambtenaar van het ministerie van Justitie. ... Volgens Baybasin en zijn advocaten hebben de Nederlandse en Turkse autoriteiten samengespannen om hem 'het zwijgen op te leggen'. ... Om Baybasin achter tralies te krijgen heeft het OM honderden afgeluisterde telefoongesprekken gemanipuleerd, aldus de advocaten. Ook de Turkse autoriteiten zouden daar de hand in hebben gehad. Een verzoek tot nader onderzoek naar deze bewijsstukken wees de rechter af. Een groot deel van de aangifte baseren Van der Plas en Bakker Schut op een rapport dat volgens hen van de Turkse overheid afkomstig is. Het rapport analyseert volgens de raadslieden de rol van Turkije en zijn ambtenaren in internationale drugssmokkel in de jaren ‘90. In dat rapport zou onder meer staan dat Turkije, Nederland, Engeland en Duitsland er gezamenlijk op uit waren Baybasin de mond te snoeren. Ook zouden in het document passages staan over feesten in Turkije waar de topambtenaar [Demmink] seks met jonge kinderen zou hebben gehad."|
|||*) October 16, 2007, Nederlands Dagblad, 'Bakker Schut goeroe politieke advocatuur': "De verdediging van Volkert van der Graaf, op 6 mei 2002 de nadrukkelijk politiek gemotiveerde moordenaar van Pim Fortuyn, weigerde hij echter. Het verdedigen van politieke terroristen en drugscriminelen lag voor hem in het verlengde van elkaar. "Bij de RAF-verdachten kon ik sympathie opbrengen voor hun ideologische gedachtegoed. De daden die mijn clienten pleegden waren iets anders. Maar bij mijn huidige clienten heb ik ook niets tegen de daden, de drugssmokkel zelf. Die lokt de staat immers uit doordat de overheid de handel illegaal heeft gemaakt. Ze accepteert op alle gebieden kapitalistische wetten met uitzondering van dit terrein. Dat is wel erg kras", zei hij daarover."
*) October 15, 2007, Volkskrant, 'Strafpleiter Pieter Bakker Schut overleden': "Advocaat Pieter Bakker Schut is zaterdag overleden. Dat heeft zijn kantoor in Amsterdam maandag bevestigd. Hij werd 66 jaar. Bakker Schut begon zijn carrière aan het begin van de jaren zeventig in de sociale advocatuur. Halverwege dat decennium kreeg hij bekendheid, omdat hij verdachten van de Duitse terroristische organisatie Rote Armee Fraktion verdedigde. Ook was hij samen met zijn partner Adèle van der Plas advocaat van de ‘topcriminelen' Hüseyin Baybasin en Mink K."
|||October 17, 2007, Trouw, 'Pieter Bakker Schut 1941-2007': "Hij verdedigde met zijn vrouw [Adele van der Plas] onder meer Mink K., de topcrimineel die als geen ander het ene na het andere juridische gevecht met justitie levert. Met success diende Bakker Schut in 1999 namens de criminelen Sam Klepper en John Mieremet bij de Nationale Ombudsman een klacht in tegen politie en justitie in Amsterdam. ... Klepper en Mieremet werden enkele jaren geleden vermoord."|
|||*) For details on Mink Kok, see ISGP's 2014 article Dutch Joris Demmink Affair Reveals the Supranational Politics of Heroin, Cocaine, Blackmail and Deception.
*) Panorama (magazine), Crimepedia, 'Sam Klepper (1960-2000)': "Op 29 augustus 1991 wordt Klepper samen met Mieremet gearresteerd wegens een wapenvondst. (Veel later, in 2007, wordt bekend dat deze wapens afkomstig zijn uit een geheim wapendepot van de omstreden Gladio-organisatie.) Klepper en Mieremet hebben veertig kisten met pistolen, mitrailleurs, handgranaten en explosieven in handen gekregen. Klepper wordt tot anderhalf jaar cel veroordeeld."
|||Rubinstein met elites as Abramoff and Charles Rockefeller through his TBLI conferences. For details, see ISGP's 2014 article Dutch Joris Demmink Affair Reveals the Supranational Politics of Heroin, Cocaine, Blackmail and Deception.|
|||See details and sources in ISGP's "liberal CIA" article, most notably in the World Ayahuasca Conference section.|
|||For details, see ISGP's 2014 article Dutch Joris Demmink Affair Reveals the Supranational Politics of Heroin, Cocaine, Blackmail and Deception.|
|||*) crisisgroup.org/who-we-are/board (accessed: October 4, 2016): "Crisis Group's Board of Trustees: Crisis Group has 43 board members from 33 countries. ... Co-Chair: Lord (Mark) Malloch-Brown* ... Other Trustees: Mort Abramowitz ... Hushang Ansary* ... Carl Bildt ... Wesley Clark ... Wolfgang Ischinger ... Wim Kok ... Thomas R. Pickering* ... George Soros* ... Lawrence H. Summers... Chairmen Emeriti: Martti Ahtisaari ... George J. Mitchell..."
*) International Crisis Group, annual report 2002 (retranslated from Dutch): "Appendix 6: members of the ICG board of directors 2002: .... Morton Abramowitz ... Saud Nasir Al-Sabah ... Richard Allen ... Zbigniew Brzezinski ... Wesley Clark .... HRH El- Hassan bin Talal ... Carla Hills ... Mikhail Khodorkovsky ... George Soros."
|||opensocietyfoundations.org/people/mabel-van-oranje (accessed: October 4, 2016): "Mabel van Oranje Global / Advisory Board Member / Trustee: ... In 1993 [immediately after graduating], van Oranje founded the European Action Council for Peace in the Balkans and was its chief executive officer until 1997. She joined the Open Society European Policy Institute in Brussels as executive director in 1997, and became Open Society's London-based international advocacy director in 2003. From 2008 until 2012, she was the first chief executive officer of [Nelson Mandela's] The Elders."|
|||March 8, 1999, NRC, 'Het dubbele denken van Britta Böhler': "Ze werd verliefd op een Nederlander en vertrok spoorslags naar Nederland, waar ze later zou trouwen met de Nederlandse jurist Victor Koppe, tegenwoordig ook kantoorgenoot. Ze ging aan het werk bij het prestigieuze kantoor Loeff Claeys Verbeke in Amsterdam."|
|||kh.linkedin.com/in/victor-koppe-200781b1 (accessed: October 8, 2010): "University of Virginia School of Law Master of Laws (LL.M.) 1988 – 1989.
Universiteit Utrecht Master of Laws (LL.M.), Internationaal recht / International Law 1982 – 1987. ...
Advocaat Böhler advocaten januari 1998 – december 2013 (16 jaar) Amsterdam en omgeving, Nederland."
bohler.eu/nl/advocaten/victor-koppe/ (accessed: August 5, 2010): "
- Studie: internationaal recht en internationale politieke betrekkingen aan de Universiteit Utrecht en de University of Virginia School of Law in de V.S.
- In 1989 beëdigd als advocaat. ...
- Begonnen als advocaat bij Nauta Dutilh in het Europees kartelrecht en het Nederlandse vennootschapsrecht, later financieel strafrecht en de fraudepraktijk.
- Sinds 1998 partner bij Böhler. ...
- Victor Koppe staat op de lijst van advocaten die zijn toegelaten tot het Internationaal Strafhof (ICC), Joegoslavië Tribunaal (ICTY), Rode Khmer Tribunaal (ECCC), Special Tribunal for Lebanon en Special Court for Sierra Leone. ...
PERS EN PUBLICATIES: ...
- Financieel Dagblad ...
- NRC Handelsblad .
- De Volkskrant...
- Pauw en Witteman 13-03-2009, 18-10-2007 [TV]
- Nova [TV]
- Buitenhof [TV]
-. De Wereld Draait Door [TV]...
- Paul Watson (Sea Shepherd)
- Mullah Krekar
- Abdullah Öcalan en Nuriye Kesbir (PKK)
- Wesam al D.
INLICHTINGEN- EN VEILIGHEIDSDIENSTEN:
- Samir A.
- Nourredine El F.
- Telegraaf v. AIVD
- Moinina Fofana
- Radovan Stankovic
- Nuon Chea, Rode Khmer Tribunaal in Cambodja"
|||*) October 15, 2007, NRC, 'Linkse politiek met 'juridische vlam'': "Britta Böhler werd een yup: carrière maken, geld verdienen, ballet. Ze volgde de opleiding tot advocaat. In 1988 werkte ze een half jaar als wetenschappelijk medewerker aan de University of Virginia en deed ze veldonderzoek voor haar proefschrift over de twintigste-eeuwse Gerhart Husserl. De Duitse – joodse – rechtsfilosoof was in 1933 naar de Verenigde Staten geëmigreerd op de vlucht voor de Nazi's.
"Met een clubje Europeanen namen we deel aan sociale activiteiten op de universiteit [University of Virginia]", zegt advocaat, en Böhlers kantoorgenoot, Victor Koppe. "Zo heb ik Britta leren kennen. De laatste week voor mijn graduation sloeg de vonk over." Hun huwelijk was de reden waarom Böhler overstapte van een prestigieus advocatenkantoor in Frankfurt naar Loeff Claeys Verbeke in Amsterdam. Ze ging aan de slag bij de fiscale afdeling en viel volgens haar baas Leo Spigt op als een groot talent, ze maakte zich de Nederlandse taal snel eigen, werkte zeer gedisciplineerd, precies en toegewijd."
|||nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victor_Koppe (accessed: October 9, 2016): "Koppe studeerde rechten aan de Universiteit van Utrecht en aan de University of Virginia School of Law (VS) en internationale betrekkingen aan het Instituut Clingendael."
Not one other source apart from this unsourced Wikipedia statement mentions Clingendael. Early on, Koppe did have aspirations to become a diplomat, so an association with Clingendael wouldn't be entirely out of the ordinary, but the fact remains that there is no source.
|||See note 118.|
|||May 10, 2002, NRC, 'Drie advocaten staan verdachte bij': "Drie advocaten staan de verdachte van de moord op Pim Fortuyn bij: Stijn Franken, Britta Böhler en Victor Koppe van het Amsterdamse kantoor Böhler, Franken, Koppe, De Feijter-advocaten."|
|||August 2, 2003, Volkskrant, 'Böhler en Koppe nieuwe advocaten prinses Margarita': "Britta Böhler en Victor Koppe zijn de nieuwe advocaten van prinses Margarita. De twee verdedigden recent nog Volkert van der G., samen met hun kantoorgenoot Franken."|
|||December 3, 2013, Trouw, 'Bernhard vroeg onderzoek De Roy van Zuydewijn'.|
|||June 23, 2000, Volkskrant, 'Advocate van Öcalan': "Vanaf het begin probeert Böhler tegenwicht te bieden aan het Turkse mediaoffensief. Met anderen probeert zij de zaak te politiseren, Öcalan af te schilderen als de leider van een geknecht volk, een Yasser Arafat, ja zelfs een Nelson Mandela. Daartegenover noemt Turkije hem een terrorist, een crimineel. De rechtse massakrant Hürriyet gebruikt steevast (naar verluidt is het verplicht op de redactie) het woord 'babykiller'.Böhler reist half december 1998 met collega Ties Prakken naar Öcalan. Zij krijgt op het hart gedrukt de PKK-voorman vooral aan te spreken met 'meneer de president'. Als ze hem ontmoet, blijkt hij somber over de kansen die hij, juridisch gezien, heeft, maar zegt hij: 'Jullie zijn nu mijn advocaten, jullie moeten maar doen wat jullie het beste lijkt.' ...
De Russen willen hem ook kwijt en dreigen hem uit te zetten. Böhler huurt een privé-vliegtuig om Öcalan naar Nederland over te brengen, maar de vlucht gaat niet door. De PKK-leider is inmiddels vanuit Moskou op weg naar Griekenland.Böhlers levensgezel Victor Koppe is op dat tijdstip toevallig in Athene. Hij wordt ingeschakeld en stapt in een vliegtuig met Öcalan. De bedoeling is dat ze naar Nederland zullen vliegen, zodat de PKK-leider politiek asiel kan aanvragen. ...
Nederland heeft lucht gekregen van het plan (getipt door de Amerikanen, denkt Böhler) en heeft het luchtruim gesloten voor alle particuliere vliegtuigen. Onwettig, maar uiterst effectief, concludeert Böhler. ...
Hij komt terecht in de Griekse ambassade in Kenia, waarna hij onder onopgehelderde omstandigheden in handen raakt van een Turks commando dat hem overbrengt naar Imrali.Het proces daar tegen Öcalan speelt zich af buiten het gezichtsveld van Böhler en de andere internationale advocaten."
|||January 22, 2001, NRC, 'Eerst nog beschermd, maar nu toch verdacht'.|
|||*) March 2, 2004, De Standaard, 'Dutroux geen geïsoleerde pervert volgens Magnée': "Het onderzoeksspoor van "een satanische sekte" (Magnée bedoelt Abrasax, nvdr) werd volgens Magnée onvoldoende onderzocht.
De advocaat betreurt ook dat de graafwerken in Jumet werden opgegeven en dat geen huiszoekingen werden uitgevoerd na de verklaringen van Regina Louf, getuige X1."
*) June 2, 2004, The Independent, 'Dutroux says he abducted girls with police help': "Xavier Magnee rejected claims that Dutroux acted as a lone predator when he kidnapped and raped six girls, four of whom were killed, and accused investigators of a cover-up. Dutroux was, he argued, a "small fish" working for a network with links to the police. Dutroux has admitted kidnapping and abusing the girls, but denies the murder charges.
"I speak not only as a lawyer, but also as a citizen and father," M. Magnee told the court. "He was not the only devil." The lawyer added that some 6,000 hair samples found in the basement cellar where some of the victims were held had led to the discovery of 25 "unknown" DNA profiles. ...
M. Magnee said prosecutors had ignored evidence that might have linked the ring to a Satanic cult called Abrasax, which is suspected of performing human sacrifices. Inquiries may not have been pursued in order to protect others, he suggested."
|||For details on Xavier Magnee's ties see ISGP's The Supranational Suspects Behind 9/11.|
|||March 29, 2006, Hendrik Jan Korterink for his misdaadjournalist.nl, 'Volkert en de moord in Nunspeet' (very detailed biography of Volkert van der Graaf): , ''"Burgemeester De Groot: 'Van de Werken stond met beide benen in de Veluwse samenleving, hij vond de standpunten van Van der G. te rigide. Tijdens vergaderingen zei hij wel eens: "Doe nou ook eens een stapje verder," dat soort opmerkingen, maar niet in scherpe bewoordingen. Van der G. was een emotieloze man die zich totaal niet kon verplaatsen in de situatie van de veelal jonge boeren die met de rug tegen de muur stonden. Ik heb grenzeloze bewondering voor die boeren gehad, dat ze zich in konden houden. Van der G. kon dat volkomen onbewogen zeggen: 'Er is wetgeving, ik maak gebruik van mijn democratische rechten, waar heb je 't over?'
Kalvermester Jan van Dooijewaard uit Hierden werd het op een gegeven moment te veel. Hij reed samen met een kameraad naar Wageningen om Volkert op te zoeken...
Emotieloos en niet bereid tot compromissen, zo wordt Volkert gekarakteriseerd door mensen die met hem te maken kregen. Gerrit- Jan Veldhoen, wethouder van milieuzaken in Oldebroek, nodigde hem uit op het gemeentehuis [en had dezelfde ervaringen]. ...
Een eendenhouder in Harderwijk werd tot wanhoop gedreven tijdens de langdurigste procedure uit de geschiedenis van de VMO. ... 'Na jaren procederen was ik financieel aan het eind van mijn Latijn...' ...
De Veluwse boeren en bestuurders konden zijn bloed wel drinken, maar ze hadden ook wat boter op hun hoofd: met de milieuvergunningen was het een rommeltje en Volkert maakte daar gebruik van. 'Misbruik,' zegt Gerard de Zwaan, 'hij wachtte meestal tot het laatste moment voor hij met zijn bezwaarschrift kwam, dat was pesten en treiteren.' ...
Van Westreenen: 'Van de Wouw kon je met argumenten nog wel bereiken, die was redelijker, maar hij kon nooit iets zelf beslissen, er moest altijd eerst met Volkert overlegd worden. Die hield zich meer op de achtergrond, maar hij had een ongelooflijke impact, dat is mij toen vaak opgevallen. Volkert toonde nooit emotie. Kleine boeren die hun bedrijf kapot zagen gaan, daar was hij totaal ongevoelig voor.'"
|||Ibid.: "Als Volkert al een gewelddadig dubbelleven leidde, wist hij dat in zijn woonomgeving goed te verbergen. Op geen enkele manier viel hij uit de toon. Chantal [buurvrouw]: 'We praatten over van alles en nog wat, maar heel oppervlakkig, ik kan niet eens een voorbeeld geven van wat we bespraken. Het ging eigenlijk nergens over. Over politiek hebben we 't nooit gehad en ik kan me niet herinneren dat de naam Fortuyn ooit is gevallen.' De buren wisten ongeveer waar Volkert werkte en dat het iets met milieu te maken had, verder niet. Van enig fanatisme hebben ze nooit iets gemerkt. 'Hij ging nooit uit, hij was elke avond thuis. Hij zat te lezen of te studeren. Wij dachten eigenlijk dat hij homo was: hij had geen vriendin. Er kwam ook nooit iemand op bezoek, in de afgelopen twee jaar zijn er maar één keer mensen bij hem geweest die wij gezien hebben en dat leken ons collega's. Over zijn familie had hij het nooit en daar hebben we ook niemand van gezien.
In december 2001 verhuisde Volkert naar Harderwijk. Zijn vriendin zou dankzij een erfenis daar een woning hebben gekregen. Hun relatie moet al enige tijd hebben bestaan, gezien het feit dat ze enkele maanden geleden een baby heeft gekregen, maar de buren in Wageningen kenden haar amper. Richard: 'Het was een leuke meid om te zien, met halflang blond haar. Ze woonde niet bij hem, wij hebben haar maar een paar keer gezien. We weten niet eens hoe ze heet, hij heeft haar niet aan ons voorgesteld.' Een maand geleden kwam Richard Volkert nog een keer tegen, op het politiebureau in Wageningen. 'Ik was mijn sleutels kwijtgeraakt, waarom hij er was weet ik niet. We hebben even gepraat. Het ging goed met hem, zei hij. Ik heb niks bijzonders aan hem gemerkt. Hij maakte op mij in elk geval geen overspannen indruk.'
De verhuizing naar Harderwijk had te maken met het feit dat zijn vriendin daar een woning had gekregen. Zij kwam oorspronkelijk uit Wageningen en werkte bij de Dierenbescherming. Zij woonde al enige tijd in Harderwijk toen Volkert in december bij haar introk. Zij was actief in de buurt, met name voor de kinderboerderij De Dierenweide. Volkert had bij de burgerlijke stand in Harderwijk verzocht zich met een geheim adres te vestigen. In Wageningen werkte hij alleen met postbusnummers, ook voor de inschrijving bij de Kamer van Koophandel, wat erg ongebruikelijk is. Zelfs criminelen krijgen dat vaak niet voor elkaar en maken daarom gebruik van katvangers."
|||September 22, 2015, Nu.nl, 'OM vindt niet dat Volkert van der Graaf mediaverbod heeft overtreden': "Het Openbaar Ministerie (OM) is niet van mening dat Volkert van der Graaf het hem opgelegde mediaverbod heeft overtreden. Dat maakt het OM dinsdag bekend.
Het OM was al in 2014 op de hoogte gesteld van foto's die van Van der Graaf, de moordenaar van Pim Fortuyn, werden gemaakt.
Van der Graaf stelde in een heimelijk opgenomen gesprek dat hij foto's die vorig jaar in De Telegraaf verschenen zelf "in scène heeft gezet". Hij vertelt dat zijn toenmalige advocaat, Stijn Franken, contact legde met de fotograaf.
Van der Graaf heeft een mediaverbod waardoor hij niet actief contact mag leggen met de pers. Het mediaverbod maakt onderdeel uit van de bijzondere voorwaarden die hem door de rechter werden opgelegd, die mede tot doel hebben de kans op recidive te verminderen en daarmee de samenleving te beschermen."
|||This comment of Baroness Falkender can be heard in the 2005 BBC documentary The Plot Against Harold Wilson.|
|||May 30, 2019, De Gelderlander, 'Nijmeegse milieuclubs boeken 'enorme overwinning voor natuur', gevolgen voor boeren groot': "Valentijn Wösten, advocaat van Mobilisation for the Environment en Vereniging Leefmilieu. "Hoe heeft dit PAS ["Programma Aanpak Stikstof"] er ooit kunnen komen? Het is een vraag die met hoge prioriteit op de politieke agenda moet worden gezet.""|
|||May 8, 2002, NRC, 'Milieu-Offensief pakt boeren en fokkers juridisch aan; De verdachte van de moord op Pim Fortuyn werkte bij Milieu Offensief. Wat is dat voor organisatie?': "De procedures werden gevoerd door [Sjoerd] van de Wouw en [Volkert] van der G. Zij werden voor de Raad van State vaak bijgestaan door juridisch adviseur mr. Valentijn Wösten in Amsterdam.".|
|||mobilisation.nl/index.php?id=50 (accessed: April 23, 2013): "The European Commission, DG REGIO, DG ENLARGEMENT, Phare, Tacis. - Dutch Government (i.e., Ministry of Economic Affairs, Ministry of Housing, Physical Planning and Environment [External Affairs also appears in MOB documents]). - EU Member States. - EU Accession Countries. - Municipalities. - Private companies. - Consultancy companies. - Environmental NGOs."|
Note: A first version for this article appeared on October 21, 2012, but has now been replaced in its entirety by this expansion.