Le Cercle


Membership + biography list
By: Joel van der Reijden / ISGP


Updated on occasion
Cercle article

Abrahamson, Gen. James A.

Source(s): 1985 Cercle particpants list, Washington D.C.

Astronaut 1967-69. Staff National Aeronautics and Space Council. Inspector general, Air Force Systems Command, Andrews Air Force Base 1974-76. Director for the F-16 Multinational Air Combat Fighter Program, Aeronautical Systems Division, Wright-Patterson 1976-80. Associate administrator for the Space Transportation System 1981-. Director of the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization 1984-89. Executive vice president Hughes Aircraft 1989-92. Co-founder in 1991 of Crescent Investment Management in New York with Mansoor Ijaz (negotiated Osama bin Laden's botched extradition from Sudan under the Clinton administration). James Woolsey served as vice chairman. Prince Alfred von Liechtenstein was another board member. Chairman of Oracle Corporation 1992-95. Commissioner of the 1997 White House Commission on Aviation Safety and Security (Gore Commission) [with FBI director Louis J. Freeh and former CIA director John Deutsch of Raytheon]. Director of Stratesec security firm since 1997, together with Marvin Bush (WTC contracts 1996-1998). Held 25,000 shares in Stratesec-linked company KuWan as of April 2001. Chairman GeoEye, the world's largest space imaging company.

Adenauer, Konrad

Source(s): 2002, David Rockefeller, 'Memoirs', pp. 412-413, referring to the Pesenti Group; April 6, 2003, The Observer, 'So, Norman, any regrets this time?'; June 18, 2004, Chancellery of HRH Crown Prince Alexander II of Yugoslavia, 'Reception in honor of the "Le Cercle" conference; September 5, 2004, Sunday Times, 'Le Cercle of the elite'

Adenauer was a lawyer and a member of the Catholic Center party. Became lord mayor of Cologne 1917. Became a devout follower of the Paneuropa Union, set up in 1923 by Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, son of an Austro-Hungarian diplomat. The Paneuropa was also quickly embraced by the Habsburgs, the Vatican, and the soon to be founded Opus Dei. Member of the provincial diet of Rhine province from 1917 to 1933, when he was dismissed by the National Socialist (Nazi) regime. Twice imprisoned, in 1933 and 1944, by the Nazis. Co-founder of the Christian Democratic Union (1945) and its president from 1946 to 1966. Attended the May 1948 Congress of Europe, which was convened by the United Europe Movement in The Hague. It was organized by Jean Monnet with the help of Joseph Retinger. Its chairman was Winston Churchill while Alcide de Gasperi, Paul Henri Spaak, Leon Blum, and Robert Schuman attended the conference. Chancellor of the Federal Republic of West Germany 1949-1963. Served as his own foreign minister 1951-1955. Took up Hans Globke in his secretariat and made State secretary and his most important National Security Advisor from 1953 to 1963. Globke was a former catholic Nazi collaborator (including persecution of the Jews), who wasn't allowed to join the Nazi party, because of his strong catholic affiliation. That's the only reason Globke's career (and freedom) survived during the de-nazification program right after WWII. Globke, often seen as Adenauer's Eminence Grise, brought Reinhard Gehlen in contact with Adenauer. Adenauer had also taken up Franz-Joseph Bach, a later organiser of Cercle meetings, to run his secretariat. Adenauer was hardline in his policies towards the USSR. Secretly contacted by Monnet and Schuman over the "Schuman Plan" (Monnet Plan) in 1950 to establish the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1951. After Adenauer agreed, the plan went public. Negotiated the 1952 West German peace treaty with the Western Allies and obtained recognition of West Germany's full sovereignty through the Paris Pacts (ECSC) and through an agreement with the USSR in 1955. Friend of Charles De Gaulle. Received the Charlemagne award in 1954. In 1956, Adenauer chose former Nazi general Reinhard Gehlen as the initial chief of the BND, West Germany's post-war intelligence agency that succeeded the Gehlen Organization. Earlier, Adenauer had allowed Gehlen to run his Gehlen Organization, undoubtedly at the recommendation of the CIA. The political architect of the astounding West German recovery (quite possibly through the Bormann flight capital), he saw the solution of German problems in terms of European integration, and he helped secure West Germany's membership in the various organizations of what has become the European Union. One of the signers of the Treaty of Rome in 1957, which founded the European Economic Community. In 1961 his party lost its absolute majority in the Bundestag, and he formed a coalition cabinet with the Free Democrats. In 1962 a cabinet crisis arose over the government's raid of the offices of the magazine Der Spiegel, which had attacked the Adenauer regime for military unpreparedness. Resigned from public office in 1963. Adenauer received the Magistral Grand Cross personally from SMOM (The Sovereign Military Order of Malta) Grand Master Prince Chigi.

Aitken, Jonathan

Source(s): 1993, Alan Clark, 'Diaries', p. 369-374; July 10, 1997 An Phoblacht/Republican News, 'Editor's Desk'; February 1, 1998, News Confidential, 'Jonathan Aitken MI6, CIA?'; 18 June 2000, Sunday Telegraph / Lobster Magazine, Issue 40, winter 2000-2001

Who's Who: Private Sec. to Selwyn Lloyd, 1964–66; Foreign Corresp., London Evening Standard, 1966–71; Man. Dir, Slater Walker (Middle East) Ltd, 1973–75; Dep. Chm., Aitken Hume Internat. PLC, 1990–92 (Co-founder, 1981; Chm., 1981–90); Dir, TV-am PLC, 1981–88. MP (C) Thanet East, Feb. 1974–83, Thanet South, 1983–97; contested (C) Thanet South, 1997. Minister of State for Defence Procurement, MoD, 1992–94; PC, 1994–97; Chief Sec. to HM Treasury, 1994–95. Mem., Select Cttee on Employment, 1979–82. Dir, Prison Fellowship Internat., 2003–; Exec. Dir, Trinity Forum Europe, 2006–; Chm., Prison Reform Gp, Centre for Social Justice, 2007–. Pres., Christian Solidarity Worldwide, 2006–; Vice Pres., New Bridge Soc., 2007–

Great nephew of Hitler-intimate Lord Beaverbrook, whose son ended up in the 1001 Club. Attended the 1990 Pinay meeting in Oman and the June 2000 meeting in Lisbon. Served as a war correspondent (and MI6 agent) during the 1960s in the Middle-East, Vietnam, and Biafra (short-lived state next to Nigeria). For 18 years he was on the backbenches. Then became a Conservative Member of Parliament in 1974. Admirer of Richard Nixon, who attended meetings of the Cercle after having left the White House. In the 1980s Aitken was a director of BMARC, a company that exported weapons to intermediary countries, who sold these weapons again to the intended countries (Iraq in that case). CEO of TV-Am and chairman of Aitken Hume Plc, a banking and investment group. In 1992 he was appointed as Minister of State for Defense. During this time he stood in close contact with co-Le Cercle member and MI6 head of Middle-East affairs Geoffrey Tantum. Aitken has been a chairman of Le Cercle. Protege of Lord Julian Amery, another former head of Le Cercle with a very significant Zionist family history. In 1994, he joined the Cabinet as Chief Secretary to the Treasury, but resigned in 1995 to defend himself against accusations that whilst Minister of Defence Procurement (1993) he violated ministerial rules by allowing an Arab businessman to pay for his stay in the Ritz Hotel Paris (and a stay in Geneva). After telling lie, after lie, after lie, he was jailed in 1999 for 18 months (eventually he served 7), supposedly because he told a lie under oath about a 1500 pound bill. In the end it turns out that Aitken was lobbying for 3 arms contractors, GEC, Marconi and VSEL, in an effort to sell many, many millions worth of arms to Saudi-Arabia. His Saudi business contact was Said Ayas, who worked for Prince Mohammed, son of King Fahd. Through multiple offshore companies in Switzerland and Panama, submarines, howitzers, medium-range laser guided bombs, Black Hawks, and EH101 helicopters were sold and shipped. In 1997 he was asked to resign as chairman of Le Cercle, but within a few years a report surfaced he had been taken up again in this group. Chaired many Parliamentary committees and business groups including The British Saudi Arabian Parliamentary Group. One of the few people who had to resign from the Privy Council. Often the media has been confused about Aitken being an Anglican or a Roman Catholic. June 12, 1999, The Tablet, 'Jonathan Aitken says Sorry': "This week the fall of Jonathan Aitken, once a star in British politics, was complete when he was sentenced to 18 months in prison. Earlier he had given an assistant editor of The Tablet access to a revealing text in which he bares his soul. "I am a man of unclean lips." The speaker is Jonathan Aitken, and he is referring quite explicitly to his perjury, for which he was sentenced on Tuesday to eighteen months in prison. He is, of course, quoting Isaiah 6:5, but he hastens to add, "I'm not for one second comparing myself to Isaiah"... The trouble with Jonathan Aitken is that the public will never take him seriously again. He held a press conference to launch his libel action against the Guardian and Granada television with these words, "I will cut out the cancer of bent and twisted journalism with the simple sword of truth", only to be impaled upon his own sword. The Guardian were able to uncover evidence to prove that he had lied over the question of who had paid his hotel bill in Paris. It might seem a small matter, but on it hung allegations of taking secret commission for multi-million-pound arms dealings, over which Aitken had lied not only to the press but also apparently to his own Government. The deceit even involved the corruption of Aitken's own daughter, 13 at the time of the hotel incident, whom he had persuaded to sign a false statement saying she was in Paris. Corruption of the young, and self-enrichment from arms dealings, are commonly put high on the list of mortal sins. How do you emerge from a reputation as a mega-liar?... he has been a church-goer for years. It is a surprise, however, to hear that he has done the Alpha course, not once but three times, graduating from a humble student to a helper who pours coffee. Even more astonishing, he has done Ignatian retreats. His first experience was in the Westminster retreats in daily life, for MPs and others working at Westminster, and in due course he went away to the Coach House in Inverness to make an individually directed eight-day retreat with the Jesuit Gerry W. Hughes." Ignatian retreats refers to the spiritual exercises of St. Ignatius of Loyola, the founder of the Society of Jesus. Gerry Hughes is a well known religious author; his name appears in prayer located on the website of the Jesuit Centre of Ignatian Spirituality, Malta. This same news report also claimed: "... stripped as a bankrupt of his Rolex watch, still able to draw from an unspecified source living expenses of 11,400 [pounds] a month"Aitken, like his follow-up chair at Le Cercle, Lord Lamont, is a serious eurosceptic. September 2, 2005, ePolitix, 'Jonathan Aitken - former Conservative minister': "The times have also changed in that there is no constitution referendum coming, the debate now is not should we go forward with more European integration, it is now should we come out of Europe... People have realised that the dream of a federal Europe with Britain at the centre of it has been a dream that has failed. I and a few others could see that it would fail and it has. The Conservative Party, a party that said under Heath "we are the party of Europe" is now the party of changing our relationship with Europe which is a very healthy thing. So I think that the views of the early eurosceptics has been vindicated."

January 10, 1999, The Guardian, 'Family rallies round Aitken's secret Khashoggi love child': "The Mother of disgraced former Tory minister Jonathan Aitken last night expressed her great joy at the news that her family had a new and unexpected member: an 18-year-old model who DNA tests prove is Aitken's daughter. Aitken - who is facing a criminal trial for perjury - learnt that he is definitely the father of close family friend Petrina Khashoggi only a month ago. Her mother, Soraya, had a well-publicised affair with Aitken before he married his wife in the late Seventies. ... We see her quite frequently and we are all very happy, she said. Petrina is a close friend of Aitken's twin daughters Alexendra and Victoria, who are also 18. Lady Aitken added: "I've suspected the link for some time now. The likeness between Petrina and the twins is striking. She looks like her two sisters, although she is a bit older. The link completes a bizarre and uncomfortable family circle for Aitken. Petrina's mother was once married to Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi, whose sister was the first wife of Moha med al-Fayed whose revelations about clandestine meetings in the Paris Ritz were the beginning of Aitken's downfall. According to Lady Aitken, Petrina - who worked for the Storm model agency - has been confused about her family background for years. She uses the surname Khashoggi, even though millionaire Adnan divorced her mother seven years before she was born. ... "His daughters have been telling everyone they have a new sister. But the Khashoggis are not so happy. They are upset and Petrina is very confused."

March 5, 1999, Guardian, 'Secret deals behind arms trade': "The proposition - 'You agree to pay several million pounds of the profits into this Swiss bank account, and my political connections will get you an arms deal' - must have seemed like a scene from life in a corrupt Third World country. But this was Britain: and the proposal was real enough. The company in receipt of this brazen bribery proposal in London in 1993 was British through and through - arms giant GEC, whose Yarrow shipyard made anti-submarine warfare frigates, and whose Marconi electronics arm produced the latest 'smart' bombs. A British minister was involved: Old Etonian Jonathan Aitken, then in charge of negotiating foreign arms sales for John Major's Conservative government. But that connection was a secret. The middleman who presented this bribery proposition to GEC was a sleek and Westernised Lebanese, Said Ayas, Aitken's longstanding friend and business partner. Ayas had been acting as a bagman for bribes paid to the Middle East by European, Japanese and United States companies for more than two decades, and had grown wealthy on it. ... How did Ayas expect to ensure that GEC got the Saudi contracts? The answer was simple. His partner Aitken used his standing as a British government minister to lobby the Saudi royal family, urging them to buy these weapons. Aitken even arranged to slip King Fahd highly sensitive British MI6 intelligence reports on the plans of his enemies in Iran, in return for his co-operation. ... There was evidence, too, of similar agreements extracted by Aitken and Ayas from Britain's other top arms companies. Ayas had copies of secret deals signed with arms firm VSEL to pay bribes on the sale of submarines and the heavy self-propelled howitzers with which it was hoped to equip a Saudi brigade. Aitken told executives at VSEL in February 1993 that Saudi prospects were rosy for them to make a big sale. But it was not until later that year, after a visit from a Saudi military delegation, that the Barrow-in-Furness firm finally agreed to sign up with Ayas. The company agreed to pay 10 per cent of the contract price to Marks One Ltd. They signed up on July 28. GEC, which now owns VSEL, told the Guardian there were two separate agency agreements with Marks One, one for howitzers which was to expire after a year, and one for submarines, which was to remain valid for two years, until July 1995. The Yeovil helicopter firm Westland also signed up on May 1 1995 (via a mysterious offshore company, Phillimore Holdings SA) to pay 9.5 per cent on sales of their Black Hawk helicopter or the new EH101 anti-submarine helicopter to the Saudis. The huge amounts of money involved can be judged by the fact that the Westland agreement envisaged the commission payments exceeding £50 million. Westland's PR director told the Guardian last week that 'no records exist' today of any dealings with Phillimore Holdings. The company was set up in 1985 in Panama, where ownership can be concealed. It was wound up on September 25 1998, three days before Aitken was required under a court order to swear an affidavit disclosing his worldwide assets. It was when he was facing prosecution for his involvement with Aitken and a lawsuit from the prince that would have ruined him that Ayas at last spilled the beans. He handed over the incriminating documents to his solicitor, who swore an affidavit confirming their contents, on June 15 1998. That affidavit, obtained from sources unconnected with the lawyers, has finally broken open one of the greatest bribery scandals of modern British politics. Its abiding irony is that - largely because the Guardian exposed Aitken's murky trip to the Paris Ritz hotel - none of the deals came off, and none of the conspirators made a penny."

March 4, 1999, The Guardian, 'Jonathan Aitken: a timeline': "September 1988: Aitken joins board of BMARC as a non-executive director. March 1990: Resigns from BMARC. 1992: Aitken becomes Minister of Defence Procurement. November 1992 John Major sets up the Scott Inquiry to investigate the sale of arms to Iraq in breach of government guidelines during 1984-90. September 1993: Aitken is spotted at the Paris Ritz hotel. Said Mohammed Ayas and Wafic Said, two former business associates, were also seen there at the same time. His bill is paid by Prince Mohammed bin Fahd of Saudi Arabia. ... October 1994 The Guardian's 'cash for questions' investigation accuses Aitken and three other ministers. ... March 1995 Fresh allegations that Aitken knew about the arms deals with Iran in breach of the government embargo as he would have routinely seen BMARC company progress reports. Aitken denies knowledge of them. ... 10 April 1995: Jonathan Aitken announces he has issued writs against the Guardian and its editor-in-chief. Resigning from the Cabinet, he declares, "If it falls to me to start a fight to cut out the cancer of bent and twisted journalism in our country with the simple sword of truth and the trusty shield of fair play, so be it." ... June 1997: Aitken's libel case against the Guardian and Granada collapses when evidence shows that he, his family and friends had lied to the court. ... June 1995: Commons motion reveals that Jonathan Aitken had signed a controversial "gagging order" - officially called a Public Interest Immunity Certificate (PIIC) - in September 1992 for the Matrix Churchill trial. The documents covered by the PIIC included reports relating to the supply of arms to Iraq by BMARC, of which he was a company director at the relevant time. ... March 1998 Aitken becomes a representative for the arms company GEC-Marconi, who are believed to have sought his Saudi connections. His £2m legal bill from the failed libel case remains unpaid. Aitken sells his house in Kent."

June 22, 1997, The Guardian, 'We've had the lies. Where's the truth?': "Aitken had posed for photographers with his daughter at the 'sword of truth' speech. He also claimed that we had made another of his daughters cry by mobbing her with a television crew. That was a lie, and we proved it in the libel court by showing the judge the film we had taken. There was no daughter present. But presumably Aitken thought he could use his daughter to prejudice the court against us. ... Aitken persuaded Prince Mohamed and his circle to put pounds 2 million into his fledgling merchant bank, Aitken Hume. Another pounds 1m secretly went into a health farm, Inglewood. (The MP pretended he was the owner, while the Saudis hid behind a Panama company). And a further pounds 3m secretly went into the breakfast TV station, TV-am, via a front company in the anonymous Caribbean tax haven of the Netherlands Antilles. Aitken's pounds 500,000 mansion in his Kent constituency was owned by yet another mysterious Panama company. He received passing gifts from the Saudis of expensive watches. In return for this largesse, the MP provided the Saudi regime with various favours. He ran Prince Mohamed's London office. He helped him buy a personal airliner. He fended off newspaper allegations that the Prince consorted with prostitutes on his trips to London, and complaints from a woman that Prince Mohamed had fathered her child. He escorted the Saudis to casinos; he found them doctors and estate agents. He suggested call girls be whistled up to amuse them on trips to the health farm. And the business deals went deeper. In 1989 he arranged an agreement under which one of Prince Mohamed's group, Aitken's business associate Fahad al-Athel, would get 15 per cent commission if he persuaded the regime to buy helicopter weapons worth pounds 400m via the British arms firm BMARC. This was pounds 60m. As Aitken said in a memo, it was 'Big Money'. And Prince Mohamed would get his cut. The Conservative Government pretended these huge arms deals with the Saudis, which went under the name 'Al Yamamah', did not involve the payment of commissions (a polite term for bribes) to the Saudi royals and their hangers-on. This was a lie."

March 4, 1999, The Guardian, 'Millions in secret commissions paid out for Saudi arms deal': "Hundreds of millions of pounds were paid in secret commissions on the massive Al Yamamah defence deal with Saudi Arabia, according to evidence disclosed to the High Court that contradicts repeated denials by the former government. Details of the payments, in which Jonathan Aitken was closely involved, emerged in testimony by an arms company executive shortly before the former cabinet minister's libel suit against the Guardian collapsed last week. David Trigger, a former executive of BMARC, the arms company where Mr Aitken was a director, admitted commissions were paid on the pounds 20 billion Al-Yamamah project. He told George Carman QC, counsel for the Guardian and Granada TV, that he negotiated an Al-Yamamah contract between Royal Ordnance and British Aerospace for aircraft armaments. Mr Carman asked him if he could disclose the commission rate. 'No, I cannot tell you that,' Mr Trigger replied. Was it a secret? asked Mr Carman. 'Yes, it is,' replied Mr Trigger. 'The Al-Yamamah contract is a very complicated one that has an involvement with the Government, British Aerospace and other people, and it would be very difficult to put a figure on commission. Commission was obviously paid but my understanding is that all my work connected with that contract is governed by the Official Secrets Act.' Mr Trigger also revealed that he negotiated a 15 per cent commission agreement with Sheikh Fahad al-Athel, one of Mr Aitken's business friends, for future contracts. Saudi Arabian law allows agents only 5 per cent."

Albertini, Georges

Source(s): 1993, Brian Crozier, 'Free Agent', p. 217-218

Born in 1911. Went to school with Georges Pompidou, a later president of the France. Teacher in History and Geography. Militant and leader of the Section Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière (SFIO) from 1933 to 1939, an important communist/socialist party, and part of Leon Blum's Popular Front. Just before the war, he became a fascist. Joined the Rassemblement National Populaire (RNP), the Vichy Laval-supporting group of Marcel Deat, which was founded early in 1941. Deat was another SFIO-socialist-turned-Fascist. Both Deat and his assistant, Georges Albertini, ended up working for Pierre Laval, Marshal Petain's premier, supposedly a top player in the secret and subversive Synarchist Movement of Empire, and one of the biggest nazi collaborators of the Vichy regime. Albertini, within a few years second-in-command of the RNP, worked closely with Jean Bichelonne, Vichy's Secretary of Industrial Production 1942-1944 and allegedly another major player in the Synarchist Movement of Empire. Patron of Cercle Européen, together with Deat. Jailed in Fresnes in September 1944. Supposedly first met with Hippolyte Worms in jail in September 1944, who, according to EIR quoting French intelligence documents from the 1930s, was identified as one of the original 12 members of the Synarchist Movement of Empire (SME). Albertini was sentenced to 5 years of forced labor and an additional 5 years of regular jail, but was released prematurely. According to former Cercle president Brian Crozier, who described Albertini as a friend: "From my SDECE friend, Antoine Bonnemaison, I learned that he [Albertini] was initially condemned to death but reprieved." Released after a few years and went to support De Gaulle, free enterprise and the market economy. Political advisor to Hippolyte's Banque Worms since 1951, and received regular payment since 1962. Crozier, 'Free Agent', p. 103: "For many years he held two jobs: In the mornings he was political advisor to the merchant bank and business consortium, Worms. In the afternoons, he crossed the Boulevard Haussman to run his fortnightly Est & Quest, the most authoritative publication in the French language on the problems of Communism." In 1956, some time before it actually happened, Albertini accurately predicted the seizure of the Suez Canal by Colonel Nasser (who was advised, in part, by escaped Nazis). Thereby he saved millions for the investors in Compagnie Universelle du Canal de Suez, securing his job at Banque Worms practically for life. One of Albertini's post-war associates was the anti-communist marxist Boris Souvarine, who was employed by Banque Worms since the 1930s while editing La Critique Sociale. Souvarine also worked for Les Nouveaux Cahiers, a bimonthly magazine founded in March 1937, which is said to have been a Synarchie front to weaken the fascist resistance of the anti-communist left. Frequently went to South-America. Met with Filippo Anfuso in Paris in January 1957, who was a former member of Mussolini's Grand Council of Fascism and a leading neo-fascist. 1966 brochure, Information Council of the Americas (INCA), 'What Lies Ahead?': "INCA international advisory committee: Alton Ochsner, M.D., chairman; Edward Scannell Butler, director; George Albertini, publisher, Est & Quest Magazine (Paris); ... Alberto C. Fowler, Director, International Relations, City of New Orleans; ... Juanita Castro, chairman, Marta Abru Foundation, anti-communist sister of Fidel Castro; ... Patrick J. Frawley, Jr.; ... C. C. Too, director, Psychological Warfare Section, Malaysia." Frawley was a major financier and strategy board member of the American Security Council. Butler was a member of the ASC also. Ochsner worked closely with Clay Shaw (of the JFK assassination) at International House and the International Trade Mart. September 10, 1968, New Orleans States Item, 'Dr. Ochsner Renamed by Info Council': ""Dr. Alton Ochsner Sr. has been reelected president of the Information Council of the Americas. Other officers recently elected were Dean A. E. Papale, honorary vice president; Percival Stern, honorary vice president; Dr. Robert J. Mead, first vice president; Ed Butler, vice president for mass communication; Dr. Joseph V. Schlosser, vice president for educational affairs; Edgar A. G. Bright, vice president for organizational affairs, and James T, Richards, vice president for financial affairs. Richard T. Newman, vice president for project development; R. Kirk Moyer, vice president for truth forum; Dr. James H. Allen, vice president for membership; Gonzalo Abaunza, Jr., secretary; Dr. J. D. Grey, treasurer; Gibbons Burke, general counsel; Bruce Baird, chief of protocol, and Robert Rainold, chief of security. INCA's new list of directors includes Richard Baumbach, Edgar A. G. Bright Jr., Pat Brown Sr., James Bryan, Perrin O. Butler, Gilbert Charbonnet, Capt. J. W. Clark, C. C. Clifton, Jr., E. T. Colton, Dr. Joseph Craven, Eberhard P. Deutsch, Richard G. Drown Jr., B. Frank Eshleman, C. Allen Favrot, Darwin Fenner and Pat Frawley Jr. Archbishop Phillip M Hannan, Clyde Hendrix Jr., Hayward Hillyer III, Dr. Joseph Hopkins, Harvey Koch, J. P. Labouisse, Dr, William Locke, William Monaghan, Clayton L. Nairne, Dr. John Ochsner, Bishop H. Perry, Frank G. Purvis Jr.,—Ed M. Rowley, Eustis H. Reily, A. J. Rhodes, William E. Robertson, Cecil Shilstone, C. C. Walther, J. Walter Ward Jr. and William Walter Young."" Crozier, 'Free Agent', p. 103 & 214: "He [Albertini] had built up a huge network of informants and helpers and was increasingly consulted by those in high offices of state to which he had ceased to aspire. Moreover, he and Georges Pompidou had been at school together, and during the Pompidou presidency [1969-1974] and beyond he was a true éminence grise for the Elysée [French presidential office]... Under President Pompidou, both Albertini's network and Jean Violet's Cercle had continued the modest London-Paris axis." Albertini ran some kind of private anti-communist outfit in France, with which the British IRD severed its relations in the late-1960s after a change in leadership. The new leadership, as opposed to Crozier, still regarded Albertini as a Fascist. In partnership with Albertini, Brian Crozier's Institute for the Study of Conflict (ISC) published 'Le Monde des Conflicts' in the 1970s, the French version of the ISC's 'Conflict Studies'. Crozier, 'Free Agent', pp. 217-218: "AT THE CERCLE meeting in Washington in December 1980, Georges Albertini had brought along a quiet Frenchman named Francois de Grossouvre. This was an impressive example of his foresight. De Grossouvre, a physician, was the closest friend and confidant of the Socialist leader and presidential candidate Francois Mitterrand. For many years, Grossouvre had carried out special missions for Mitterrand. By nature and training, he was self-effacing. He played no part in our debates, but listened carefully, taking notes. Five months later, Francois Mitterrand narrowly defeated Valéry Giscard d'Estaing in France's presidential elections. One of his first actions was to appoint de Grossouvre as his coordinator of security and intelligence. Shortly after, having obtained his direct line from Albertini, I went to see him in his modest office in the Elysée Palace." De Grossouvre is said to have been the head of the French Stay Behind network. According to Brian Crozier, when his 6I intelligence network was alarmed in March 1981 by a possible invasion of Poland by the Soviet Union, Albertini was the one who informed the Vatican about the situation. At the time the Reagan administration was working with the Vatican to undermine Soviet authority in Poland. Died in 1983.

Alcaino, Alfredo

Source(s): February 1985 list (Washington D.C.)

Unknonw.

Al-Faisal, Prince Turki

Sources: March 3, 1980, Der Spiegel, 'Franz Josef sein Milljöh' (Franz Josef's milieu): "On 13 February 1979 the CSU parliamentary deputy Hans Graf Huyn wrote in a - "personal, confidential" - letter to the "very honorable, dear Mr. Strauss": "I would also like to inform you that I have just received a notification from Riyadh, from Prince Turki ben Faisal, head of Saudi intelligence and brother of the Foreign Minister, who pledged to come to the Cercle in Wildbad Kreuth. I believe that given the situation in the Middle East his participation will be of particular interest.""; 1997, Robert Hutchinson, 'Their Kingdom Come – Inside the Secret World of Opus Dei', pp. 153-158; June 21, 2005, Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia - London / Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Ambassador talks to major foreign policy-security group'

Also spelled as Turki bin Faisal. Born in 1945. Son of King Faisal, who was assassinated in 1975, and grandson of King Ibn Saud. His father King Faisal was a major force behind the Arab oil embargo against the United States in 1973. He is a nephew of the late King Fahd al-Saud, head of the House of Saud until his death in 2005. Faisal studied at Princeton, Cambridge, and Georgetown (Jesuit) Universities. Chairman King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies. Co-Founder King Faisal Foundation. Supposedly promotes a peaceful version of Islam. Big fan of expensive cars. He is a visitor of DAVOS and headed the Saudi foreign intelligence services from 1977 to September 1, 2001, which is when he "asked" to be replaced. As the head of Saudi intelligence during the 1980s, Prince Turki was a partner of Cercle member William Casey in supporting the Afghan resistance against the Soviet invasion. September 1, 1991, Washington Post, 'Pakistan's illicit economies affect BCCI bank...': "According to diplomatic sources, Saudi intelligence chief, Prince Turki bin Faisal -- working with Pakistan's main intelligence agency -- distributed over $1 billion in cash to Afghan guerrillas during the late 1980s... The financial transactions were handled principally between Saudi intelligence and Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI), the main liaison between the United States, Saudi Arabia and the Afghan guerrillas, the sources said... As for drug trafficking, the sources acknowledged that Pakistan's ISI routinely condoned heroin manufacture and sales by some Afghan guerrilla groups. But they said there were also occasions when ISI cooperated with U.S. government efforts to eradicate poppy fields in Afghanistan." Some of the major Mujahedeen warlords were Abdul Rasul Sayyaf (Abbu Sayyaf), Burhanuddin Rabbani, and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. One of the spiritual founders of militant Islam was Abdullah Yusuf Azzam, a Muslim Brotherhood member who believed in a "clash of civilizations", not unlike Samuel Huntington. Bin Laden was an associate of all these people. After Prince Turki resigned from his position as head of Saudi intelligence, twelve days before 9/11, he became the Saudi Ambassador to Great Britain. December 5, 2002, Daily Telegraph, 'Saudi snare': "On closer examination, though, Prince Turki's appointment raises grave doubts. Some believe that he has been sent here in order to confer diplomatic immunity on him from law suits in America brought by the families of September 11 victims... Should the Saudi royal family be planning an exit strategy in the event of a popular uprising, then Prince Turki would certainly be the man to conduct it. He has scores of chits to call in with his long-time friends in the British establishment. Thus, in the current political climate, the SAS might be likelier to assist in a rescue mission for the House of Saud than America's Delta Force. On the same basis, London is a safer haven for their funds these days than New York: fewer questions asked." Because of the role of Saudi Arabia in 9/11, his old ties to Bin Laden and Wahabism have been re-examined. Turki Al-Faisal was named in a lawsuit from relatives of several hundred September 11 victims. In this lawsuit it is alleged that Prince Turki struck a deal in 1998 with the Taliban in Afghanistan whereby Saudi Arabia would stop trying to extradite bin Laden in exchange for a promise that he would not attack the kingdom (anymore). Members of the Saudi royal family, including Prince Turki, Prince Mohammed al-Faisal, and Prince Sultan, as well as Khalid bin Mahfouz are are also accused of having supplied the Bin Laden terror network with trucks and money, whether the kingdom was blackmailed or not. Had several meetings with bin Laden (and other Afghan anti-Soviet warlords/opium dealers), although he rejects any suggestion that he had dealings with the al-Qa'eda leader since the latter founded the terror group in the early 1990s. Faisal is named in a huge 911 law suit that has been launched by the victim's families against a number of Saudi princes, banks, and charities that are alleged to have funded the terrorists responsible for the attack. Faisal, together with the ISI and the CIA, played a major role in bringing the Taliban to power. In public, Faisal defends western intelligence agencies by never mentioning the role of the CIA or MI6 in financing the Bin Laden network. He did, however, talk about it at a meeting of the CFR. Wolf Blitzer of CNN interviews Faisal in January 2001 (aired February 1, 2001): "The last time I met him [Osama Bin Laden] was perhaps early 1990. It was after the soviets withdrew and he was back in the Kingdom, and he came to say hello, and he had other projects in mind which I turned down at the time, because they were so extraordinary and unacceptable." (what kind of projects Blitzer didn't ask) November 5, 2001, The New Yorker, 'The House of Bin Laden': "Both Al-Fagih [Saad Al-Fagih, a London-based surgeon and Saudi dissident, who heads a group called Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia] and Abdel Bari Atwan [editor of Al-Quds al-Arabi, an Arabic daily newspaper in Britain, interviewed Osama bin Laden in November, 1996, and is well acquainted with people close to bin Laden] claim that bin Laden's mother has twice met with her son since he moved to Afghanistan, in 1996. Atwan said that a trip in the spring of 1998 was arranged by Prince Turki al-Faisal, then the head of Saudi intelligence. Turki was in charge of the "Afghanistan file," and had long-standing ties to bin Laden and the Taliban. Indeed, Osama, before becoming an enemy of the state, had been something of a Turki protege, according to his biographers. Prince Turki, Al-Fagih said, "made arrangements for Osama's mother and his stepfather to visit him and persuade him to stop what he was doing... he didn't promise anything... The second trip, according to Al-Fagih, occurred last spring [2001]...They wanted to find out his intentions concerning the royal family. They gave him the impression that they wouldn't crack down on his followers in Saudi Arabia" as long as he set his sights on targets outside the desert kingdom." November 1, 2001, The Guardian, 'CIA agent alleged to have met Bin Laden in July': "Two months before September 11 Osama bin Laden flew to Dubai for 10 days for treatment at the American hospital, where he was visited by the local CIA agent [Larry Mitchell], according to the French newspaper Le Figaro... [French] Intelligence sources say that another CIA agent was also present; and that Bin Laden was also visited by Prince Turki al Faisal, then head of Saudi intelligence, who had long had links with the Taliban, and Bin Laden. Soon afterwards Turki resigned, and more recently he has publicly attacked him..." Dr. Muhammad al-Massari, head of the head of the London-based Saudi opposition group, Committee for the Defence of Legitimate Rights (CDLR), in a November 2003, published by the neocon Jamestown Foundation: "Never forget that the al-Sauds were once a small and irrelevant tribe. By aligning themselves with the Wahabi movement they evolved, over two and a half centuries, into the powerful establishment we see today. The legitimacy of the regime has always rested on its claim to be Islamic. That has been undermined, so everything else is coming under question... The [Saudi] regime invited the U.S. and it has to pay the price... There are two types of people in the regime who support bin Laden: 1) Some are sincerely fed up with the corruption and lack of respect for Islam. 2) The others hope to use the Jihadis for their "power game" inside the royal family. Turki Al-Faisal, the ex-intelligence chief and current Saudi ambassador in London, is one of the prime suspects... Al Qaeda has now become a jackass suitable for carrying any load... The connections are ideological and mostly informal. It is very difficult to forge operational connections. The real point is that Western intelligence can not penetrate these groups. We are talking about two divorced worlds with diametrically opposed cultures. Western intelligence is used to using bars, prostitutes and dancing clubs to entrap people, and of course the Jihadists have nothing to do with these things. Even Saudi intelligence, many of whose officers are devout classic Wahabists, has a hard time penetrating these groups. I knew someone in Kabul, and he told me that almost every one in Kabul knew, just before 9/11, that something big was going to happen in America. But of course Western intelligence had no clue." Since the London bombings al-Massari finally had some problems for being pro-terror, but London remains a relative safe haven for terrorists; many tend to be MI5 and MI6 informants. Al-Faisal was present with his wife at the wedding of Prince Charles and Camilla Parker-Bowles on April 9, 2005. Partial guest list published in the Sunday Times of April 10, 2005: "The King of Bahrain; The King and Queen of the Hellenes; Prince and Princess Constantijn of the Netherlands; The Crown Prince and Princess of Norway; Prince Radu of Hohenzollern and Princess Margarita of Romania; Prince Turki al-Faisal and Princess Nouf bint Fahd of Saudi Arabia; Prince Bandar bin Sultan of Saudi Arabia; Crown Prince and Princess Alexander of Yugoslavia [Le Cercle]." Zac Goldsmith, son of the late billionaire Sir James Goldsmith [Cercle associate], and Lord Rees-Mogg were among the staff at the wedding. In July 2005 Turki al-Faisal became Saudi Ambassador to the United States as a follow-up to Prince Bandar bin Sultan, who resigned after 20 years in that post. August 8, 2005, The Independent, 'Attacks in London: Home Office denies Saudi warning of imminent attack': "Prince Turki al-Faisal, the Saudi ambassador to the UK, said yesterday that details of a possible plot to attack London " obtained from terror suspects under interrogation " had been given to British intelligence four months ago. Insiders denied receiving detailed intelligence, with one saying: 'It has been suggested a number of times that somehow or other the Metropolitan Police was aware the attacks were going to happen but did nothing. You only have to use common sense. Do you really believe that if the Metropolitan Police had such detailed intelligence they would do nothing about it or tell the public? 'There was certainly a close liaison between the Saudi Arabian intelligence authorities and the British intelligence authorities some months ago when information was passed to Britain about a heightened terrorist threat to London.'" Both Prince Bandar and Turki Al-Faisal are close to the Bush family. In the 1990s Faisal worked closely with western intelligence trying to estimate the threat posed by Saddam Hussein and his weapons of mass destruction. Supported the Iraq invasion and in 2005 he still thought the Iraqis were now "masters of their fate". At least a member of Le Cercle since 1997, but his membership probably goes back further [it does, already went in the 1980s, according to Der Spiegel]. Spoke to Le Cercle in June 2005, where he gave his full support for the Bush Administration's agenda and denounced Al-Qaeda and the Israelis. June 27, 2004, The Telegraph, ' Saudi envoy's Zionist claims 'are offensive'': "The Saudi ambassador to London has reinforced controversial claims by the kingdom's royal family of a link between "Zionists" and recent al-Qaeda terror attacks in the country. In a television interview, to be broadcast today, Prince Turki al-Faisal is asked about comments made by Crown Prince Abdullah, Saudi Arabia's de facto leader, that "Zionist hands" have been behind the attacks... Prince Abdullah made his original remarks when he addressed a conference of leading Saudi officials and academics last month after an attack on contractors at the Yanbu oil facility that left six Westerners - including two Britons - dead. "Zionism is behind it," he said. "It has become clear now. It has become clear to us. It is not 100 per cent, but 95 per cent that Zionist hands are behind what happened." In his interview today, Prince Turki contends that Saudi Arabia has been subjected to concerted attacks by "so-called 'experts' with Zionist connections" for 50 years, and particularly since the terror atrocities of September 11, 2001... He insists that the regime is doing everything it can to root out terrorists and rejects claims that the Saudi royal family's days are numbered." Earlier, on April 27, 2004, Prince Turki said to the CFR: "To respond to the two first allegations, one must look into the phenomenon of al Qaeda and its figurehead, [Osama] bin Laden. Though a Saudi by birth, he developed his ideology and methodology in Afghanistan, under the tutelage of a radicalized cult of the Muslim Brotherhood, an organization I assume every one here knows." In 2005 and 2006, Al-Faisal warned that oil prices could rise to $200 if the United States would decide to attack Iran.

2005, Peter Dale Scott, 'The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America', p. 62: "Prince Turki him­self acknowl­edged the pri­vate net­work for the first time in an uncharacteristically candid speech given to George­town Uni­ver­sity alumni in Feb­ru­ary 2002: ‘And now I will go back to the secret that I promised to tell you. In 1976, after the Water­gate mat­ters took place here, your intel­li­gence com­mu­nity was lit­er­ally tied up by Con­gress. It could not do any­thing. It could not send spies, it could not write reports, and it could not pay money. In order to compensate for that, a group of countries got together in the hope of fight­ing Com­mu­nism and estab­lished what was called the Safari Club. The Safari Club included France, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Morocco, and Iran. The principal aim of this club was that we would share information with each other and help each other in coun­ter­ing Soviet influ­ence world­wide, and espe­cially in Africa. In the 1970’s, there were still some coun­tries in Africa that were com­ing out of colo­nial­ism, among them Mozam­bique, Angola, and I think Dji­bouti. The main con­cern of every­body was that the spread of Com­mu­nism was tied up. Con­gress had lit­er­ally par­a­lyzed the work not only of the U.S. intel­li­gence com­mu­nity but of its for­eign ser­vice as well. And so the King­dom, with these coun­tries, helped in some way, I believe, to keep the world safe at the time when the United States was not able to do that. That, I think, is a secret that many of you don’t know. I am not say­ing it because I look to tell secrets, but because the time has gone and many of the actors are gone as well.’"

Allason, Rupert W. S.

Source(s): September 25, 2003, Damien McCrystal, City Editor for The Sun, 'Spooky tale from Salzburg; City Insider': "ACROSS my desk come details of a hush-hush gathering in Salzburg of a spooky collection calling itself Le Cercle. Members come from around the world and seem to be dominated by Right-wingers with an interest in the security services. Britain is represented by, among others, spy writer and former Tory MP Rupert Allason, Tory Deputy Leader Michael Ancram, Shadow Foreign Affairs Minister Alan Duncan, former GEC and Warburg director Sir Ronald Grierson, Lord Lamont, Lt Col Tim Spicer of Aegis Defence Services and Sir Stephen Lander, former head of MI5. Is this a new Bilderberg group in the making?"

European Editor, World Intelligence Review (formerly Intelligence Quarterly), since 1985. The Branch: A History of the Metropolitan Police Special Branch 1883–1983, 1983; as Nigel West: non-fiction: Spy! (with Richard Deacon), 1980; MI5: British Security Service Operations 1909–45, 1981; A Matter of Trust: MI5 1945–72, 1982; MI6: British Secret Intelligence Service Operations 1909–45, 1983; Unreliable Witnesses: espionage myths of World War II, 1984; Garbo (with Juan Pujol), 1985; GCHQ: The Secret Wireless War, 1986; Molehunt, 1987; The Friends: Britain’s post-war secret intelligence operations, 1988; Games of Intelligence, 1989; Seven Spies Who Changed the World, 1991; Secret War, 1992; The Illegals, 1993; (ed) Faber Book of Espionage, 1993; (ed) Faber Book of Treachery, 1995; The Secret War for the Falklands, 1997; Counterfeit Spies, 1998; (with Oleg Tsarev) The Crown Jewels: the British secrets at the heart of the KGB archives, 1998; (ed) British Security Co-ordination: the secret history of British Intelligence in the Americas 1940–1945, 1998; Venona: the greatest secret of the Cold War, 1999; The Third Secret, 2000; Mortal Crimes, 2004; (ed) The Guy Liddell Diaries, 2005; Mask, 2005; Historical Dictionary of British Intelligence, 2005; At Her Majesty’s Secret Service, 2006; Historical Dictionary of International Intelligence, 2006; Historical Dictionary of Cold War Counterintelligence, 2007; Historical Dictionary of World War II Intelligence, 2008; fiction: The Blue List, 1989; Cuban Bluff, 1990; Murder in the Commons, 1992; Murder in the Lords, 1994

Allen, Richard V.

Source(s): 1983 Bonn meeting list

Instructor University Maryland Overseas Div., 1959-61; assistant professor political sci. Georgia Institute Tech., 1961-62; senior staff member Center for Strategic and International Studies, Georgetown University, 1962-66, Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, Stanford University, 1966-69; foreign policy coordinator Richard Nixon Presidential campaign, 1967-68; senior staff member National Security Council, 1969; deputy assistant to President The White House, Washington, 1971-72; president Potomac International Corp., 1972-80; senior foreign policy adv. to President The White House, 1978-80; assistant to President for national security affairs National Security Council, 1981-82; president Richard V. Allen Co., 1982-90, chairman, 1991—2003. Distinguished fellow, chairman Asian Studies Center Heritage Foundation, 1982-98; senior counselor for foreign policy and national security Rep. National Committee, 1982-88; senior fellow Hoover Institution, 1983—; vice chairman International Dem. Union, 1983-88; chairman German-Am. Tricentennial Foundation, 1983; member Pres.'s Task Force on U.S. Government International Broadcasting, 1991-92; member adv. board Catholic Campaign for Am., 1993-96; member Rep. Congl. Policy Adv. Board, 1998-2001; member U.S. Defense Policy Board, 2001—; fellow St. Margarets College, University Otago, New Zealand, 2008-, hon. fellow, department politics. Chairman committee on intelligence Republican National Committee, 1977-80; trustee St. Francis Preparatory School, Spring Grove, Pennsylvania; board member, co-chair Committee for Human Rights North Korea, 2001. Member Am. Political Sci. Association, Council on Foreign Relations, Intercollegiate Studies Institute (trustee), Committee on Present Danger (director 1976-90), Univ. Club, Burning Tree Club (Bethesda, Maryland), Metropolitan Club.

Published a series of national security highly praised by the ASC.

December 26, 1968, Rowland Evans and Robert Novakfor the Washington Post, 'Nixon's Appointment of Assistant To Kissinger Raises Questions': "Beyond that, Allen is on close personal terms with several [American Security] Council staffers--particularly Col. Raymond S. Sleeper, a retired Air Force man and booster of high military hardware spending. Both Allen and Sleeper have addressed the National Strategy Information Center in New York with hard-line speeches."

Amery, Lord Julian

Source(s): November 1988 – Issue 17, Lobster Magazine, 'Brian Crozier, the Pinay Circle and James Goldsmith' (quoting from the Langemann papers); 1993, Alan Clark, 'Diaries', p. 369-374; 1993, Brian Crozier, 'Free Agent', page 193; June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour' (claims Amery was chair before Aitken); February 1, 1998, News Confidential, 'Jonathan Aitken MI6, CIA?'; Cercle lists: present at all meetings from the early 1980s.

Son of Leopold Amery (1873-1955), who concealed his whole life the fact that he was a Jew. However, Leopold was extremely pro-Zionist and Churchill once said of him that he regarded the Empire as his own personal property. As political secretary to the War Cabinet (appointed by Lord Milner) he was the author of the final draft of the Balfour Declaration which committed Britain to establishing a Jewish 'National Home' in Palestine (this letter was sent to Lord Lionel Walter Rothschild). He was highly significant in helping to create the Jewish Legion, the forerunner of what later became the Israeli army. As Dominions Secretary in the mid-1920s, he sympathetically presided over a seminal period in the growth of the Jewish community in Palestine. The senior Leopold Amery is described as "a passionate advocate of British imperialism"; he was on the staff of the Times, and wrote a 7 vol. history of the South African War for the Times; served in the Cabinet from 1916-1922; MP 1911-1945; first Lord of Admiralty 1922-1924; Secretary of State for India 1940-1945, and arranged for India to have independence. Trustee of the Rhodes Trust. Supporter of Rothschild/Warburg-financed Paneuropa Union of Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi. The envisioned Paneuropa Union did not include the British Empire. Cercle co-founder Otto von Habsburg became Coudenhove's successor while Leo's son would become head of the Cercle some day.

His second son, Julian Amery, the later Cercle chairman, was born in 1919 and educated at Eton and Balliol College, Oxford, before starting work as a left wing war correspondent in the Spanish Civil War from 1938 to 1939. Attache on British missions to Belgrade, Ankara, Sofia and Bucharest 1939-1940. Julian was an MI6 operative, although it isn't really known what he has been doing in this function. During WWII, he enlisted as a sergeant in the RAF, but was rapidly transferred to the Army, with the rank of Captain, and sent to the Middle East. Amery was a close associate of Lt.-Col. Billy McLean, a later Cercle member (and devout christian), since these days. Another rapid transfer sent him to Yugoslavia, to liaise with the partisans fighting Germany. In 1944 he was in Albania, working with the Albanian Resistance. Churchill’s personal representative to Chiang Kai-Shek (a notorious Triad leader, Opium smuggler, and all-round criminal) in 1945 (at the time that Baron Robert Rothschild was present there, at his own request, as secretary at the embassy in Chungking, the headquarters of Chiang Kai-shek's government; Jean Monnet had earlier bridged Kai-Shek's Chinese economy with the West). In 1950 he became a Conservative member of parliament. Married Harold Macmillan's daughter in 1950, although politically he was often at odds with him. Co-founder of the CIA-sponsored Congress for Cultural Freedom and met on 24/25 June 1950 with other founders as Melvin J. Lasky of Encounter, Arthur Koestler, Richard Lowenthal and others. Representative to the Round Table Conference on Malta in 1955. Representative to the Council of Europe 1950-1956. Parliamentary Under-Secretary for War under Macmillan 1957-1958. Same function at the Colonial Office 1958-1960. Member of the Rhodesia and Nyasaland Club in the 1950s and 1960s. Member of the Other Club since 1960, over the years together with the Duke of Devonshire (Cavendish), the 7th Marquess of Salisbury (Le Cercle), Lord Carrington (Pilgrims Society president), Lord Richardson of Duntisbourne (major Pilgrims Society member), Lord Rothschild, Lord Rees-Mogg, Prince Charles, Paul Channon (Le Cercle), Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Sir Edward Heath, Sir Denis Thatcher, and Winston S. Churchill. Member of the Privy Council since 1960. Secretary of State for Air 1960-1962. Minister of Aviation 1962-1964. With his friends David Stirling and Billy McLean, and help from the Cercle-affiliated royal houses of Jordan and Saudi Arabia, he set up a private SAS war in Yemen in the early 1960s in an effort to get Nasser out. 1999, Adam Curtis, 'The Mayfair Set' (broadcasted on BBC2), videoclip of a Julian Amery speech: "The prosperity of our people rests really on the oil in the Persian Gulf, the rubber and tin of Malaya, and the gold, copper and precious metals of South- and Central Africa. As long as we have access to these; as long as we can realize the investments we have there; as long as we trade with this part of the world, we shall be prosperous. If the communists [or anyone else] were to take them over, we would lose the lot. Governments like Colonel Nasser's in Egypt are just as dangerous." Stimulated considerable controversy by his enthusiasm for the Anglo-French Concorde project in the early 1960s. At this time De Gaulle first rejected British entry into the European Union January 1, 1992, The Times, 'Secret war waged on protesters; 1961 Cabinet Papers': "Harold Macmillan's government conducted a secret war against the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament during the autumn of 1961. R.A. Butler, the home secretary, told the cabinet that evidence should be obtained against the movement's organisers showing "a definite intention to commit breaches of the law". Searches would be made the day before the protests at the homes of CND members, he said. "Evidence might become available which would warrant the immediate arrest of some its main organisers on charges of conspiracy." Julian Amery, the secretary of state for air, said if any of the demonstrators gained access to an airfield "forceful action including the use of fire-hoses and police dogs will be taken."" Out of Parliament 1966-1969. Minister of State at Public Buildings and Works under Heath 1970. Minister of State at at Housing 1970-1972. Minister of State at the Foreign Office when Great Britain joined the European Union under Heath in 1973. Foreign Office 1972-1974. Since then served in the backbenches in Parliament until his retirement in the 1990s. From about 1970 to 1992 Amery was an active member and Patron of the Conservative Monday Club, where he became friendly with general Sir Walter Walker [Patron Western Goals], subsequently writing the foreword for Walker's 1980 anti-Soviet book 'The Next Domino'. President of the Conservative Monday club was Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, the 5th Marquess of Salisbury, from 1961 to 1972 (KG; PC; married into Cavendish family). His son, the 6th Marquess of Salisbury, took over in 1974 and ran it until 1981. The 7th Marquess of Salisbury (since 2003) is a member of Le Cercle while the third son of the 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, the supposed co-ordinator of the Round Table, is known to have been a member of the Pilgrims Society. The Cecils also are generational members of the Roxburghe Club, putting them in touch with the old ruling families of Britain, including Howard, Cavendish, Rothschild, Oppenheimer, and Mellon. February 22, 2002, The Independent, 'The Airey Neave File': "Critics of British policy in Ulster maintained that British intelligence became involved in treasonable policies. In 1987, the Labour MP Ken Livingstone used the cover of parliamentary privilege to suggest in the House of Commons that Airey Neave was a co-conspirator with MI5 and MI6 in disinformation activities involving the controversial whistle-blowing spies Colin Wallace and Peter Wright. He also alleged that, a week before his murder, Neave sought to recruit a former MI6 officer to set up a small group to involve itself in the internal struggles of the Labour Party... These were not the wildest allegations. There were improbable tales about how Neave, and others, had a decade earlier planned to set up an "army of resistance" to the Labour government of the Wilson era to "forestall a Communist take-over" and talked of assassinating Tony Benn should he become prime minister. Yet such was the febrile atmosphere of that Cold War epoch that some sceptics gave credibility to the possibility. This was, it must be remembered, the time, about 1970, when Auberon Waugh - fed by various sources, including his MI6 agent uncle Auberon Herbert - produced a series of clearly defamatory articles in Private Eye openly alleging that the former prime minister Harold Wilson was a KGB agent. Even as late as 1975, when Mrs Thatcher became leader of the Conservative Party, groups of senior Tories were secretly gathering to hear spy-writers such as Chapman Pincher [and Brian Crozier, an old friend with whom he worked] address them on the "grave dangers facing Britain from the left"... It was in response to such beliefs, according to claims by the anti-fascist magazine Searchlight, that plans for secret armed cells to resist a more left-wing Labour government were drawn up by a group that included George Kennedy Young - the ex-deputy director of the British intelligence service MI6 and a notorious racist and anti-Semite - and Airey Neave. The claim gained unexpected credence when, despite official MoD denials, two former British Army generals - Sir Anthony Farrar-Hockley, the former Nato commander of Allied Forces Northern Europe, and General Sir Walter Walker, another former head of Nato's forces - confirmed that a secret armed network of selected civilians was set up in Britain after the war and was secretly modernised in the Thatcher years and maintained into the 1980s. Moreover, Searchlight alleged, Neave and Young were key figures in an extreme-right group called Tory Action, which was at the centre of a smear campaign, involving the secret services, aimed at discrediting the Labour government in Britain in 1975." Like the Cecils, Amery was one of the most prominent supports of Ian Smith's racist white-minority government in Rhodesia in the 1970s. Smith's pro-business Rhodesian government had broken itself of from the Wilson government in 1965 to keep the wealthy white minority rule in place. Corporations like Lonrho supported this decision until the situation in the mid 1970s became untenable. Attacked Thatcher in 1979 in a bitter and powerful speech over her decision to abandon the Rhodesian Muzorewa-Smith government (Sept 5, 1996, The Independent, Amery's obituary). May 17, 2002 issue, Jeffrey Steinberg for Executive Intelligence Review, 'Ariel Sharon: Profile of an Unrepentant War Criminal': "On Nov. 15, 1982, a final meeting took place on several real estate purchases, mostly through Arab middle-men, to push the massive expansion of Jewish settlements throughout the West Bank at a handsome profit. Attending the meeting at Sharon's ranch were: Kissinger [Cercle], Lord Harlech (Sir David Ormsby-Gore), Johannes von Thurn und Taxis [1001 Club], Tory Parliamentarian Julian Amery [Cercle], Sir Edmund Peck, and MI-6 Mideast mandarin Nicholas Elliot [Cercle]." Appointed president/chairman of Le Cercle at the suggestion of Brian CRozier in 1985 and remained in this post until the early 1990s. Known to have attended the 1990 Cercle meeting in Oman. Present at a January 22, 1986 dinner hosted by Margaret and Denis Thatcher in honor of Shimon Peres. Jacob Rothschild and his wife, Mrs. Montefiore, Sir Geoffrey Howe, and Leon Brittan were among the few dozen guests. Chairman of the London branch of the Global Economic Action Institute, which which was funded by Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church. July 6, 1986, Sunday Times, 'Top Thatcher aides linked to Moonie cult': "Two of Mrs Thatcher's top advisers, the head of the No 10 policy unit, Brian Griffiths [Pilgrims], and her former economics guru, Professor Sir Alan Walters, have unwittingly joined an organisation funded by the Moonie cult along with a senior backbench Conservative MP. Both Griffths and Walters are listed as standing committee members of a free-market organisation called the Global Economic Action Institute, which holds economic and political conferences around the world. Following accusations by a cult monitoring group in the United States, the institute admitted last week that it was funded by the Moonie organisation. Also on the standing committee of the institute is the president of the Moonie church, Dr Mose Durst, who is listed as a senior director of the institute. The London arm of the institute is chaired by Julian Amery, the Conservative MP for Brighton Pavilion. The headquarters of the organisation are on Fifth Avenue in New York... In 1981 a British jury accepted that the controversial Moonie organisation - officially called the Unification Church - split families and used brainwashing to recruit and keep its predominantly young membership... Walters said that although he was told 'some time ago' by the institute's chairman, Robert Anderson, that the church was one of the funders of the institute, he felt that the actions of the institute should be judged on their own merit and he would not be resigning. Walters last week called for a more tolerant attitude towards the religion although he said that he was not a member." May 19, 1989, The Times, 'Social charter 'treat to employment': "Mr Julian Amery (Brighton Pavilion, C) said that Britain should agree to join the European Monetary System, not just when the time was right, but when British inflation was lower and there had been time to study the consequences of other EC countries abandoning their exchange controls." This would have put him at odds with Margaret Thatcher and later Cercle chairman Lord Norman Lamont. Consultant to the extremely corrupt Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) in the 1980s. August 7, 1991, Washington Post, 'BCCI Adept at Courting the Powerful and Rich': "In Britain, two senior Conservative members of Parliament and one former member listed themselves as consultants to BCCI -- part of what has been described as a global network of highly placed advisers. They are Sir Julian Ridsdale, a former defense minister; Julian Amery; and former Parliament member Sir Frederic Bennett, an honorary director of BCCI in Hong Kong until 1986 who received $10,000 a year from BCCI, according to the Sunday Observer. Amery declined to tell the Observer how much he received and could not be reached for comment here, but he has said he advised the bank on international affairs." Sir Frederic Mackarness Bennett (owned a Rolls-Royce and four homes, one of them in the Cayman Islands; director Kleinwort Benson Europe (his mother was a Kleinwort); long time Lloyds underwriter; influential member of Parliament from the 1950s to the 1980s; member Monday Club; always warning people about the KGB threat and supported every regime that opposed the USSR; chair FARI in 1978; vice-president of the European-Atlantic Group; leading official in the private group Council of Europe in the late 1970s and 1980s; honorary director of the BCCI in Hong Kong until 1986; Member of the Privy Council since 1985; ridiculed his party's (Conservatives) for their Euroscepticism after his retirement in 1987; supported Pinochet; Freeman of the City of London; has been to Bilderberg) was a member of relatively high society. In October 1998 Bennett wrote in The Times: "Sir, Of course it is true that Britain owes General Pinochet (reports, October 19, 20; letters October 20) and his then Government a deep debt of gratitude for the attitudes and actions by Chile from the onset of the Falklands war and throughout the conflict. It is undeniable that they shortened the war, and saved many British servicemen's lives." Lord Norman Lamont of Le Cercle also defended Pinochet; Cercle member Kissinger helped him to power. Became a Baron in 1992. Mentor to Jonathan Aitken, a later chairman of Le Cercle and another member of the Privy Council. Consistently voted against the return of the death penalty. Announced he would leave the House of Commons in January 1991 to spent more time with his wife, who was ill. Lady Catherine Amery, Julian's wife, died in July 1991. At the memorial services were present: the Duke of Devonshire (Cavendish; Roxburghe Club), the Marquess of Salisbury (Cecil; Roxburghe Club), Viscount and Viscountess Cranborne (Cecil; Cercle; Roxburghe Club), Lord Charles Cecil, Philippa Viscountess Astor, Paul Channon (Cercle), Sir Erik Bennett (Cercle), Dr Omar Al-Zawawi (personal advisor to the Sultan of Oman of the Cercle), Jonathan Aitken (Cercle), Nicholas Elliott (Cercle), and Winston S. Churchill (MP). The Times described him after has retirement announcement: "Julian Amery has trod the boards for 40 years. Like many of his generation, he had a good war, and has been defending the British empire ever since. To listen to him orate is to return to the pre-war House of Commons; plummy and proud, he could have stepped neatly out of the pages of Chips Channon's diaries. More recently, hidden behind a camel-driver's beard, he has said ``a few words'' over the grave of his chief enemy, Russian communism." Died in December 1996. Robert Cecil, a good friend of his, wrote an obituary: "The evening before his memorial service, Julian Amery's children held a party in his house in Eaton Square... As we drank, the sense of Julian Amery's spirit in the room was overwhelming. It seeped from the faded green paint on the walls; from the well-used but elegant furniture; from the photographs of foreign monarchs and statesmen on the tables; from the presents they had given lying about the room, golden swords and daggers, oriental carpets, arcana from all over the world. Above all, it seeped from us: British Cabinet ministers and politicians, spies, adventurers, servants of Empire, post-imperial servants of the Crown in foreign lands, Omanis, Afghans, Romanians, Albanians, Persians, Jordanians, Americans. Some, including the British, were political exiles. Some were high in their countries' governments... He was a British politician who never became a member of the Cabinet, an Air Minister who later became Minister of Housing and Minister of State at the Foreign Office. He was caricatured by the press as a white supremacist, a right-winger, an anachronism. And for them it must have been true. He had a plummy voice to prove it. In fact, Amery was a politician with a certain idea of this country. He was a patriot who believed in a British mission to the world, but who was convinced that our place was in Europe. He was a romantic, reared on the romance of Empire and of the great game, but who made a study of the realities of power. He believed in British culture and tradition, but he sympathised with the traditions of the peoples of the book."

The older brother of Julian, John Amery, was a gun-runner for General Franco (Knight of Malta) and an Italian intelligence officer. He met with Jacques Doriot, a French Fascist leader and was recruited by the Nazis. In November 1942, he began making pro Adolf Hitler broadcasts in Berlin. In April 1943 Amery established the Legion of St. George and attempted to persuade British prisoners to fight for Germany against the Soviet Union on the Eastern Front. In the final months of the war Amery moved to Italy where he made propaganda speeches on behalf of Benito Mussolini. He also made broadcasts on Italian radio. Amery was captured by Italian partisans in Milan in April 1945, and soon afterwards was handed over to the British authorities. After being interviewed by MI5 John Amery was tried for high treason and hanged.

Amirahmadi, Dr. Hooshang

Source(s): Gave a speech at "the Le Cercle Conference, Washington, DC, November 14, 2008" titled 'Iran and America: Can Obama Find a Political Solution?'

Professor Rutgers University. Senior associate member Oxford University. Founder in 1997 and president of the American Iranian Council (AIC). Among the directors is Chas W Freeman, Jr., who also gave a speech to Le Cercle. Two directors have senior positions in ConocoPhilips and ChevronTexaco. Another director, diplomat Thomas R. Pickering, has all the traitmarks of an intelligence operative. Pickering has been an ambassador to El Salvador and Israel, was vice chairman of Boeing until 2006 and is co-chairman of the International Crisis Group, where George Soros is a member of the executive committee. The other co-chairman is Lord Christopher Patten. Trustees of the International Crisis Group include HRH Turki al-Faisal (member of Le Cercle), Richard Armitage, Wim Kok, Zbigniew Brzezinski (held a speech at Le Cercle). Cyrus Vance (vice chair CFR; Pilgrims; Rockefeller Foundation; chair U.S. Ditchley; close to Rockefeller, Whitehead, Kissinger, Volcker, etc.) was the honorary chairman of the American Iranian Council from 1997 until his death in 2002. Photographed at the AIC while talking to Cyrus Vance and George Soros. Madelaine Albright has also attended speeches at the American Iranian Council (AIC) and gave a speech here herself. Recipient of several competitive fellowships and grants including the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and Open Society Institute. Frequent contributor to national and international TV (including CNN, FOX, BBC, ABC, PBS, VOA), radio, and newspapers. President of Caspian Associates, Inc., an international strategic consulting firm headquartered in Princeton, New Jersey. Founder of the Center for Iranian Research and Analysis and served as its director for many years. Candidate for President in the Ninth Presidential Election in Iran in June 2005 (when the relatively liberal Khatami stepped down and the hardliner Ahmadinejad took over), but the conservative and religious Guardian Council disqualified him for his American citizenship and democratic platform. Consultant for the UNDP, the Aga Khan Foundation, the World Bank, and several governments. According to the New York Post, Hooshang Amirahmadi has been funded by the Iranian government through a fund seized by the US government. July 16, 2008, IPS, 'Iran Won't Wait for Obama to Talk to U.S.': "Despite opposition from some hardline factions in Iran, the government of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has responded positively to a proposal by the United States that it open a U.S. Interests Section in Tehran - its first formal diplomatic presence since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Hooshang Amirahmadi, who is currently visiting Iran and meeting with high-ranking officials in Ahmadinejad's administration to discuss bilateral relations, told IPS correspondent Omid Memarian by telephone from Tehran that he has sensed a new willingness to seek a thaw between the two countries. "It is not true that they will not negotiate with [George W.] Bush and are waiting for [Barack] Obama," said Amirahmadi, president of the American Iranian Council, a research and policy think-tank devoted to improving dialogue and understanding between the peoples of Iran and the United States. "This is not how Tehran is thinking and if they receive a proposal from the Bush government tomorrow, they are willing to consider it." Amirahmadi also heads the Centre for Middle Eastern Studies at Rutgers University, and is well known for his work to normalise U.S.-Iran relations during the period of Iran's pragmatic president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989-1997) and reformist President Mohammad Khatami (1998-2005). Because Amirahmadi is highly unpopular among radical conservatives, the government has provided high security during his stay in Tehran that will end later this month."

Anderson, Bruce

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (Visited the Cercle in 1989 and 1990)

British conservative political columnist. Formerly political editor of The Spectator and contributor to the Daily Mail, he wrote for The Independent, although his political position was typically different from the paper's editorial line, from 2003 to September 2010. He is now a freelancer.

According to biographers Francis Elliot and James Hanning, it may have been Anderson who recommended the young David Cameron to Prime Minister John Major as part of his question time team in the early 1990s.[2] Anderson holidayed with Cameron and his Conservative Central Office colleague Angie Bray in the summer of 1992.[3] After Cameron became a Conservative front-bencher in July 2003, Anderson tipped him in The Spectator as a future Prime Minister.[4] Anderson has also described himself as a 'family friend' of the Cameron's.[5]

February 15, 2010, The Independent, 'We not only have a right to use torture. We have a duty': "Torture is revolting. A man can retain his human dignity in front of a firing squad or on the scaffold: not in a torture chamber. Torturers set out to break their victim: to take a human being and reduce him to a whimpering wreck. In so doing, they defile themselves and their society. In Britain, torture has been illegal for more than 300 years. Shortly after torture was abjured, we stopped executing witches: all part of a move away from medieval legal mores and their replacement with the modern rule of law. Until recently, at least in the UK, torture and witch-finding appeared to be safely immured in a museum of ancient atrocities. Yet men cannot live like angels. However repugnant we may find torture, there are worse horrors, such as the nuclear devastation of central London, killing hundreds of thousands of people and inflicting irreparable damage on mankind's cultural heritage. We also face new and terrible dangers. In the past, the threat came from other states. If they struck at us, we knew where to strike back. Now, we can almost feel nostalgic for mutually assured destruction. In the Islamic world, a religious revival is taking place, analogous to the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. In that era, there was no shortage of volunteers for martyrdom. Today, failed states produce hate-filled young men, who appear to believe that Allah smiles on the suicide bomber. If you are going to destroy yourself, why not inflict maximum damage upon the enemy? Admittedly, there is no evidence that the terrorists are in a position to produce dirty bombs yet, let alone fully nuclear devices. But we know one thing about technology. It spreads. Difficult processes become easier. Today's remote possibility becomes tomorrow's imminent danger. There have been frequent objections to the use of the term "war on terror". None has been cogent. All of them give the impression that those who object to the phrase do not want to face the reality. It is a reality. For the foreseeable future, we will be engaged in such a war. It is unlike any other conflict we have ever faced, for there is no straightforward route to victory. Nor is there a certainty of success. In any war, there are two desiderata: appropriate strategies, and allies. In this case, the principal strategic resource is self-evident: intelligence. We have no easy way of establishing who the enemy is, where he will gather his forces or how he will strike at us. We also have to deal with the enemy within. All this requires an enormous intelligence effort. As other countries are facing a similar threat, they will be making a similar effort. It would be insane not to pool resources and share information. We and the Americans have long-established methods of intelligence co-operation, which are now even more important than they were in the Cold War. It also makes sense to work with other threatened nations, such as Pakistan, where a brave political elite is bearing a disproportionate burden, and receiving few thanks for doing so. But there is a problem. It seems likely that Pakistani interrogators use torture. Although we find torture repulsive, it does not follow that those who are tasked with governing Pakistan could safely dispense with it. Our enjoyment of Shakespeare and Elizabethan madrigals is not blighted by Walsingham's rack-masters in the Tower of London. We lament the premature death of Robert Southwell, but despite Tyburn and the rack, we would still speak of Elizabethan civilisation. So let us be more generous to the Pakistani authorities. Their difficulties are at least as great as those faced by Francis Walsingham and Robert Cecil in the 1590s. Can we blame the Pakistanis for employing some 1590s methods? When our intelligence services were invited to share the harvest reaped by the Pakistanis, there appears to have been no hesitation. Nor should there have been. We needed the information. Perhaps we should have offered the Pakistanis some advice on interrogation techniques which do not involve knife-work on suspects' genitals. It may be that we have indeed done so, in private. But Pakistan is a sovereign state and an embattled ally; a far more attractive state and a far less dubious ally than Russia was in the Second World War. We should be grateful for the Pakistanis' efforts on our behalf. We should also be grateful to the Americans. But we should insist, again in private, that if they did torture suspects, they were wrong to do so. As they are in a stronger position than Pakistan, their interrogation doctrine should be strongly post-Walsingham. Some of the problem may have arisen from Dick Cheney, arguably the most formidable Vice-President of all time. Mr Cheney combines the neo-Conservatives' moral certainties and the realpolitik school's ruthlessness. This means that he shoots with both barrels. It also creates the risk of overkill. Even so, there is one benefit from the Americans' experiments with robust interrogation methods: water-boarding. Christopher Hitchens wanted to demonstrate that it was absurd to demonise water-boarding and that it was only girlie-man's torture. So he subjected himself to it. He cried off after seven seconds. That is comforting, and not only to Mr Hitchens's critics. Thus far, there has been no need for either the UK or the US to consider torture, because neither of us has been confronted by a ticking bomb. As a result of the Hitchens trial run, we know that we have something which could work. That might sound frivolous. But there would be nothing frivolous about a ticking bomb. Cobra, the Cabinet's emergency committee, is in permanent session somewhere under Whitehall: the intelligence chiefs, grey and drawn from lack of sleep, inform the Prime Minister, ditto, that it seems almost certain that a nuclear device is primed to explode in the next few hours. There is a man in custody who probably knows where it is. They are ready to use whatever methods are necessary to extract the information... Before 9/11, in front of some serious lawyers, I once argued that if there were a ticking bomb, the Government would not only have a right to use torture. It would have a duty to use torture. Up sprang Sydney Kentridge, one of the great liberals of our age and a fearless defender of unpopular causes, from Nelson Mandela in the old South Africa to fox-hunting in modern Britain. I prepared to receive incoming fire. It came, in the form of a devilish intellectual challenge. "Let's take your hypothesis a bit further. We have captured a terrorist, but he is a hardened character. We cannot be certain that he will crack in time. We have also captured his wife and children". After much agonising, I have come to the conclusion that there is only one answer to Sydney's question. Torture the wife and children. It is a disgusting idea. It is almost a tragedy that we even have to discuss it, let alone think of acting upon it. But there is nothing to be gained from refusing to face facts, in the way that the Master of the Rolls, Lord Neuburger, did last week. His Lordship wrapped himself in a cloak of self-righteousness, traduced an entire security service, showed no understanding of the courage which its officers routinely display: no understanding, indeed, of anything beyond courtroom niceties. There is a threat not only to individual lives, which is of minor importance, but to our way of life and our civilisation. Torture is revolting, but we cannot substitute aesthetics for thought. Anyway, which is the greater aesthetic affront: torture, or the destruction of the National Gallery? Let us hope that we never face a ticking bomb in this country and never have to use torture. But there is only one way to avoid this. We must pray that the security services are as successful in the future as they have been in the recent past."

June 7, 2010, The Independent, 'Bruce Anderson: Obama, not BP, is the villain of this piece': "The evidence is overwhelming. Any fair-minded person who examines the Gulf of Mexico oil spillage is compelled to two conclusions. First, that there is no evidence of wrongdoing by BP. Second, that the President of the United States has behaved disgracefully. ... The modern world depends on oil. Over the next 20 years, merely to meet increased demand and replace declining production in mature fields, we will need the equivalent of two new Middle Easts or four new Saudi Arabias. In view of this, there is a clear need to explore alternatives to oil. BP has been in the forefront of such rational exploration, into energy sources that are economically viable and which would provide enough energy. Lord Browne, BP's former chief executive, almost wanted to rename the company "Beyond Petroleum". There was only one caveat. The world is in no condition to move beyond petroleum. But fresh supplies have been harder to come by. That is why the big oil companies have been drilling in deeper and deeper waters over the past 20 years. That is why most oil analysts can see no alternative to exploration in the Atlantic and the Arctic. It also explains the recent interest in the Falklands. Above all, it explains the extent of the drilling in the Gulf of Mexico, the fastest-growing oil region in the world, now producing 30 per cent of the US's oil needs. ... All the major oil companies – including BP – are obsessed with safety. They have offices and laboratories full of expensive scientists who think about nothing else. ... When a plane crashes, no one suggests that flying should be banned. It would be equally absurd to force all oil rigs to cease drilling. There is a lot of absurdity about. The international left has always hated the oil industry; the oil well and the motor car are two of capitalism's principal heraldic devices. It might have been hoped that the anti-oil nonsense would subside with the blowout of Marxism: not so. The poisonous gases merely found another vent: the extremities of the Green movement, and especially Greenpeace, which would like to deny mankind the energy resources upon which civilisation depends. At the moment, the Greens are able to win naive support by exaggerating the threat which oil-drilling poses to the environment. No one wants oil in the sea; for a start, it is a waste of a valuable product. But as Tony Hayward has reminded us – unwisely: at some moments, it is impossible to deal with a political-hysteria blowout – there is an awful lot of sea. Oil is organic and as such bio-degradable, especially in warmer water. The 1991 oil spills after the first Gulf War were supposed to threaten an environmental catastrophe. It took about two years for the Persian Gulf to return to normal. In the Gulf of Mexico, there are difficulties with fishing and tourism. These should not be exaggerated. Some of the lemming media would have us believe that the Louisiana coast is inhabited by pre-lapsarian fisher-folk whose arcadian tranquility has now been violated by the brutalities of BP. In reality, oil accounts for 80 per cent of Louisiana's gross domestic product. Many of the fishermen have relatives in the oil industry. The price they obtain for their catch is heavily influenced by the buoyancy of the oil dollar. BP has made it clear that those whose livelihoods are affected will be compensated. Five hundred loss adjusters are now at work, and have already accepted more than 31,000 claims. Has anyone ever met an insurance claimant who understated his loss? The real threat to Louisiana's economy, and to America's, comes from President Obama. His moratorium on offshore drilling will cost jobs, despite the recent evidence that the American private-sector recovery is weak. But the President is not interested in jobs, except one: his own. In one respect, it is surprising that recent events have redounded so badly on Mr Obama. Government agencies were on the scene rapidly. There was a much greater sense of grip than over Hurricane Katrina. But the Gulf spillage appears to have crystallised many Americans' doubts about their President. There is a problem. In the Liberal media, Mr Obama's rhetorical skills have been grotesquely overrated. He is not a good speaker. Presidents Reagan and Clinton were naturals, while George Bush Jnr could give a superb performance from a prepared text. But Barack Obama's delivery is cold and introverted."

Anderson, Robert

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (1986 I Cercle list)

Natural resources company executive. Treausury secretary. Close to Eisenhower and LBJ. Lobbyist for Unification Church of Sun Myung Moon. Economic adviser to the Sultan of Oman. Went to jail for a year in 1987 on charges of tax evasion.

July 6, 1986, Sunday Times, 'Top Thatcher aides linked to Moonie cult': "Two of Mrs Thatcher's top advisers, the head of the No 10 policy unit, Brian Griffiths [Pilgrims], and her former economics guru, Professor Sir Alan Walters, have unwittingly joined an organisation funded by the Moonie cult along with a senior backbench Conservative MP. Both Griffths and Walters are listed as standing committee members of a free-market organisation called the Global Economic Action Institute, which holds economic and political conferences around the world. Following accusations by a cult monitoring group in the United States, the institute admitted last week that it was funded by the Moonie organisation. Also on the standing committee of the institute is the president of the Moonie church, Dr Mose Durst, who is listed as a senior director of the institute. The London arm of the institute is chaired by Julian Amery [Le Cercle], the Conservative MP for Brighton Pavilion. The headquarters of the organisation are on Fifth Avenue in New York... In 1981 a British jury accepted that the controversial Moonie organisation - officially called the Unification Church - split families and used brainwashing to recruit and keep its predominantly young membership... Walters said that although he was told 'some time ago' by the institute's chairman, Robert Anderson, that the church was one of the funders of the institute, he felt that the actions of the institute should be judged on their own merit and he would not be resigning. Walters last week called for a more tolerant attitude towards the religion although he said that he was not a member."

August 16, 1989, New York Times, 'Robert B. Anderson, ex-treasury chief, dies at 79': "Robert Anderson was a Democrat when he supported Dwight D. Eisenhower for President in 1952, but he switched parties in time for the 1956 elections and remained a Republican. He developed a reputation as a quiet and efficient administrator as Secretary of the Navy in 1953 and 1954 and as Deputy Secretary of Defense in 1954 and 1955, . Mr. Anderson became known as a conservative Treasury Secretary, putting a high priority on preserving the value of the dollar rather than cutting taxes or paying for additional outlays. As Treasury Secretary, he became highly influential within the Eisenhower Administration. It was on his recommendation that the President made an important decision concerning the budget for the fiscal year 1961, deciding that the projected surplus was to be used, not to cut taxes, but to pay off some of the national debt. Posts in Industry Before serving in the Eisenhower Administration, Mr. Anderson held various posts in Texas government. He resigned as Deputy Defense Secretary in 1955 to become president of Ventures Ltd., a Canadian holding company with farflung international interests, mainly in mining, until he was named Treasury Secretary. From 1961 to 1973 he was a limited partner in the New York-based investment banking firm of Loeb, Rhoades & Co. He also held other posts and directorships in business and finance and was an adviser to Phillips Petroleum, Texaco and other oil companies. He served as an economic adviser to the Sultan of Oman and worked as a Manhattan-based lobbyist and consultant for the Rev. Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church. As Navy Secretary Mr. Anderson, at Eisenhower's behest, moved to end racial segregation at Navy posts in Charleston, S.C., and Norfolk, Va. Eisenhower wrote later that he felt gratitude and ''intense admiration'' for Mr. Anderson. The historian Stephen E. Ambrose, in a 1984 book on the Eisenhower Presidency, wrote that Mr. Anderson was Eisenhower's personal choice for his running mate as Vice-Presidential candidate in the 1956 election, but that Mr. Anderson rejected the idea. Mr. Ambrose, in the second volume of his biography ''Eisenhower,'' also wrote that Eisenhower urged Mr. Anderson to seek the Presidential nomination in 1960, but that Mr. Anderson said no. In the 1960's, Mr. Anderson carried out diplomatic tasks for President Lyndon B. Johnson, who was also a friend, including leading a commission that negotiated new treaties involving the Panama Canal. Two decades later, when Mr. Anderson was sentenced to the prison term by Judge Edmund L. Palmieri, he was also sentenced to five years' probation. Judge Palmieri directed him to make restitution to victims of the bank operation who had lost money on his advice. The judge said he was aware that Mr. Anderson had been hospitalized for alcoholism 10 times since 1981, and he ordered Mr. Anderson to enter an alcoholism treatment program. Mr. Anderson had pleaded guilty to evading taxes on more than $127,000 in income in 1983 and 1984 and operating an offshore bank in the British West Indies in which investors lost more than $4 million. A spokesman for the Federal Bureau of Prisons, Gregory Bogdan, said yesterday in Washington said that Mr. Anderson had served his sentence in Federal Prison Camp at Allenwood, Pa., in August 1987. An official of the Federal Probation Office in Manhattan, Joseph Veltre, said yesterday that his house arrest was completed in January 1988. When he was disbarred by the Appellate Division of New York State Supreme Court last January, the court order said: ''This is a sad but, we think, necessary end to the legal career of one who has in times less beclouded by poor and corrupt judgment served his country in high office.'' A lawyer for Mr. Anderson suggested in court in 1987 that his client's mind might have been affected by the strain of caring for his wife, the former Ollie Mae Rawlings, who long suffered from Alzheimer's disease and died in 1987. They were married in 1935. In the years after Mr. Anderson left the Cabinet, his activities included serving as a partner in Robert B. Anderson & Company, an investment house, and as chairman of the American Gas & Chemical Company. Among the companies of which he was a director were Pan American World Airways and Goodyear Tire & Rubber. Robert Bernerd Anderson was born June 4, 1910, in Burleson, Tex., the son of a farmer. He graduated from Weatherford College in Weatherford, Tex., in 1927 and earned a bachelor of laws degree from the University of Texas in 1932. That same year he was elected to the Texas Legislature. In the 1930's he served variously as a Texas legislator, an assistant Texas attorney general, chairman of the Texas Unemployment commission, and state tax and racing commissioner. In World War II he was a civilian aide to the Army Secretary."

Andreotti, Giulio

Source(s): October 1989 – Issue 18, Lobster Magazine, 'The Pinay Circle and Destabilisation in Europe'; 1993, Brian Crozier, 'Free Agent', pages 186, 191-193, and 241; 2002, David Rockefeller, 'Memoirs', pp. 412-413, referring to the Pesenti Group; 2010, Johannes Grossmann, 'Die Kulturelle Integration Europas', p. 330: "Andreotti war spatestens seit 1970 regelmassig im Cercle zu Gast"; Confidential Cercle document from about 1991 from the Julian Amery archive: "Andreotti is still a member but seldom appears."

Born in 1919. Former Italian prime minister, Knight of Malta (SMOM), and and great sympathiser of Opus Dei (other sources claim he is, or was, a member). June 28, 2001, Wall Street Journal, 'Knights of Malta Seek Respect From U.N. as Bona Fide Nation': "Count Marullo, whose 12,000 knights world-wide include King Juan Carlos of Spain and former Italian Premiers Francesco Cossiga and Giulio Andreotti, is bent on making the world pay more serious attention to all these trappings of sovereignty." May 18, 1992, New York Times: "In one of the most hotly debated acts of his papacy, Pope John Paul II beatified the Spanish founder of the conservative Opus Dei religious movement today, elevating Msgr. Jose Maria Escriva de Balaguer to a status just short of sainthood only 17 years after his death. The crowd overflowing St. Peter's Square numbered more than 200,000 and was one of the biggest ever seen at the Vatican -- testimony to the reach and influence that inspire many liberal Catholics to label Opus Dei a sinister and powerful force for conservatism in the church and elsewhere. One of the guests at the occasion was Italy's caretaker Prime Minister, Giulio Andreotti." 1997, Robert Hutchinson, 'Their Kingdom Come – Inside the Secret World of Opus Dei', p. 208: "Of the five [most important anti-communists of Italy], Andreotti took precedence in matters of policy, being nearest to the power structures of the Church and the Free World's political systems. Andreotti was the closest layman to Paul VI and he had his admirers in every capital of the Western Alliance... Andreotti had been on an Opus Dei retreat at the Castle of Urio on Lake Como, in northern Italy, and was received at the Villa Tevere by Escrivá de Balaguer." Graduated in Law in 1941 and later specialized in Canon Law (Roman Catholic Law). When Andreotti was head of the Catholic University Students' Federation from 1942 to 1944, he served as an assistant to Monsignor Montini, the later Pope Paul VI from 1963 to 1978. Co-founder of the still illegal Christian Democratic Party in 1943, together with the Paneuropean Alcide de Gasperi, who had a more dominant role in the founding. The Christian Democratic Party was the dominant party in Italy from 1948 to 1992. National delegate of the youth group of the Christian Democrat Party in 1944-1945. Became a member of the National Council of the Christian Democrat Party in 1945. Deputy in the Constituent Assembly since 1946 and would remain so throughout his entire political life. Under-secretary of State 1947-1954, until 1953 under de Gasperi. Minister for the Interior in January 1954. Minister of Finance 1955-1958. Secretary of the Treasury 1958-1959. Minister of Defense 1959-1966 under 5 different prime ministers. 2005, Daniele Ganser, 'NATO's Secret Armies', p. 70-71: "On election day in April 1963 the CIA nightmare materialised: The Communists gained strength while all other parties lost seats.... the Socialists were also given cabinet posts in the Italian government under Prime Minister Aldo Moro of the left-wing of the DCI [Christian Democratic Party]... Kennedy had allowed Italy to shift to the left. As the Socialists were given cabinet posts the Italian Communists, due to their performance at the polls, also demanded to be rewarded with posts in the cabinet and in May 1963 the large union of the construction workers demonstrated in Rome. The CIA was alarmed and members of the secret Gladio army disguised as police and civilians smashed the demonstration leaving more than 200 demonstrators injured. (46) But for Italy the worst was yet to come. In November 1963, US President Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas, under mysterious circumstances. And five months later the CIA with SIFAR, the Gladio secret army and the paramilitary police carried out a right-wing coup d'état which forced the Italian Socialists to leave their cabinet posts they had held only for such a short period. Code-named 'Piano Solo' the coup was directed by General Giovanni De Lorenzo whom Defence Minister Giulio Andreotti of the DCI had transferred from chief of SIFAR to chief of the Italian paramilitary police, the Carabinieri. In close cooperation with CIA secret warfare expert Vernon Walters, William Harvey, chief of the CIA station in Rome, and Renzo Rocca, Director of the Gladio units within the military secret service SID, De Lorenzo escalated the secret war. Rocca first used his secret Gladio army to bomb the offices of the DCI and the offices of a few daily newspapers and thereafter blamed the terror on the left in order to discredit both the Communists and the Socialists. (47)" Andreotti earned the label "the most powerful man in Rome, after the Pope" in the 1960s. Minister for Industry and Trade 1966-1968. Head of the Christian Democratic Party 1968-1972. Appointed by president Guiseppe Saragat on July 11, 1970 to try to form a new government with the four parties of the center-left coalition. In December 1970 another right-wing coup called Operation Tora Tora was about to happen, but it was called off at the last moment. Knight of Malta Prince Valerio Borghese, rescued by Knight of Malta James James Angleton at the end of World War II, was the leader of the coup. Stefano Delle Chiaie was another leading figure in the coup, which was supported by right wing elements in the CIA and NATO. Italian Prime Minister 1972–1973. Minister of Defense March-November 1974. Denied the existence of Gladio in 1974. Minister for the Budget and Economic Planning 1974-1976 under Aldo Moro. Prime minister of Italy 1976-1979. Again denied the existence of Gladio in 1978. 2005, Daniele Ganser, 'Nato's Secret Armies', p. 80: "Italy was in shock [over the kidnapping of Aldo Moro in 1978]. The military secret service and acting Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti immediately blamed the left-wing terrorist organization Red Brigades for the crime and cracked down on the left. 72,000 roadblocks were erected and 37,000 houses were searched. More than 6 million people were questioned in less than two months. While Moro was held captive his wife Eleonora spent the days in agony together with her closest family and friends and even asked Pope Paul IV [not a supporter of Opus Dei], a long-standing friend of her husband, for help. 'He told me he would do everything possible and I know he tried, but he found a lot of opposition.'" In March 1981, Italian police raided the villa of Licio Gelli, a Knight of Malta and the ultra-right leader of the P2 Lodge. 2005, Daniele Ganser, 'Nato's Secret Armies', p. 74: "Frank Gigliotti [one-time assistant to a hypnotist; Presbyterian clergyman; worked with teenaged boys, for whom he organized a social club named the Guiseppe Mazzini Club; recruited by the OSS; active in Italy] of the US Masonic Lodge personally recruited Gelli and instructed him to set up an anti-Communist parallel government in Italy in close cooperation with the CIA station in Rome. 'It was Ted Shackley, director of all covert operations of the CIA in Italy in the 1970s', an internal report of the Italian anti-terrorism unit confirmed, 'who presented the chief of the Masonic Lodge to Alexander Haig'. According to the document, Nixon's Military adviser General Haig [later Pilgrims Society executive], who had commanded US troops in vietnam and thereafter from 1974 to 1979 served as NATO's SACEUR, and Nixon's National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger [Le Cercle] 'authorized Gelli in the fall of 1969 to recruit 400 high ranking Italian and NATO officers into his lodge'. (60)... the secretive anti-Communist P2 members list confiscated [in 1981] counted at least 962 members, with total leadership estimated at 2,500... 52 were high-ranking officers of the Carabinieri paramilitary police, 50 were high-ranking officers of the Italian Army, 37 were high-ranking officers of the Finance Police, 29 were high-ranking officers of the Italian Navy, 11 were Presidents of the police, 70 were influential and wealthy industrialists, 10 were Presidents of banks, 3 were acting Ministers, 2 were former Ministers, 1 was President of a political party, 38 were members of parliament and 14 were high-ranking judges. Others on lower levels of the social hierarchy were mayors, Directors of hospitals, lawyers, notaries and journalists." Although Gelli's files had vanished by the time his villa was raided, the index of his files was discovered, and some of the headings included Giulio Andreotti's name. Roberto Calvi's [Knight of Malta, "God's banker", and found hanging below a bridge in the City of London] widow pointed to Giulio Andreotti as the true head of P2. 1997, Robert Hutchinson, 'Their Kingdom Come – Inside the Secret World of Opus Dei', p. 263-264: "P2 was formed in the late 1960s, allegedly at the behest of Giordano Gamberini, a Grand Master of the Grand Orient of Italy and friend of Gulio Andreotti. But he was much closer to Francesco Cosentino, who also was well introduced in Vatican circles. Either Andreotti or Cosentino, or perhaps both, were said to have suggested the creation of a small cell of trusted right-wing personalities in key national sectors, but especially banking, intelligence and the press, to guard against what they perceived as 'the creeping communist threat'. The person Gamberini chose to develop the P2 Lodge was a small-time textile magnate from the Tuscan town of Arezzo, midway between Florence and Perugia, who after two as a Freemason had risen to the Italian equivalent of Master Mason. His name, of course, was Licio Gelli. But the P2's top man, according to Calvi, was none other than Andreotti, followed in line of command by Cosentino and Ortolani [Umberto Ortolani; secret chamberlain of the Papal Household; member of the inner council of the Knights of Malta; said to be a member of Cardinal Giacomo Lercano; met with Licio Gelli, Roberto Calvi, and others in Rome in December 1969]. Andreotti always denied Calvi's allegation. But the fact remains that Calvi feared Andreotti more than Gelli or Ortolani. As for Cosentino, he died soon after the P2 hearings began. The truth of the matter, [professor] Javier Sainz said, is that the P2 Lodge was part of a secret right-wing network created with the Vatican's blessing as part of the Occident's bulwark against communism. The P1 Lodge was in France and the P3 Lodge was in Madrid. The P3 was headed by a former minister of Justice, Pio Cabanillas Gallas [cabinet minister under Franco, the dictator of Spain until 1975; secretary of the Council of the Realm, Franco's highest advisory body; Minister of Information and Tourism; remained influential in government after Franco's death; Minister of Culture; Minister of Justice 1981-1982; more centrist than Cercle member Munoz; member of the European Parliament]". Minister of Foreign Affairs 1983-1989. Supported the installing of American nuclear missiles in Europe. Prime Minister of Italy 1989-1991. On August 3, 1990, after having been put under pressure by Italian judge Felice Casson, Andreotti was the first person to admit that there existed a secret army of "stay-behind" units in Italy. In the case of Italy this unit was called Gladio and it had been involved in terrorist attacks on its own citizens, while blaming it on left-wing groups. This is how it kept the communist influence out of Europe. It soon turned out that these were hidden away in the secret services of most western countries. In 1993, Andreotti was investigated for corruption and accused of protecting the Mafia. Indicted in 1995, he also went to trial in 1996 for ordering the murder of a journalist said to have incriminating information. In 1999, he was acquitted of both sets of charges, a decision that ultimately was upheld on appeal. 1997, Robert Hutchinson, 'Their Kingdom Come – Inside the Secret World of Opus Dei', p. 350: "In 1994 Andreotti's friend and former foreign trade minister, Claudio Vitalone, brother of the lawyer Wilfredo with whom Carboni had been in almost hourly phone contact while shadowing Calvi's flight to London, was charged with ordering Pecorelli's [journalist who informed Andreotti beforehand he was putting out some damaging information on him] slaying. Accused with him were Mafia bosses Gaetano Badalamenti and Pippo Calò. Andreotti, friend of three popes who claimed never in his long career of public service to have forsaken his Catholic principles, joined them at trial, accused of issuing the contract against Pecorelli. Magistrates in Palermo had already stunned the world by accusing 'Uncle Giulio' of 'protecting, assisting and consorting with the Cosa Nostra' in return for electioneering support that helped maintain the Christian Democrat Party and Andreotti at the apex of Italian political life for more than three decades." Has been named as a member of the controversial Order of Zion, if it even exists or existed. Other rumors about the Order of Zion have named Cercle members Alain Poher and Otto von Habsburg.

*** ANDREOTTI WAS A GOOD FRIEND OF LICIO GELLI, HEAD OF THE P2 ***

1991, Philip Willan, 'Puppetmasters: The Political Use of Terrorism in Italy', p. 106: "The relationship between Giulio Andreotti and the coup plotters and, for that matter, his relationship with Gelli, have never been fully clarified. Several witnesses have testified that Gelli frequently spoke on the phone in their presence to someone he claimed was Andreotti. There is also an often-published photograph which shows the two standing together in evening dress and beaming smiles. Andreotti stated in a 1989 interview (Panaroma, 22 October 1989) that he had met Gelli because of the latter’s role as a director of the Permaflex mattress factory in Frosinone, which would mean their acquaintance dates from 1965 at the earliest, as the factory was inaugurated in that year. According to Gelli, however, the two first met in 1958. Andreotti described how he had met Gelli later, in Argentina when Juan Peron returned to power, and was amazed at the deference with Gelli was treated by the Argentine President, an observation that supports Arrigo Molinari’s assertion, examined earlier, that Gelli may have been in some way instrumental in presenting Andreotti to Peron. … Andreotti declared that he had no reason to think that ‘Gelli was someone to avoid’. … Gelli professes the highest regard for Andreotti."

*** ANDREOTTI SEEN AS POINT MAN FOR 1970 BORGHESE COUP ***

1991, Philip Willan, 'Puppetmasters: The Political Use of Terrorism in Italy', p. 107: "According to Paolo Aleandri, it was a common rumour among rightists that Andreotti had been considered by the Borghese coup plotters to be a kind of beacon or reference point within the political establishment. General Miceli offered a non-committal comment on this delicate subject during an interrogation by Judge Tamburino in 1974. ‘As for the rumours about Andreotti’s leanings towards a coup, I can say that there is a literature on the subject which has not been backed up by objective proof. Anonymous documents about it were in circulation in 1972 and I believe that D’Amato was in possession of a couple of reports which were passed to me and which I sent on to the Prime Minister [that is to Andreotti.]’"

 

Arriaga, Gen. Kaulza de

Source(s): March 3, 1980, Der Spiegel, 'Franz Josef sein Milljöh' (Franz Josef's milieu): "In this cercle the candidate for the chancellorship [Strauss] meets his right-wing extremist friends, like the Spaniard Federico Silva Munoz, Minister under dictator Franco, or the Ultra[Rightist] Kaulza de Arriaga, commander in chief in the Portuguese colony Mozambique once responsible for a bloody massacre among civilians."

1915-2004. From Portugal. Politician and military commander under Salazar (lived and ruled until 1970). Head of the Ministry of Defense Cabinet. President of the Nuclear Energy Joint Commission. Executive President of Angol SA, an oil company. Secretary of State for Air in the early 1960s, when the Angolan War began. In charge of stopping the April 1961 coup against Salazar. Apparently the coup had the quiet support of the Kennedy administration, but is said to have been carried out unprofessionally. Another idea is is that hardliner Américo Thomaz had unwisely been informed of the coup by one of the conspirators, Julio Botelho Moniz, and leaked it to Salazar and/or Arriaga. Professor of the Institute of High Military Studies anno 1966 and suggested to increase the efficiency of the military command. Commander in Chief of the Portuguese forces in the Mozambican conflict 1969-1974. Took over from General Augusto dos Santos. Studied the American tactics in Vietnam and consulted with General William Westmoreland. Organized Operation Gordian Knot in 1970. The objectives of this campaign were to seal off the independentist guerrillas' infiltration routes across the Tanzanian border and to destroy permanent guerrilla bases in Mozambique. The campaign lasted 7 months, but was not completely successful. Arriaga has been accused of covering up operations in which the Portuguese massacred civilians. In 1973 there was a prominent case in which Army units and the police force apparently surrounded villages (Wiriyamu, Chawola, Juwau, and others) and killed everyone. Arriaga lost power after the MFA's Carnation Revolution in 1974 when the leftists and moderates took over (and who forced co-Cercle member Gen. de Spinola, whom had been a compromise, to act relatively moderate). Imprisoned from September 1974 (when Spinola attempted to take back full control of the government) to January 1976. By July 1976 had set up the hard right political party Movimiento Independente de Reconstrusao Nacional / Independent Movement for National Reconstruction (MIRN). Set up the Portuguese Right-wing Party (PDP) in 1978 and remained active in it until 1980. Arriaga would attend Otto von Habsburg's CEDI's 1976 Congress in Spain with top Cercle members. The Cercle's political scholar in Portugal, Jaime Nogueira Pinto, has been a great supporter of Arriaga.

September 4, 1976, The Economist, 'Portugal; Under the volcano': "Right-wing soldiers are beginning to rally round the flag of a former commander-in-chief in Mozambique, General Kaulza de Arriaga, who is publicly campaigning against the country's colonial "sellout" last year. His arguments have been strengthened by recent revelations that the Mozambique independence movement, Frelimo, was preparing to negotiate a slow transition to independence before the Portuguese abruptly withdrew. Portugal's president, General Ramalho Eanes, has bowed somewhat to right-wing pressure. Last month he reshuffled the army leadership to mop up most remaining traces of red. The moderate left-wing commanders of Portugal's central and southern military regions were both replaced. Brigadier Lourenco's Lisbon command is expected to be absorbed soon into the central military region. The only left-wing enclave that remains is the army's emasculated revolutionary council. The president is trying to give the army a role as a neutral professional body outside of politics. He is reducing its size to 26,000 men -- the hard-core of its old colonial force."

May 28, 1977, The Economist, ' Please behave yourselves': "But the Movement for National Reconstruction, which is led by a colonial hawk, General Kaulza de Arriaga, might one day serve as a civilian nucleus for a right-wing coup."

Based on the numerous BBC World Reports, the Soviet press kept a close eye on the activities of de Arriaga.

February 21, 1980, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (from Russia), 'In Brief; Kaulza de Arriaga's visit to South Africa': "On 18th February the radio's service in Portuguese for Portugal (2100 gmt) carried a commentary by Valeriy Ivanov on General Kaulza de Arriaga's visit to South Africa. Ivanov said Arriaga's first contacts with the South African authorities had been during his period as commander of the Portuguese colonial forces in Mozambique. He was now seeking to make political capital by making anti-Soviet remarks. For example, he had claimed that Mozambique was under Soviet occupation and was issuing warnings about Soviet designs of which only he was aware. However his remarks were approved by circles in Western countries "fomenting the myth of a Soviet threat"."

April 19, 1980, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (Moscow; Excerpts from commentary by Yuriy Konstantinov), 'Portugal: More Freedom for Fascists': "The Salazarist former General Kaulza de Arriaga has stated that his Right-wing party [Note: the PDP] will contest this year's parliamentary elections . . . Since the installation in office of Sa Carneiro's Centre-Right Government, the (?supporters) of the Salazar-Caetano fascist dictatorship have been enjoying increasing freedom of manoeuvre in Portugal. They have been released from detention, rehabilitated, reinstated in state posts, paid high retirement pensions and, indeed, seen their old virtues eulogised. The former officers of the PIDE, are treated with greater solicitude by the current administration and by the judiciary than the people who languished in the dungeons of the Salazar regime. Kaulza de Arriaga's supporters have of late been praising to the skies Brigadier [sic] Pires Veloso, former Commander of the Northern Military Region, urging him to save the country from the Marxist threat. They are distributing provocative leaflets in Oporto announcing the opening of the Spring communist-hunting season and threatening democrats with massacres. All this is taking place in the pace of inaction - not to say connivance - of the authorities. The extremists are taking advantage of this attitude. They are eager for revenge and are rallying under their old flags. And how they have decided to go it alone in the next parliamentary elections."

February 3, 2004, Agence France Presse -- English, 'Portuguese general who crushed revolts in Africa dies': "General Kaulza de Arriaga, a prominent Portuguese military leader who helped put down rebellions in the country's then colony of Mozambique in the 1960s, has died aged 89, the Lusa news agency said Tuesday, quoting family members. Arriaga, who served under the dictatorship of Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, was notably accused of commanding a massacre which left hundreds of dead in the Mozambican village of Wiryiamu on December 16, 1972, a charge he always denied. As head of ground forces in Mozambique from 1969 to 1970, and then overall head of Portugal's armed forces from 1970 to 1973, he also oversaw an offensive which ran from July to early August 1970 in the Cape Delgado region in the north of Mozambique. The offensive was one of the bloodiest episodes of the colonial wars of the 1960s, which were to lead to the independence of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea-Bissau in 1974-75, along with the collapse of the dictatorship in Lisbon. Arriaga, who held top posts in both the nuclear power industry and a major oil company in the late 1960s and early 1970s, was an unrepentant defender of the dictatorship against the revolution which overthrew it in April 1974. He described the end of the regime, which ushered in democracy, as the "biggest disaster in Portuguese history". Family members said Arriaga died overnight on Monday after a long illness."

Auchi, Nadhmi

Source(s): April 6, 2003, The Observer, 'So, Norman, any regrets this time?'; September 5, 2004, Sunday Times, 'Le Cercle of the elite'

Born in Iraq. Graduated in Economics and Political Science from the Mustansiriyah University, Baghdad in 1967. Worked with the Iraqi Ministry of Oil, becoming Director of Planning and Development. In 1979 he founded General Mediterranean Holding SA of Luxembourg. Auchi's business empire, which has assets worth more than £1bn, is held offshore in structures whose ownership is difficult to penetrate. His holding firm, General Mediterranean Holdings SA, is registered in Luxembourg, and the Luxembourg and EU politician Jacques Santer sits on its board (in 1999, the Santer (EU) Commission resigned from their posts after charges of corruption. Santer is a Bilderberger and a supporter of Opus Dei). Lord Lamont, the Rothschild associate who headed Le Cercle, used to be another employee of General Mediterranean Holdings. Has links to British intelligence, through the former senior MI6 officer Anthony Cavendish (Le Cercle), who acts as a consultant to Auchi's business empire.

May 11, 2004, International Armament and Technology Trade Directorate, Office of Deputy Undersecretary of Defense (International Technology Security), 'Preliminary Findings: Report to the Inspector General into Mobile Telecommunications Licenses in Iraq', p. 19, For Official Use Only: "Auchi had effectively bought himself both respectability and influence in British social and political circles, and British political leaders and cabinet ministers have served and still serve on his boards of directors. In addition, there is a transatlantic organization called Le Cercle (“the Club”) founded decades ago by French minister Antoine Pinay, that brings together Europeans and Americans from the political, military, and intelligence communities to discuss issues of mutual concern and to network. In 2002 Auchi was brought into Le Cercle by Lord Cavendish, the former head of British intelligence. It is altogether possible therefore that the marriage between the British telecomm specialists in Iraq and the Auchi telecomm interests in the region was brokered in advance."

Served on an advisory committee to the Institute for Social and Economic Policy in the Middle East at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government 1996-2000. President of the Anglo-Arab Organisation (AAO) since its founding in 2002. The July 2004 meeting of the AAO was attended by Prince Andrew, the Duke of York, Michael Howard (Le Cercle), the Conservative Party leader and leader of the opposition, king Abdullah of Jordan, Sheikh Badawi (Islamic College of London), together with many political, business and media elite. During the 2004 AAO conference Auchi said: " [the organisation, at its core] is the desire to build on, and further enhance, the fruitful, warm and productive relations which have existed over so many centuries between the United Kingdom and the Arab world." Auchi stressed AAO's important role in furthering interfaith dialogue as well as supporting initiatives aimed at "further integration of the welcomed British Arab community into mainstream society." On one of the pictures Auchi is shaking hands with Prince Andrew and King Abdullah. Another ambiguity of his relations with the UK is demonstrated by one of his mementos, hanging in pride of place in his office - a portrait of the houses of parliament which 130 MPs of all parties have signed. It was presented to him by the science minister, Lord Sainsbury, "on behalf of Tony Blair" at the 20th anniversary ceremony of his GMH company. In November, 2003, Auchi was given a two-year suspended prison sentence for his involvement in the Elf scandal. A French court found him guilty of accepting £50 million worth of illegal commissions. He was also fined £1.4 million. In 2003, the Guardian and the Observer wrote a number of articles that Auchi has been involved in numerous corruption scandals and that he was a long supporter of, and arms supplier to, Saddam Hussein. Auchi later claimed these allegations were completely wrong, which led to the newspapers retracting their stories. During Gulf War II, Auchi was reported to have a full run on the palace in the Green Zone and met with "everyone important," including CPA top leader Paul Bremer. Auchi has also been named as a central figure in the U.N. oil-for-food program in which both the U.S. Congress and a special U.N. investigation have been looking after accusations of massive corruption and a missing $10 billion. In November 2003, Auchi was honoured by the Catholic Sacred Military Constantinian Order of Saint George and the Royal Order of Francis I.

GENERAL MEDITERRANEAN HOLDING

Lamont was not only close to Auchi through Le Cercle. After leaving government he joined the five-member financial board of Auchi’s General Mediterranean Holding, a Luxembourg-based holding company for more than 120 companies. Anno 2011 Lamont still sits on the board. Jacques Santer, a former finance and prime minister of Luxembourg who is known to be sympathetic to Opus Dei, sits on the six-member main board of General Mediterranean Holding. In 2009 the Belgian Marc Verwilghen joined the main board, which is rather puzzling. Verwilghen headed the independent Dutroux Commission and was among the few officials that were open to the information in X-Dossiers which implicated Belgium’s elite in various child abuse rings.

April 6, 2003, The Observer, 'Tycoon in quiz over ties to Labour': "Auchi's extraordinary career began in the in the back streets of Baghdad in a post-war world of coup plots, intrigue and murder. Iraqi court transcripts from 1959 show that the man who would later hire British politicians Lord David Steel, Lord Norman Lamont and Keith Vaz to work for him, once stood trial with Saddam Hussein for conspiring to assassinate Iraq's Prime Minister Abdul Karim Qasim. Qasim's car was riddled with bullets from machine-guns wielded by activists from the banned Ba'ath Party that Saddam would later come to dominate. The assassination attempt and Saddam's escape on horseback to Syria later became part of the mythology of the Iraqi dicatator's rise to power. In the 1980s an Iraqi state film, The Long Days, was made about the attack and the bullet-riddled car is still exhibited in one of Saddam's palaces. Auchi admitted that the Baathist plotters had collected a machine gun from his house a week before the attack, but said he had not used the weapon and played no part in the conspiracy. Court records from the show trial that followed, show the name 'Nadhmi Shakir Auchi' in the list of dozens of accused along with the full name of the man who would become the feared leader of Iraq 'Saddam Hussein al-Tikriti'. It is not known if Auchi was ever convicted. The nature of the relationship Auchi had with the Iraqi dictator are not known. He has always denied dealing with Saddam after the last Gulf War and claims the dictator murdered his two brothers. But it is beyond doubt that the Iraqi businessman first established himself in Britain in the early 1980s with money he had earned from deals carried out for the regime in the pre-sanctions era. From the moment he arrived in this country Auchi was immersed in controversy. His first business coup was to broker a deal to sell Italian frigates to the Iraqi defence ministry, for which he received millions of dollars in commission. The deal to buy the ships and other military equipment from the Italian naval shipyards Cantiri Navali Riuniti sparked an Italian parlamentary investigation into alleged bribes. Investigators discovered that a Panamanian company owned by Auchi, The Dowal Corporation, was used to funnel alleged illegal payments. The Observer has obtained a letter from Auchi to the Italian shipbuilding company in February 1982 demanding payment of $17 million dollars to be paid into a bank account in Luxembourg. While Auchi has never denied the existence of this deal, he has always denied any wrongdoing in ths case and was never prosecuted. This was not be his last brush with the Italian authorities over his deals with Saddam regime. Four years later he began a relationship with one of Italy's most controversial bankers Pierfrancesco Pacini Battaglia, a man whose role at the heart of Italian political scandals was exposed by the 'Clean Hands' anti-corruption investigation. Such was Battaglia's influence he was dubbed the 'one below God'. In 1987, Saddam Hussein ordered the construction of a giant pipeline from Iraq to Saudi Arabia after the port southern port of Umm Qasr had been destroyed by air raids during the lengthy war with Iran. The contract to build the pipeline was one of the most lucrative in the world and the Italian-French joint venture used Battaglia and Auchi to secure the contract."

June 3, 2004, Lucy Komisar for Insight on the News, 'Following Saddam Hussein's secret money-laundering trail': "A detailed analysis of Saddam Hussein's secret money-laundering techniques shows here for the first time how he used the same offshore money launderers as Osama bin Laden. That covert money network, based in the tax havens of Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Panama and Nassau, helped bankroll the war machines of both Iraq and al-Qaeda. More than 1,000 pages of confidential corporate, bank and legal documents show how the network functioned. The papers come from court cases filed in several European countries, from corporate records, from investigations by Italian police, from a report of the Kroll international investigative agency, and from private sources. The documents are the basis of further investigations coordinated in Europe by the prosecutor of Milan. ... Saddam began constructing his offshore operation in 1968 in Switzerland, aware that the country's bank secrecy made it a prime place to organize the movement of illicit funds and the purchase of arms. That year, 11 years before his coup, Saddam sent his half-brother Barzan Ibrahim Hasan Al-Tikriti to Geneva to construct the network to launder secret commissions charged on sales of Iraqi crude oil. The system also would be used for kickbacks on purchases from Western arms dealers. Liechtenstein, which Swiss bankers and money managers often use to handle dubious clients, was used to ensure even more impenetrable secrecy: Real names of company and account owners would be hidden from law enforcers. The key Iraqis in the operation were Said Rahim Hussein Al-Mahdi and Nadhmi Auchi. Al-Mahdi was sent to Lugano because his father-in-law, Talaak El Naboulsi, an Egyptian soldier and member of the Muslim Brotherhood, was then working in Geneva for Barzan (who now is in U.S. custody). ... Banque Paribas, headquartered in Paris, with a significant portion of shares owned by Saddam's cousin Nadhmi Auchi, moved money for the Al-Mahdi network in the 1980s and was the bank chosen to handle the Iraqi oil-for-food payments. In fact, Iraq insisted that Paribas handle the oil-for-food escrow account. A corporate document for Al Taqwa Trade, Property and Industry Co. Ltd. of Liechtenstein – an al-Qaeda network shell company also shut down by the United States – lists Banque Paribas, Lugano, where it had accounts. (Paribas in 2000 merged with another French bank to create BNP Paribas, with Auchi continuing as one of the largest shareholders.) ... The Kroll report also dealt with Nadhmi Auchi, reporting the Italian intelligence view that he was a "high-level Iraqi defense procurement and intelligence agent." After Roger Watson became Saddam's financial consultant in 1987, he also became an adviser to Auchi's International Company of Banking and Financial Participations (CIPAF). According to official Italian documents, Auchi used Panama to launder kickbacks for two contracts for the Iraqi military. An Italian parliamentary report in 1987 said that one of them, Dowal, set up by Watson, was used to collect $23 million in hidden commissions on Baghdad's purchase of warships manufactured by the Italian shipyard, Cantieri Navali Riuniti. In another case, the Operation "Clean Hands" (Mani Pulite) investigation in Italy revealed in 1993 that Auchi received about $40 million in hidden commissions to facilitate approval of a Franco-Italian engineering project to construct a pipeline from Iraq to Saudi Arabia. Italian banker Pierfrancesco Pacini Battaglia declared to investigators that he had received instructions to transfer these commissions to accounts in Panama established in the names of Iraqi officials. Auchi's spokesman condemned any allegations of wrongdoing as "outrageous." The totals from skimmed oil revenues and contract kickbacks from the late 1970s through the oil-for-food 1990s have been estimated by U.S. officials to reach $30 or $40 billion. Jules Kroll said that until 9/11, a few staff members at the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control "were the only ones spending any energy on this issue in any organized way." He said, "The level of ignorance at the CIA was total, at the FBI it was beyond total. The law-enforcement and intelligence community in the U.S. was behind the curve. It was of little interest to them.""

April 30, 2003, New York Times, 'Aftereffects: Finances; Iraqi-Born Billionaire Has Big Stake in Bank That Holds Baghdad's Oil-for-Food Funds': "One of the largest private shareholders in BNP Paribas, the French bank that holds more than $13 billion in Iraqi oil funds administered through the United Nation's oil-for-food program, is an Iraqi-born businessman who once helped to arm Iraq in the 1980's and brokered business deals with Saddam Hussein's government, according to public records and interviews. The involvement of the businessman, the British billionaire Nadhmi Auchi, raises questions about how carefully the United Nations has vetted the bank in its continuing role as repository of oil-for-food funds. The oil-for-food program began in 1996 as an effort to ease the impact of economic sanctions on civilians after the United Nations imposed them on Iraq in 1990. Although the United Nations pressed Iraq to allow banks other than BNP Paribas to be the primary repository for billions of dollars in oil revenue, Iraq successfully insisted that BNP Paribas remain the sole caretaker of the program's escrow account. There is no evidence that Mr. Auchi, or BNP Paribas itself, engaged in any irregularities in the handling of the Iraqi funds. A United Nations spokesman said it was now impossible to determine why Iraq insisted on BNP Paribas, other than that the Iraqis had ''confidence and trust'' in the bank. ''It's moved on with the winds of history,'' said the spokesman, Ian Steele. He said the United Nations had no knowledge of Mr. Auchi or his investment in BNP Paribas. The United Nations gained nominal control of Iraqi oil profits through the oil-for-food program. But critics in the United States government and elsewhere say the United Nations has not policed the program effectively, and that some funds were diverted by Iraqi officials. The United Nations has defended its stewardship of the program. BNP Paribas said that it had had no contact with Mr. Auchi since it was formed in 2000 from the merger of Banque Nationale de Paris and Paribas, and that Mr. Auchi was uninvolved in the bank's management or shareholder relations. It also said that BNP had secured the oil-for-food account before its merger with Paribas and that Mr. Auchi played no part in winning the account. BNP Paribas added that its participation in the oil-for-food program was the result of competitive bidding and that the United States Treasury had approved its participation. ''We believe we were appointed by the U.N. for this contract because they were looking for a large European financial institution and we are the largest bank in continental Europe,'' BNP Paribas said in a statement. ''The oil-for-food program revenues represent about one-tenth of 1 percent of the total revenues of our company. It has no significant influence on our size or our level of profitability.'' Mr. Auchi, who declined to be interviewed for this article, holds his stake in BNP Paribas through a Luxembourg concern he controls called General Mediterranean Holdings. As recently as 2001, General Mediterranean Holdings described itself in an annual report as one of largest single shareholders in BNP Paribas. Mr. Auchi's London lawyer, David Corker, said that since 2001 General Mediterranean Holdings had reduced its BNP Paribas stake to about 0.4 percent of the bank's total shares, about half of the position he held before then. That stake would still make Mr. Auchi one of the bank's biggest single shareholders. Mr. Corker said his client had ''never knowingly had any business dealings with the Hussein regime.'' Mr. Auchi first became involved with Paribas, the predecessor to BNP Paribas, in the 1970's. He also played a central role in the 2000 merger of Paribas and BNP, helping to steer Paribas away from a merger with a rival concern. In 1996, according to European news accounts, Belgium's ambassador to Luxembourg charged that Banque Continentale du Luxembourg, a bank that Mr. Auchi and Paribas jointly controlled until 1994, had handled personal accounts for Mr. Hussein. Mr. Auchi sold his stake in the bank to Paribas in 1994, and Paribas sold off its stake in 1996. Mr. Corker said that Banque Continentale contested the Belgian ambassador's charge. Banque Continentale declined to comment. Earlier this month, Mr. Auchi was arrested and released on bail in London pending a court hearing next week on fraud charges involving the French oil giant TotalFinaElf. French prosecutors have accused Mr. Auchi of helping channel bribes to Total's executives, a charge Mr. Corker denies. Mr. Auchi was born in Iraq in 1937 and lived there until 1981, his lawyer said. He became a British citizen in 1981. Mr. Auchi sold Italian naval vessels to Mr. Hussein's government in the early 1980's. In 1993, an Italian banker told Italian investigators that in 1987, Mr. Auchi had helped an engineering concern secure a contract for an oil pipeline from Iraq to Saudi Arabia by bribing members of the Hussein government, according to a transcript of a police interrogation. A translated copy of that interview was furnished to The New York Times by Kreindler & Kreindler, a New York law firm hoping to recover financial damages for the victims of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks. The banker, Pierfrancesco Pacini Battaglia, told Italian investigators that Mr. Auchi was ''one of the most important intermediaries in the affairs of Middle Eastern countries.'' Mr. Auchi's lawyer said his client never paid bribes to Iraqi officials involved with the Saudi pipeline project. "

Bach, Dr. Franz Josef

Sources: 1993, Alan Clark, 'Diaries', p. 369-374; 1993, Brian Crozier, 'Free Agent', page 193; June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour'; present at all Cercle meetings early 1980s (lists)

Born in 1917. Personal assistant to Konrad Adenauer (ran his office), who was chancellor of the Federal Republic of West Germany from 1949 to 1963. CDU (Conservative) member of the Bundestag from 1969 to 1972. German ambassador to Iran. Commercial and financial advisor to the Siemens Corporation, which later went into business with Northrop, the General Telephone and Electronics Corporation, and the Nippon Electric Company in Iran. At about the time Bach retired from the Bundestag, he went to work for the swiss-based Economic and Development Corporation (EDC), an unacknowledged lobbying group for Northrop. The EDC received hundreds of thousands of dollars from Northrop. When Bach was interviewed over the phone during the 1975 Church Committee hearings about bribes that had been paid by the Northrop Corporation, he stated that he received no payments from Northrop or the EDC. On the other hand, he had been named as a shareholder of EDC and acknowledged that he had "advised them [EDC] about political things - the stability of a country, whether it was going to be an industrial country or not, whether it was going to be stable or not... I go to the country, see the country and make a report." (June 10, 1975, New York Times, 'Northrop Apologizes on Saudi Bribes; Senator Church Urges Sales Reforms') He refused to say what countries he had worked on, but said it did not involve Germany. He "could not remember" exactly if he started to work for the corporation when he still was a member of the Bundestag. In March 1975, Bach and other senior members of EDC were invited to the headquarters of Northop. Senator Church said about the Northrop arrangement: "an intelligence network like a government would emply to get inside information, to pull the strings... the records itself show that Northrop has been doing it." (June 10, 1975, New York Times, 'Northrop Apologizes on Saudi Bribes; Senator Church Urges Sales Reforms') Northrop officials had described it "a way of live, a necessary evil." EDC, founded in 1971, described itself as a company that tries "to seek economic relations with developing countries with the purpose of encouraging the economic development of these countries" (June 10, 1975, New York Times, 'Northrop apologizes on Saudi Bribes; Senator Church Urges Sales Reforms'). In 1972, Bach wrote a report for Andreas Froriep, a Zurich lawyer who ran the EDC. Froriep did acknowledge that he regularly relied on advise from people like Franz Josef Bach, "whose knowledge and expertise is of a unique nature" (July 27, 1975, New York Times, 'The F-16 and how it won Europe'). By 1975, Northop's F-17 had lost from its General Dynamics competitor who had built the F-16. Alan Clark about the 1990 meeting of Le Cercle: "The Cercle, an Atlanticist Society of right-wing dignitaries, largely compered by Julian Amery and Herr Franz-joseph Bach, staged one or two conferences a year and this one was travelling to Oman at the hospitality of the Ruler." In his 1993 biography, Brian Crozier wrote: "In 1980, Violet, who had serious health problems, asked me to take over the Pinay Cercle. In practice, I mostly shared the burden with a leading German member of the Cercle, Franz-Josef Bach, who had run Adenauer's secretariat and later served as ambassador in Tehran." Died in 2001.

Bailey, Norman A.

Source(s): 1985 Cercle particpants list, Washington D.C.

Economist Mobil Oil Co., New York City, 1960-62; professor City University of New York, Queens, 1962-83; president Bailey, Tondu, Warwick & Co., New York City, 1962-75; special assistant to President Reagan The White House, Washington, 1981-83; private practice, 1984—. Author 8 books; contributor numerous articles to professional journals. Consultant Rep. Campaign, New York , Washington, 1980, 84, 88, 92, 00. With U.S. Army, 1956-58. Member The Univ. Club (Washington), Phi Beta Kappa.

September 6, 1991, Washington Post, 'Warnings of Wrongdoing at BCCI Went Unheeded Since 1984': "At about the same time, the intelligence community began collecting ominous information about BCCI. Norman Bailey, then a National Security Council economist concerned in part about illegal technology transfer, recalled reports mentioning BCCI between 1981 and 1984. "There was evidence the bank was involved in transfers of sensitive technology, embargo violations and the financing of guerrilla movements," said Bailey. "There was a specificity of knowledge about some of the bank's activities that was fairly high."" December 7, 1992, Newsweek, 'The BCCI-CIA Connection: Just How Far Did It Go': "As Norman Bailey, a former National Security Council official, said, the CIA was not interested in "blowing the BCCI cover.""

August 3, 1991, St. Petersburg Times (Florida), 'BCCI scandal reaches further into government': "High U.S. officials also knew about Noriega's criminal activities and looked the other way. A senior staff member of the National Security Council during the Reagan administration in the early 1980s, Norman Bailey, testified three years ago before the House Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control: "Clear and incontrovertible evidence was, at best, ignored and, at worst, hidden, and denied by many government agencies and departments of the government of the United States in such a way as to provide cover and protection for (Noriega's) activities . . "' The reason? Noriega was a means to an end. Whatever means were necessary to accomplish U.S. intelligence goals were acceptable."

July 23, 2008, Salon.com, 'Exposing Bush's historic abuse of power': "In May, I interviewed Norman Bailey, a private financial consultant with years of government intelligence experience dating from the George W. Bush administration back to the Reagan administration. According to Bailey -- who from 2006 to 2007 headed a special unit within the Office of the Director of National Intelligence focused on financial intelligence on Cuba and Venezuela -- the NSA has been using its vast powers with signals intelligence to track financial transactions around the world since the early 1980s. From 1982 to 1984, Bailey ran a top-secret program for President Reagan's National Security Council, called "Follow the Money," that used NSA signals intelligence to track loans from Western banks to the Soviet Union and its allies. PROMIS, he told me, was "the principal software element" used by the NSA and the Treasury Department then in their electronic surveillance programs tracking financial flows to the Soviet bloc, organized crime and terrorist groups. His admission is the first public acknowledgement by a former U.S. intelligence official that the NSA used the PROMIS software. According to Bailey, the Reagan program marked a significant shift in resources from human spying to electronic surveillance, as a way to track money flows to suspected criminals and American enemies. "That was the beginning of the whole process," he said. After 9/11, this capability was instantly seen within the U.S. government as a critical tool in the war on terror -- and apparently was deployed by the Bush administration inside the United States, in cases involving alleged terrorist supporters. One such case was that of the Al-Haramain Islamic Foundation in Oregon, which was accused of having terrorist ties after the NSA, at the request of the Treasury Department, eavesdropped on the phone calls of Al-Haramain officials and their American lawyers. The charges against Al-Haramain were based primarily on secret evidence that the Bush administration refused to disclose in legal proceedings; Al-Haramain's lawyers argued in a lawsuit that was a violation of the defendants' due process rights. According to Bailey, the NSA also likely would have used its technological capabilities to track the charity's financial activity. "The vast majority of financial movements of any significance take place electronically, so intercepts have become an extremely important element" in intelligence, he explained. "If the government suspects that a particular Muslim charitable organization is engaged in collecting funds to funnel to terrorists, the NSA would be asked to follow the money going into and out of the bank accounts of that charity." (The now-defunct Al-Haramain Foundation, although affiliated with a Saudi Arabian-based global charity, was founded and based in Ashland, Ore.) The use of a powerful database and extensive watch lists, Bailey said, would make the NSA's job much easier. "The biggest problems with intercepts, quite frankly, is that the volumes of data, daily or even by the hour, are gigantic," he said. "Unless you have a very precise idea of what it is you're looking for, the NSA people or their counterparts [overseas] will just throw up their hands and say 'forget it.'" Regarding domestic surveillance, Bailey said there's a "whole gray area where the initiation of the transaction was in the United States and the final destination was outside, or vice versa. That's something for the lawyers to figure out." Bailey's information on the evolution of the Reagan intelligence program appears to corroborate and clarify an article published in March in the Wall Street Journal, which reported that the NSA was conducting domestic surveillance using "an ad-hoc collection of so-called 'black programs' whose existence is undisclosed." Some of these programs began "years before the 9/11 attacks but have since been given greater reach." Among them, the article said, are a joint NSA-Treasury database on financial transactions that dates back "about 15 years" to 1993. That's not quite right, Bailey clarified: "It started in the early '80s, at least 10 years before." Main Core may be the contemporary incarnation of a government watch list system that was part of a highly classified "Continuity of Government" program created by the Reagan administration to keep the U.S. government functioning in the event of a nuclear attack. Under a 1982 presidential directive, the outbreak of war could trigger the proclamation of martial law nationwide, giving the military the authority to use its domestic database to round up citizens and residents considered to be threats to national security. The emergency measures for domestic security were to be carried out by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the Army."

Beckett, Margaret M.

Source(s): www.publications.parliament.uk: "1-2 December 2007, to Madrid, for speaking engagement at a meeting of Le Cercle. Travel and one night's hotel accommodation for me and a member of my staff provided by the organisers. (Registered 12 June 2008)"

Formerly: engrg apprentice (metallurgy), AEI, Manchester; exptl officer, Manchester Univ.; Labour Party res. asst, 1970–74; political adviser, Minister for Overseas Develt, 1974; Principal Researcher, Granada TV, 1979–83. Contested (Lab) Lincoln, Feb. 1974; MP (Lab) Lincoln, Oct. 1974–1979; PPS to Minister for Overseas Develt, 1974–75; Asst Govt Whip, 1975–76; Parly Under-Sec. of State, DES, 1976–79; Opposition front bench spokesman on health and social security, 1984–89; Mem., Shadow Cabinet, 1989–97; Shadow Chief Sec. to the Treasury, 1989–92; Shadow Leader, H of C, 1992–94; Campaigns Co-ordinator and Dep. Leader, Lab Party, 1992–94; Actg Leader, Lab Party, May–July 1994; opposition front bench spokesman on health, 1994–95, on trade and industry, 1995–97; Pres., BoT, and Sec. of State for Trade and Industry, 1997–98; Pres. of the Council and Leader, H of C, 1998–2001; Secretary of State: for Envmt, Food and Rural Affairs, 2001–06; for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, 2006–07; Minister of State (Minister for Housing and Planning), DCLG, 2008–09. Chm., Intelligence and Security Cttee, Jan.-Oct. 2008. Mem. NEC, Labour Party, 1980–81, 1985–86, 1988–97. PC 1993; MP (Lab) Derby South, since 1983. Member of the Top Level Group of UK Parliamentarians for Multilateral Nuclear Disarmament and Non-proliferation (TLG), together with Lord Carrington (Pilgrims president), 13th Marquess of Lothian (Cercle), Lord Guthrie (Pilgrims), Lord Howe (Pilgrims exec.), and Sir Malcolm Rifkind (Pilgrims).

Balestreri, Pat

Source(s): Cercle lists: 1982 Wildbad Kreuth ("Pat Ballestreri"); 1983 Bonn ("Pat Bellestreri - Assistant to Richard Perle, Assistant Secretary of Defense."); 1984 South Africa ("Pat Balestreri - Department of Defense, International Affairs")

Little seems to be known about this person. Assistant to Richard Perle, an important Cercle contact and friend of Brian Crozier.

Barron, John D.

Source(s): Cercle lists: 1983 Bonn

November 13, 1985, New York Times, '2 Journalists Cited for Works On 'Subversion of the Media'': "Paul Anastasiades, a Cypriot journalist, and John Barron, senior editor of The Reader's Digest in Washington, have been given a joint award of $70,000 for ''the best investigative journalism into subversion of the media.'' The award was made by Sir James Goldsmith, a British financier and publisher who has an international food manufacturing and retailing group. Mr. Anastasiades, who writes under the name Paul Anastasi, is an Athens-based journalist and part-time correspondent for The New York Times and The Daily Telegraph of London. He was given the award for ''outstanding courage in exposing Soviet subversion in the Greek press.'' Mr. Barron was cited for ''admirable and pioneering exposure of Soviet subversion of the international media in two major works.'' Mr. Barron wrote ''K.G.B.: The Secret Work of Soviet Secret Agents'' in 1974 and ''K.G.B. Today: The Hidden Hand'' in 1983."

March 9, 2005, Washington Post, 'John Barron Dies; Espionage Reporter': "John Barron, 75, an investigative reporter whose meticulously researched articles and best-selling books helped unravel the mysteries of Soviet espionage and the Khmer Rouge's mass killings in Cambodia, died Feb. 24 at Virginia Hospital Center of pulmonary failure. He was a resident of Annandale. Trained as a reporter, Mr. Barron began his career as a spy in Cold War Berlin, working as a clandestine naval intelligence officer in the mid-1950s. In 1957, he moved to the Washington Star and quickly became the paper's top investigative reporter, honored, among other things, for revealing the financial and ethical scandals surrounding Bobby Baker, a close adviser of the vice president (and later president), Lyndon B. Johnson. After moving to the Washington bureau of Reader's Digest in 1965, Mr. Barron used the ample resources of the magazine to renew his earlier interest in espionage. Fluent in Russian and with contacts in international spy agencies, he published six books from 1974 to 1996, most of them about the Cold War spy craft between the Soviet Union and the United States. He became an acknowledged authority on the subject. He was sued, and Soviet agents carried out measures around the world to discredit Mr. Barron and his anti-communist message, but he never had to retract a single fact in his writings. At times, Mr. Barron's adventures as a reporter rivaled those of the spies he wrote about. He often made multiple reservations to travel surreptitiously. In the 1970s, he was among the first Western journalists to cover the mass murders carried out by the regime of Pol Pot in Cambodia, detailing his findings in a 1977 book written with Anthony Paul, "Murder in a Gentle Land." More than once, former Soviet spies walked into the Reader's Digest offices in downtown Washington to tell Mr. Barron their stories. He followed other leads across Europe and to Afghanistan, South Africa, Asia and Canada, and sometimes entertained KGB defectors in his home. Mr. Barron wrote more than 100 articles for Reader's Digest, including an investigation of the Internal Revenue Service and a detailed examination of Sen. Edward M. Kennedy's 1969 car accident at Chappaquiddick that disputed Kennedy's account. That story, published in February 1980, hastened the end of Kennedy's campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination. Mr. Barron was best known, however, for peeling away the layers of intrigue surrounding the KGB and international intelligence. A Christian Science Monitor review of his 1983 book, "KGB Today: The Hidden Hand," said it "probes deeper into the secret Soviet agency than any other book yet written." His final book, "Operation Solo: The FBI's Man in the Kremlin" (1996), detailed the story of Morris Childs, an American Communist Party member who spent 35 years spying for the FBI at the highest levels of Soviet leadership. Mr. Barron got his scoop about Childs and his wife, who assisted him, in the simplest way imaginable. "One day," said Mr. Barron's wife, Patricia, "they just turned up in the Reader's Digest office." As an expert on the practices of the KGB, Mr. Barron testified in 10 trials about espionage, but never with such dramatic effectiveness as at the 1987 court-martial of Marine Sgt. Clayton Lonetree. Lonetree, a guard at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow -- who had read all of Mr. Barron's books -- fell into the clutches of a sultry Soviet spy named Violetta. Mr. Barron testified that the case was a classic example of the KGB's use of seduction to recruit spies. "As Barron told of KGB use of sexual entrapment," The Washington Post reported, "Lonetree was seen to wipe his eyes. Defense counsel William M. Kunstler said later that Lonetree had wept and whispered, 'I thought she loved me.' " John Daniel Barron was born in Wichita Falls, Tex., and as the son of a Methodist minister moved from town to town throughout West Texas. He graduated from the University of Missouri and received a master's degree in journalism from Missouri in 1952. He was in Navy intelligence from 1953 to 1957. At the Star from 1957 to 1965, he covered civil rights in the South and, in 1964, received the George Polk Award for exposing the ring of corruption around Baker. He was co-recipient of the 1985 Sir James Goldsmith Award for international journalism and, in 1987, received an Attorney General's Award for Meritorious Public Service. He retired from Reader's Digest in 1991."

Bennett, Sir Erik

Source(s): 1993, Alan Clark, 'Diaries', p. 369-374

Who's Who: Air Adviser to King Hussein, 1958–62; RAF Staff College, 1963; Jt Services Staff Coll., 1968; RAF Coll. of Air Warfare, 1971. Order of Istiqlal (Jordan), 1960; Order of Oman, 1980; Order of Merit (Oman), 1989; Order of Sultan Qaboos (Oman), 1985; Medal of Honour (Oman), 1989. retired from RAF, 1991; Commander, Sultan of Oman’s Air Force (in the rank of Air Marshal), 1974–90; s of Robert Francis and Anne Myra Bennett.

Born in 1928. Briefly served as an adviser to King Hussein of Jordan before moving to Oman in the early 1970s. In Oman he became an officer successfully helping Sultan Qaboos overthrow his father and fight Marxist rebels in Dhofar. Became a commander (Air Marshal) of Oman's Air Force in 1974, and still was in 1990 when Le Cercle held a meeting in Muscat in 1990. Alan Clark about the 1990 Le Cercle meeting: "I had a good meeting with Erik Bennett. He is a courtier of the very highest class. What are the characteristics? The voice, the intonation, the clarity of diction. The superficial speaking well of all and everyone. The way all communication occurs by the lightest of implied comment. Smooth, unwrinkled skin, and limitless endurance through ceremonial tedium. Also, in Erik's case, intelligence and wit. He has set up a draft letter 'from' HM inquiring about surplus military equipment sales after (EB said) 'rapprochement with Iraq'. I substituted 'a clearer determination of unpredictability in the region', which he admitted was preferable." When the Sultan's car was rammed from behind by a speeding car in Salalah, where he likes to spend the summer, on September 11, 1995, Bennett was sitting right next to him, and was seriously injured. Qaboos' deputy premier for economics and finance Qais Al Zawawi was killed in the crash. September 17, 1995, Sunday Times, 'Oman draws a veil over mystery car crash Briton; Air Marshal Sir Erik Bennett': "IT WAS a curious kind of crash. When Sultan Qaboos Bin Said of Oman stopped his four-wheel-drive vehicle in the middle of a wide, flat and empty highway last week to listen to the complaint of a shepherd, a speeding car appeared from nowhere and smashed into him and his passengers. Even more curious was the fact that although the most important person in the Sultan's life a powerful, reclusive Briton was badly hurt, nobody dared mention it publicly. However, Air Marshal Sir Erik Bennett, 67, is one of Oman's (and Britain's) best-kept secrets: the key figure in a group of elderly former military and intelligence officers who help the Sultan to run his rich, strategically vital country at the mouth of the Gulf... No doubt it would have all been an overnight wonder except for the unmentionable figure who had been sitting next to the Omani ruler. The dapper, ginger-haired Bennett is now said to be recovering in an Omani hospital. But the refusal to acknowledge his presence only reinforces the fact that Oman is where the last remains of the British empire have still not been laid to rest much to the Sultan's (and London's) delight. Even King Hussein of Jordan had to get rid of his beloved Glubb Pasha, the British commander of his troops, long ago. But the sultan of Oman is a more absolute ruler and a more determined Anglophile. Sent to England at 18, he was tutored privately for two years while living with an English family and was then trained at Sandhurst. He served for a year in the Cameronians before returning home in 1964. His father, Sultan Said, a man of medieval habits, responded to his raging Anglophilia by putting him under virtual house arrest in the family palace in Salalah, allowing him only a Koran to read. His mother smuggled in The Times every day, however, and eventually a few friends were allowed up to play bridge. Prominent among them was Timothy Landon, a classmate at Sandhurst, who was serving as an SAS officer fighting Marxist rebels attacking Oman from Yemen. Both Qaboos and Landon knew that the British were unhappy at the sultan's failure to fight the rebels adequately and at the medieval situation of Oman. With a population of 1m, it had only 10 miles of paved roads, 500 telephones and three schools. The gates of the walled city of Muscat were closed at night and strollers had to carry lanterns. Radios and just about anything else modern were illegal. The wearing of spectacles could lead to jail. In 1970 the British encouraged a palace revolt by Qaboos which ended when his father pulled a pistol to defend himself and shot himself in the foot. He was bundled on to an RAF jet waiting on the British base behind the palace. The old man lived out the remainder of his years in the Dorchester hotel on Park Lane while British soldiers and airmen fought the rebels for five more years. Among them was Bennett, shy of publicity and happiest mingling with other figures from the world of cloak-and-dagger wars and secret intelligence. A short, shadowy figure with an Anglo-Irish background he had been educated at King's Hospital, a Protestant school in Dublin Bennett had transferred to Oman from Jordan after doing a stint as Hussein's air adviser. While Bennett took command of the Omani airforce, Qaboos took the throne and hankered after London. He spent Pounds 100,000 on a bronze-and-gold-leaf clock that played the Westminster chimes, flew out a British circus on his birthday, and commissioned the entire London Symphony Orchestra to fly to Salalah to celebrate his accession. Because of the sensitivities of Arab nationalism, the sultan in recent years has had to be more clandestine about his Anglophilia. He instituted a programme of ``Omanisation'', and British officials now work behind the scenes. But a British major-general, Jeremy Phipps, and 65 army officers are still on ``loan service'' to the sultan. They eat curries, wear cummerbunds at formal dinners, and go ``wadi-bashing'' for fun. Another powerful figure is Tony Ashworth, a civilian with Whitehall connections whose influence is crucial in the tight limits that are kept on the number of visitors to the sultanate. Bennett is now officially retired, but he still gives his address as his palace in northern Oman and remains the sultan's ``special adviser''. Many in Oman say the two men, both unmarried and without children, are the closest of friends. Once in a while Bennett still performs mysterious missions. A few years ago, when British special operations officers who had fought a secret war in Albania returned for the first time since the war, Bennett went along as a friend although he had never visited the country. Landon, the SAS officer and former bridge partner, also keeps up his connection. He is listed as a ``counsellor'' at the Omani embassy in London. The connection between these men and the sultan is more than just Anglophilia and friendship. Oman has 1,000 miles of coast on the Indian Ocean and controls the strait of Hormuz through which pass the tankers of the Gulf oil states. With its output of 800,000 barrels of oil a day, it is also rich and likes to buy British. As Mark Thatcher found, when the sultan wanted a university he picked the British firm Cementation to build it."

Bergner, Jeffrey T.

Source(s): 1985 Cercle particpants list, Washington D.C.; Adrian Hanni (visited another meeting in 1985 and also in 1986 and 1987)

Staff director Senate Foreign Relations Committee (invited in this function).

Founder, president Bergner, Bockorny, Castagnetti, Hawkins & Brain, Inc., 1986; staff director foreign relations committee U.S. Senate; senior transatlantic fellow German Marshall Fund; assistant secretary for legis. affairs US Department State, Washington, 2005—2008; president, managing fin. partner Bergner Bockorny, Inc., 2008— Career Related Visiting professor Joseph W. Luter College Business & Leadership, Christopher Newport University, 2009—; trustee Asia Foundation; board directors Business Executives for National Security, Hudson Institute Creative Works Author: The Origin of Formalism in Social Science, 1981, The New Superpowers: Germany, Japan and the United States in the New World Order, 1991; co-editor (with William Bader): The Taiwan Relations Act: A Decade of Implementation, 1989

Berman, Wayne Lee

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (visited the Cercle once in 1987)

Trustee of the Library of Congress in the 1990s. American businessman and lobbyist who is a chairman of Ogilvy Government Relations, a division of Ogilvy & Mather (represents Blackstone and Carlyle). Berman is considered a key figure in Republican political advocacy who served as a senior advisor on the 2000 and 2004 Bush-Cheney campaigns. Berman is married to Lea Berman, who served as the Social Secretary and Special Assistant to the President under George W. Bush and prior to that, served as chief-of-staff for Dick Cheney's wife, Lynne Cheney. Berman was a close friend of Senator John McCain and a supporter of his during his 2008 presidential campaign. In October 2008, Berman made an anonymous comment to the press calling Sarah Palin, McCain's vice presidential nominee, a "diva". The quote received considerable media attention and infuriated Palin and others within the campaign. Considered an "überlobbyist", Berman supports Mitt Romney, who is widely considered to be the front-runner for the 2012 Republican presidential nomination.

Biggs-Davison, Sir John

Source(s): Cercle meeting lists: 1982 Wildbad Kreuth; 1983 Bonn

1918-1988. Council member Paneuropa Union since at least 1965. Joined the Monday Club in 1962. Brought MI6 deputy director George Kennedy Young to the Monday Club in 1967. President Monday Club 1974-76. National executive council National Association For Freedom. Director Foreign Affairs Research Institute (FARI). Life member AESP. National executive council Society for Individual Freedom (with Sir Frederic Bennett and under the leadership of George Kennedy Young).

2011, David Teacher, Rogue Agents: Habsburg, Pinay and the Private Cold War 1951 - 1991, 3rd edition: "One of the earliest members of the Monday Club, joining in 1962, was Sir John Biggs-Davison, a Conservative MP from 1955 until his death in 1988. From at least 1965 on, Biggs-Davison served on the PEU [Paneuropa Union] Central Council with Vice-President Otto von Habsburg and … Florimond Damman. A stalwart of the Monday Club, Biggs-Davison would serve as its President from 1974 to 1976. … Young was brought into the Monday Club by Biggs-Davison in 1967, and was largely responsible for the Monday Club’s rapid lurch to the extreme Right… The political support FARI enjoyed is illustrated by the Council membership of four top Conservatives whom we have met before – Thatcher’s leadership campaign manager and Shadow Minister for Northern Ireland Airey Neave and his deputy John Biggs-Davison of SIF [Society for Individual Freedom] and NAFF who at this time was Chairman of the Monday Club. Also on the FARI Council were Julian Amery, Lord Chalfont and Colonel Ronald Wareing, a former MI6 agent in Portugal and an associate of G. K. Young’s within Unison. … Both Agnew and Rodgers would join Biggs-Davison as AESP Life Members by 1977. … The RFST [Research Foundation for the Study of Terrorism], which operated from the address of Aims for Industry, included on its board many figures from SIF, NAFF, FARI, the ISC and the Cercle complex: Michael Ivens: Director of Aims…. Norris McWhirter…. Ian Greig…. John Biggs-Davison …. Nicholas Elliott. In 1989, the RFST merged with the rump of the post-Crozier ISC under the title of the Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and terrorism (RISCT)."

2010, David Miller, 'Producing and communicating terror expertise' (academia.edu): "In late 1986 he founded the Research Foundation for the Study of Terrorism, a corporate funded 'charity' that shared an office and phone number with the right-wing propaganda group Aims of Industry (Leonard 1988, Miller and Dinan 2008 pp. 59-62). The Foundation’s co-founder was Michael Ivens, the Director of Aims of Industry, who was best known for his anti-trades union activities. Seeking funding Wilkinson wrote to major corporations to ask for donations of up to £10,000 (Leonard 1988). ... In December that year he became a director of the Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism (Debrett’s, 2007), a new think-tank that was formed by amalgamating the Research Foundation for the Study of Terrorism with the Institute for the Study of Conflict (ISC) (Greaves, 1989). The Institute for the Study of Conflict was set up by the anti-communist campaigner Brian Crozier in 1970, backed by US and British intelligence, with funding from BP and Shell (The Times, 1970). It was known particularly for its campaign against allegedly leftwing academics. This was described by one of its targets the sociologist Robert Young as ‘the closest British academic life got to a McCarthy-ite witch-hunt of radicals’ (Young 2005)."

September 1986, no. 12, Lobster magazine: "John Biggs-Davison, Julian Amery and Patrick Wall - all of them Monday Club members in the sixties and supporters/members of the Anglo-Rhodesian Society. Other Anglo-Rhodesian Society members were Monday Clubbers Ronald Bell, Stephen Hastings and Harold Soref, who were on its Council."

September 1986, no. 12, Lobster magazine: "Western Goals (UK): Who's Who: Thomas J. Bergen -- Vice President (listed once, in October 1989). US citizen, Senator Joe McCarthy Foundation, A.B.N.; article in European Dawn. Sir John Biggs-Davison -- Now deceased. Early Western Goals (UK) leaflets claimed his support, though he never became a patron/vice president. His early support, and that of Peter Dally's points to continuity between Western Goals (UK) and the British Anti Communist Council (BACC) (and thus to WACL). ... Roberto D'Aubisson -- Ex military commander in El Salvador, a senior position in the Arena Party. According to A. V. R. Smith (interview with author) Western Goals (UK) had been corresponding with him for some time before his 1989 trip to Britain. During this visit Western Goals (UK) hosted a dinner in his honour, and D'Aubuisson agreed to join its list of patrons. ... General Sir Walter Walker - Patron of Western Goals (UK), speaker at meetings. A recurring figure on the ultra right, member of Unison and Civil Assistance in 1973-5, founder member of New Britain Party, more recently active in British Israelites."

MP (C) Epping Forest, since 1974 (Chigwell, 1955–74 (as Ind C, 1957–58)).

Royal Marines, 1939, Lieut 1940; served in RM Brigade and RM Division. Indian Civil Service: Asst Comr, 1942; Forward Liaison Officer, Cox’s Bazar, 1943–44; Sub-Divisional Officer, Pindi Gheb, 1946; Political Asst and Comdt, Border Military Police, subsequently Dep. Comr, Dera Ghazi Khan, during and after transfer of Power to Dominion of Pakistan, 1947; retired from Pakistan Administrative Service, 1948. Conservative Research Dept, 1950–55; Sec., Brit. Conservative Delegn to Council of Europe, 1952, 1953. Contested (C) Coventry South, 1951. Co-founder Pakistan Soc., 1951. Indep. Observer of Malta Referendum, 1956. Mem. Parly Delegations: West Africa, 1956; Guernsey, 1961; Austria, 1964; France, 1965; Canada (Inter-Parly Union Conf.), 1965; Malawi, 1968; Tunisia, Gibraltar, 1969; Portugal, 1973; Cyprus, 1979; Canada, 1984. Vice-Pres., Franco-British Parly Relations Cttee; Chairman: British-Pakistan Parly Gp; Cons. Parly NI Cttee; Vice-Chm., Cons. Parly Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Cttee. An Opposition Front Bench spokesman on NI, 1976–78. Mem., Parly Assembly, Council of Europe and WEU, 1984–86. Mem. Exec., Cons. and Unionist Members (1922) Cttee. Governor, Clifton Coll., 1972. Hilal-I-Quaid-I-Azam award, Govt of Pakistan, 1988 (posthumous). George Wyndham, 1951; Tory Lives, 1952; The Uncertain Ally, 1957; The Walls of Europe, 1962; Portuguese Guinea: Nailing a Lie, 1970; Africa: Hope Deferred, 1972; The Hand is Red, 1974; Rock Firm for the Union, 1979; The Cross of St Patrick, 1985; contribs to many periodicals. Special Forces, Oxford Union Society.

September 19 1988, The Independent, 'Obituary: Sir John Biggs-Davison': "John Alec Biggs-Davison, politician, born 7 June 1918, MP Chigwell 1955-74, Epping Forest 1974-88, Kt 1981, married 1948 Pamela Hodder-Williams (two sons, four daughters), died 17 September 1988. SIR JOHN Biggs-Davison was one of the Conservative Party's gentle rebels. A shy, devout and engaging man, he was chiefly known in recent years for his profound Unionist hostility to the Anglo-Irish agreement. He was, of course, unusual in being a Roman Catholic Unionist, but he rejected utterly the suggestion that this position was a quirky or anomalous. He seized on opinion polls and speeches in an attempt to demonstrate to Westminster colleagues that most Catholics in the North rejected Irish unification. It was never a popular argument, but he was a persistent and persuasive man. What brought him into conflict with the Conservative leadership was that he extended this Unionist perspective, following the dissolution of the Stormont government, into a firm conviction that Northern Ireland needed to be integrated politically in the Westminster system. Writing last year in The Independent, he said: 'The lesson of Stormont is that the minority is safer under Westminster. There is Unionist-Nationalist dialogue there.' Unsurprisingly, then, Sir John was one of the 21 MPs who voted against the Anglo-Irish agreement, which he saw as unfairly biased against the Union. The influential chairman of the Tory backbench Northern Ireland committee, he became a trustee of Friends of the Union and one of the most regular contributors to Northern Ireland debates in the Commons. During the subsequent boycott of Westminster business by Ulster Unionist MPs - a tactic Sir John personally abhorred - he was one of a small band of Tory and Labour MPs who made sure Northern Ireland Ministers continued to be scrutinised and examined at question time. Sir John was an unlikely rebel, being personally diffident, undogmatic and humorous. Colleagues say he sought neither praise nor office and was one of the few MPs with no enemies on the Government benches and, probably, none on the Opposition benches either. But a rebel he was, nevertheless. An Opposition front-bench spokesman on Northern Ireland from 1976 to 1978, he resigned over sanctions against Rhodesia. Unusually for her, Mrs Thatcher had been convinced by the Tory whips that the interests of Conservative unity required the party to abstain over, rather than oppose, the annual renewal of sanctions. Sir John, Ian Gow and Winston Churchill were among the Tory MPs who decided not to abstain: Sir John resigned his front bench post and never regained it. More recently, he demonstrated his sturdy independence of mind and sense of fairness by campaigning on behalf of the Irishmen convicted - he believed wrongly - for the Guildford pub bombings. Born the son of an Army major, he had been educated at Clifton College and Oxford, where, like many others during the late 1930s, he embraced the Left. He served in the Second World War in the Royal Marines and then in the Indian Civil Service. Unusually, he stayed on in the Pakistan Administrative Service after the handover of power, retiring in 1948. Once back in Britain, he entered politics via the Conservative Research Department, contesting Coventry South in 1951 before being elected as MP for Chigwell in 1955. A right-wing, traditionalist and Royalist who was always interested in foreign affairs, he travelled the world on Parliamentary delegations, speaking in Commons debates on Africa, Asia and European affairs. It was not surprising that the pneumonia which preceded his death in Taunton had been contracted following a fact-finding visit to Angola in August, when he camped in the bush. Central to understanding Sir John Biggs-Davison was the depth of his commitment to his Roman Catholic faith. Infuriated at times by the left-wing views of some priests, he was always a deeply involved, thoughtful and obedient member of the Catholic laity. He was one of the grand old backbenchers of the Tory right, without the crustiness or pomposity customarily supposed to attend the role. Perhaps this was the reward for a 33-year stint as an MP normally working against the grain of modern Toryism."

Blunt, Crispin J. R.

Source(s): www.publications.parliament.uk: "7-11 December 2006, to Delhi, to attend conference of Le Cercle on India, with flight and accommodation expenses contributed to by the conference organisers and the Conservative Parliamentary Friends of India. (Registered 19 December 2006) ... 29 November-2 December 2007, to Madrid to attend conference of Le Cercle, a foreign policy think-tank, with flight and accommodation expenses paid by the conference organisers. (Registered 16 December 2007)."

Born in 1960. Sandhurst. MBA. Commnd, 13th/18th Royal Hussars (QMO), 1980; Troop Leader: UK and Cyprus, 1980–81; BAOR, 1984–85; Regtl Signals Officer/Ops Officer, BAOR/UK, 1985–87; Sqn Leader, 2IC UK, 1987–89; resigned commn, 1990; Rep., Forum of Private Business, 1991–92; Consultant, Politics Internat., 1993; Special Advr to Sec. of State for Defence, 1993–95, to Foreign Sec., 1995–97. MP since 1997. Opposition spokesman on NI, 2001–02, on trade, energy and science, 2002–03; on security and counter terrorism, 2009–; Opposition Whip, 2004–09. Member: Select Cttee on Defence, 1997–2000, 2003–04; Select Cttee on Envmt, Transport and the Regions, 2000–01. Sec., Cons. Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Cttee, 1997–2001; Chm., Conservative Middle East Council, 2004–08. Co-Chm., Council for Advancement of Arab-British Understanding, 2004–09

Bonvoisin, Baron Benoit de

Source(s): 1982 Wildbad Kreuth participants list; 2014, Johannes Grossmann, p. 494 ("Einige dieser neu gewonnen Kontakte [1970s], so der ehemalige franzosische Ministerprasident Pierre Messmer under der belgische Unternehmer Benoit de Bonvoisin, wurden immer zu Sitzungen des Cercle eingeladen. Regelmassige Teilnehmer wurden ausserdem mit Flaminio Piccoli zwei fuhrende italienische Christdemokraten...")

PSC. CEPIC. PIO. Controversial figure in Belgium. See Beyond Dutroux list.

Boss of Bougerol. Bougerol had received counter-insurgency training from the CIA, according to Ray Cline.

Bossers, Cornelis

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (went to a Cercle meeting in 1987)

DECEMBER 15, 1984, Central News Agency - Taiwan, 'W. EUROPE SAID TOO SATED TO COMPETE WITH PACIFIC COUNTRIES': "A EUROPEAN EXECUTIVE WITH LONG YEARS OF ASIAN EXPERIENCE CHARGED THAT WEST EUROPE IS TOO SATED AND SELF-SATISFIED TO COMPETE OR TO COOPERATE WITH COUNTRIES IN THE PACIFIC. CORNELIS BOSSERS, NOW BOARD CHAIRMAN OF THE BIG GERMAN SUBSIDIARY OF THE DUTCH MULTINATIONAL GIANT, PHILIPS, HAD 35 YEARS OF EXPERIENCE WORKING IN ASIA, HIS LAST POST BEING THE HEAD OF PHILIPS' ASIAN OPERATIONS. HE WROTE AN ARTICLE FOR THE LATEST (DEC.14) ISSUE OF THE WEST GERMAN WEEKLY, WIRTSCHAFTS WOCHE (MEANING ECONOMIC WEEK), ON ASIA AND THE PACIFIC. TRYING HARD NOT TO MENTION INDIVIDUAL COUNTRIES IN THE REGION, BOSSERS TALKED OF THE DEVELOPING AND NEWLY DEVELOPED (THRESHOLD) COUNTRIES AS A WHOLE AND SAID THEIR ECONOMIC GROWTH MOSTLY IS MANY TIMES HIGHER THAN THAT OF THE THREE INDUSTRIALIZED COUNTRIES IN THE REGION, NAMELY, THE UNITED STATES, JAPAN AND AUSTRALIA. ADOPTING THE FREE MARKET ECONOMIC SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES, THESE COUNTRIES INTELLIGENTLY AND DILIGENTLY PRODUCE FINISHED GOODS FOR DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN CONSUMPTION. THEY ARE PROUD OF THEIR NATIONAL TRADITIONS AND THEIR SELF-RELIANCE AND ACCOMPLISHMENT. JAPAN AND AMERICA, BEING BIG POWERS IN THE PACIFIC BASIN, ARE SHOWING GREAT INTEREST AND DOING A LOT TO BUILD UP THEIR POSITION IN THE REGION. BUT "IN MY 35 YERARS WORKING IN THE PACIFIC BASIN I HAVE UNFORTUNATELY NOTICED ONLY VERY LIMITED EUROPEAN INFLUENCE. EUROPE HAS BECOME A BIT TOO SATED AND SELF-SATISFIED" IN THIS RACE TO THE PACIFIC WHICH IS BECOMING THE CENTER OF WORLD PROGRESS IN THE COMING CENTURY, SAID BOSSERS. THERE MAY BE A MULTITUDE OF REASONS ACCOUNTING FOR THE WEAK AND TIMID EUROPEAN ATTITUDE TOWARD EAST ASIA AND THE WESTERN PART OF THE PACIFIC REGION, BOSSERS SAID, CITING SUCH THINGS AS THE ATTEMPT TO INTEGRATE THE EUROPEAN COMMON MARKET ITSELF, THE RISING UNEMPLOYMENT AND THE THREAT FROM EASTERN EUROPE, ETC. IF EUROPE LACKS THE DYNAMISM IN DEALING WITH ASIA, ALL THE INTELLECTUAL ANALYSES OF A NEED TO GO AND COOPERATE WITH ASIA ARE IN VAIN, HE SAID. BUT BOSSERS PRESENTED HIS PROPOSALS ANYWAY: INTENSIVE CAPITAL INVESTMENT IN THE PACIFIC REGION, AN AGGRESSIVE EXPORT POLICY, INTENSIVE TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER TO THE REGION, AND ABOVE ALL, MODERNIZING AND RESTRUCTURING EUROPE'S OWN INDUSTRIES. ON THE POINT OF INTRA-REGIONAL DIFFERENCES IN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AMONG THE EAST ASIAN COUNTRIES, BOSSERS ALSO SEE PROSPECTS OF ASIAN INTEGRATION, AS SHOWN IN THE ASEAN (ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS) MOVEMENT."

Botta, Colonel

Source(s): October 1989 – Issue 18, Lobster Magazine, 'The Pinay Circle and Destabilisation in Europe'

Swiss Military Intelligence Chief of Provisions. Attended the June 28-29, 1980 Zurich meeting of the Pinay Circle.

Bourgine, Raymond

Source(s): 1985 Washington D.C. list; 1985 Cercle meeting in Bonn (name appears on a handwritten list of names of Garnier-Lancon, probably persons who were eligible for an invitation); Adrian Hanni (also went to a 1986 meeting, two in 1987 and another in 1989)

Involved with CNIP, Républicains Indépendants and Rassemblement pour la République. The Centre National des Indépendants et Paysans (CNIP) used to be under the leadership of Antoine Pinay. The party lost its peak influence after the French defeat in Vietnam in 1954. The second largest party of France behind De Gaulle from the late 1950s until 1962. Jean-Marie Le Pen was among the parliamentary representatives. Pro-European integration. Not the entire party is extreme right, but a portion of the CNIP members have always been extreme right and have maintained its ties with Front National of Le Pen. 2007, Mathias Bernard, 'La Guerre des Droites', p. 164: "By spring 1964, [Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour] announced his candidacy for the election scheduled for late 1965 and brings together his most important supporters, mainly recruited from the right wing of the CNIP: Jean Dides, Lacoste- Lareymondie, Le Pen, Thomazo, Fraissinet and Raymond Bourgine, a press baron who since the late 1940s involved himself with the right and the extreme right." Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour had worked for the Vichy government during WWII and was the attorney for members of the OAS, after they had tried to assassinate De Gaulle. Supporter of Georges Pompidou. Met Chirac through Pompidou and has been a supporter of Chirac ever since. In 1957 founder of Compagnie Française de Journaux (French Newspaper Company), which controlled Valeurs Actuelles and Le Spectacle du Monde. Tixier-Vignancour Committee. 1991, Jean-Pierre Rioux, Jean-François Sirinelli, 'La Guerre d'Algérie et les Intellectuels Français', p. 150: "Valeurs Actuelles uses, in 1987, the reference Le Pen to remind the Chirac government its commitments made to the right: Jacques Chirac, Raymond Bourgine contends, can only prevail during the presidential elections of 1988 if he secures the votes of the "national right". To Jean-Marie Le Pen, Bourgine is credited with having made public the issues of immigration and security." Senator 1977-90. In 1984 a co-founder of Solidarite Liberte with Cercle participants Charles Pasqua and Alain Griotteray, as well as a number of others.

Brebart, Maurice

Source(s): 2014, Johannes Grossmann, p. 473 (1970s visitor)

Founder of La Derniere Heure in 1906 with Fernand Oedenkoven. Also involved with La Libre Belgique. Affiliated with Europe Magazine and the National Front (May 2, 1990, Le Soir, 'Le baron noir plus d'un tour dans son sac de noeuds le baron dans un sac de noeuds').

Wikileaks unclassified State Department cable of November 23, 1977: "The interview requested by referenced telegram and filmed on November 10 between assistant for national security Brzezinski and Belgian newspaper publisher Maurice Brebart was shown November 18 on prime time -- right after the main evening news program -- on French language Belgian TV. Program included other interviews with prominent leaders such as former secretary Kissinger, banker David Rockefeller, former French finance minister Antoine Pinay, Belgian foreign minister Henri Simonet, defense minister Paul vanden Boeynants and German former defense minister Franz Josef Strauss. [Interview excerpts:] Q [Brebart].. "In some West European circles, the opinion still prevails that the U.S. is not in favor of a European integration project. Particularly in parties of the left the impression still exists that the U.S. wants to prevent European unity. What do you think about that?" A.. [Brzezinski:] "Let me say as a fundamental proposition that the U.S. has been, is, and will remain very much committed to the notion that a more united Europe is a desirable objective, one which the U.S. shares with those Europeans who have been so devoted to it over the years. We, as we look at the world, that it will be a more stable world if, in addition to the U.S., there is a Europe which is politically as well as economically more united and therefore able to play a more active role in creating a just, a more open, and more particapatory international system.""

Bremer, Paul

Source(s): 2014, Johannes Grossmann, p. 552 (visited in the early 1990s)

State Department protege of Henry Kissinger. At one point helped George Shultz get settled as secretary of state. Also served as an assistant to Alexander Haig. Managing director of Kissinger Associates from 1989 to October 2001. Invited to Le Cercle in the early 1990s. Chair National Commission on Terrorism in 1999, with Fred Ikle and former CIA director James Woolsey serving on the board.

Joined Marsh and McLennan in November 2000 as a security and terrorism consultant. Marsh was headed at the time by Jeffrey Greenberg, a son of Maurice Greenberg, a life-long top-level CIA asset who ran AIG together with Henry Kissinger since the late 1980s. Bremer drew some attention for appearing on television hours after the 9/11 attack, explaining that "bin Laden was involved in the first attack on the World Trade Center. ... and there are at least two states, Iran and Iraq, who at least remain on the potential list of suspects." He additionally drew some attention for having been on the advisory board of Komatsu, a Trilateral Commission firm mentioned in Part 1 for having patented a quiet thermite device. It's not really possible, however, to argue that this device was used on 9/11 or has ever even been built. Co-chairman of the Heritage Foundation's Homeland Security Task Force soon after 9/11. Head of the provisional government in Iraq 2003-2004.

At RAND's Center for Middle East Public Policy, ran by the CIA's Frank Carlucci. Board member International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), the Netherlands-America Foundation, the International Republican Institute (IRI), and the Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI).

Also on the board of Air Products and Chemicals, Inc., Akzo Nobel NV, Vivid Technologies, Conner Peripherals, the Harvard Business School Club of New York, and the Economic Club of New York. On the international advisory board of Chugai Pharmaceuticals.

Browne, John E. D. D.

Source(s): 1985 Cercle meeting in Washington D.C. participant list

Malvern; RMA Sandhurst; Cranfield Inst. of Technology (MSc); Harvard Business Sch. (MBA). Served Grenadier Guards, British Guiana (Battalion Pilot), Cyprus, BAOR, 1959–67; Captain 1963; TA, Grenadier Guards (Volunteers), 1981–91, Major 1985. Associate, Morgan Stanley & Co., New York, 1969–72; Pember & Boyle, 1972–74; Dir, ME Ops, Eur. Banking Co., 1974–78; Man. Dir, Falcon Finance Mgt Ltd, 1978–95; Vice Pres., Investments, Salomon Smith Barney, subseq. Smith Barney Inc., 1995–2004. Editor, Financial Intelligence Report, Newsmax Media Inc., 2006–08. Director: Worms Investments, 1981–83; Scansat (Broadcasting) Ltd, 1988–93; Internat. Bd, World Times (Boston), 1988–2001; Tijari Finance Ltd, 1989–92; Adviser: Barclays Bank Ltd, 1978–84; Trustees Household Div., 1979–83. Director: Churchill Private Clinic, 1980–91; Drug Free America, 1998–2003; Greater Palm Beach Symphony, 1998–2003; World Affairs Council, Palm Beaches, 2003–09. Councillor (C), Westminster Council, 1974–78. MP (C) Winchester, 1979–92; introduced: Trades Description Act (Amendment) Bill, 1988; Protection of Animals (Amendment) Act, 1988; Protection of Privacy Bill, 1989; Armed Forces (Liability for Injury) Bill, 1991. Member: H of C Treasury Select Cttee, 1982–87; Social Services Select Cttee, 1991–92; Secretary: Conservative Finance Cttee, 1982–84; Conservative Defence Cttee, 1982–83; Chairman: Conservative Smaller Business Cttee, 1987–90 (Sec., 1984–87); Lords and Commons Anglo-Swiss Soc., 1979–92 (Treas., 1984–87; Sec., 1987–92); UK deleg. to N Atlantic Assembly, 1986–92 (rapporteur on human rights, 1989–92). Contested: (Ind C) Winchester, 1992; (Ind Against a Federal Europe) Hampshire South and Wight, EP election, 1994; (UK Ind): Falmouth and Camborne, 2001; NE, EP election, 2004; N Devon, 2005. Mem., NFU, 1980–90. Mem., Winchester Preservation Trust, 1980–90; Patron, Winchester Cadets Assoc., 1980–90; Trustee, Winnall Community Assoc., 1981–94; President: Winchester Gp for Disabled People, 1982–92; Hursley Cricket Club, 1985–90. Mem. Court, Univ. of Southampton, 1979–90; Governor, Malvern Coll., 1982–. Liveryman, Goldsmiths’ Co., 1982–. OStJ 1979 (Mem., Chapter Gen., 1985–90). Interests include: economics, gold and internat. monetary affairs, defence, broadcasting. Tarantula: an Anglo American Special Forces hunt for bin Laden, 2003; Grenadier Grins, 2006; Cash Out to Cash In, 2010; A Frozen Account of the Romanovs, 2011; various articles on finance, gold (A New European Currency—The Karl, K̶), defence, Middle East, Soviet leadership. Boodle's. Senior Investment Strategist, Euro-Pacific Capital (New York), since 2008; Op-ed Columnist, Pittsburgh Tribune Review, since 2008; Visiting Fellow, Heritage Foundation, Washington DC, since 2008.

Brzezinski, Zbigniew

Source(s): 1993, Brian Crozier, 'Free Agent', pages 186, 191-193, and 241; Samuel M. Hoskinson speech about NATO expansion to Le Cercle at the 2000-2002 Atlantic Circle website: "That friend of Le Cercle, Zbigniew Brzezinski..."

Born in Poland in 1928. MA in Political Science of McGill University in 1950. PhD from Harvard University in 1953. Institute government and research fellow of the Russian Research Center at Harvard University 1953-1956. Guest lecturer at numerous private and government institutions since 1953. Participant in many international conferences since 1955. Assistant professor of government and research associate Russian Research Center and Center International Affairs at Harvard University 1956-1960. Associate professor of public law and government at Columbia University 1960-1962. Member of the faculty of the Russian Institute 1960-1977. Member of the Joint Committee on Contemporary China at the Social Science Research Council 1961-1962. Director of Research Institute of International Change 1962-1977. 1991 version, (1979 original) Deborah Davis, 'Katherine the Great', p. 177: "Without asking Katherine [owner of the Washington Post], [President] Kennedy appointed John Hayes, still the [Washington] Post Company's vice president for radio and television, to a secret CIA task force to explore methods of beaming American propaganda broadcasts to Communist China. The other members of the team were Richard Salant, president of CBS News; Zbigniew Brzezinski, a professor at Columbia University who had been on the agency [CIA] payroll for several years; Cord Meyer of the CIA [and Operation MOCKINGBIRD]; McGeorge Bundy, special assistant to the president for national security; Leonard Marks, director of the USIA; Bill Moyers, who went on to become a distinquished and highly independent journalist for CBS and then for PBS; and Paul Henze, the CIA chief of station in Ethiopia who had established secret communications capabilities there and who later worked on African problems for Brzezinski in the Carter White House." Member of the Policy Planning Council of the Department of State from 1966 to 1968. Always been very anti-communist. Columnist of Newsweek 1970-1972. Director of the Council on Foreign Relations from 1972 to 1977. Set up the Trilateral Commission at the request of David Rockefeller in 1973. Director of the Trilateral Commission 1973-1976. National Security Advisor to Carter 1977-1981. January 15-21, 1998, Le Nouvel Observateur, Interview with Zbigniew Brzezinski: "According to the official version of history, CIA aid to the Mujahadeen began during 1980, that is to say, after the Soviet army invaded Afghanistan, 24 Dec 1979. But the reality, secretly guarded until now, is completely otherwise Indeed, it was July 3, 1979 that President Carter signed the first directive for secret aid to the opponents of the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul. And that very day, I wrote a note to the president in which I explained to him that in my opinion this aid was going to induce a Soviet military intervention... That secret operation was an excellent idea. It had the effect of drawing the Russians into the Afghan trap and you want me to regret it? The day that the Soviets officially crossed the border, I wrote to President Carter. We now have the opportunity of giving to the USSR its Vietnam war. Indeed, for almost 10 years, Moscow had to carry on a war unsupportable by the government, a conflict that brought about the demoralization and finally the breakup of the Soviet empire... Nonsense [that Islamic fundamentalism represents a world menace]! It is said that the West had a global policy in regard to Islam. That is stupid. There isn't a global Islam. Look at Islam in a rational manner and without demagoguery or emotion. It is the leading religion of the world with 1.5 billion followers. But what is there in common among Saudi Arabian fundamentalism, moderate Morocco, Pakistan militarism, Egyptian pro-Western or Central Asian secularism? Nothing more than what unites the Christian countries." Cercle members William Casey and Turki Al-Faisal would step up the funding of the Afghan resistance in the early 1980s under Reagan. Advisor to Ronald Reagan in the 1980s. Professor of public law and government at Columbia University 1981-1989. According to Nexus Magazine, the following statement was made more than 25 years ago in a book which Brzezinski wrote while a professor at Columbia University: "Political strategists are tempted to exploit research on the brain and human behaviour. Geophysicist Gordon J. F. MacDonald [JASON scholar] -specialist in problems of warfare-says accurately-timed, artificially-excited electronic strokes 'could lead to a pattern of oscillations that produce relatively high power levels over certain regions of the Earth... In this way, one could develop a system that would seriously impair the brain performance of very large populations in selected regions over an extended period..." Trustee and counselor at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) since 1981. Co-chair of the CSIS Advisory Board (located at the Jesuit Georgetown University, from which Brzezinski holds honorary degrees). Member of the President's Chemical Warfare Commission in 1985. Member of the NSC's Defense Department Commission on Integrated Long-Term Strategy 1987-1988. Member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board 1987-1989. Co-chairman of the Bush National Security Advisory Task Force in 1988. In 1991, identified as a member of the advisory council of Americares (former honorary chair), together with Cercle member general Richard Stilwell. J. Peter Grace is chair of the advisory council and it counts heavy involvement of the Bushes and SMOM. August 11, 1991, Hartford Courant, 'Americares' success hailed, criticized charity uses clout and connections...': "Other international relief agencies marvel at AmeriCares' ability to cut red tape, navigate complex international protocol, perform in the public spotlight and simultaneously claim some of the lowest administrative expenses among groups of its kind... Much of AmeriCares' success comes from its ability to harness three potent forces: powerful political connections, alliances with influential religious figures and groups and cooperative ventures with businesses... Knowledgeable former federal officials, many with backgrounds in intelligence work, help AmeriCares maneuver in delicate international political environments. Its connections with the Roman Catholic Church have brought AmeriCares an influential ally in the Knights of Malta, a Catholic group that helps deliver relief supplies. And its ventures with pharmaceutical companies have filled AmeriCares' warehouses with donated supplies... n the international relief community, where there is an expectation that groups will operate altruistically and free of political motives, some complain about the way AmeriCares aggressively seeks media coverage and appears to design its missions to benefit conservative political causes... Photographs on the office's forest-green walls show [Robert C.] Macauley [wealthy; founder and chairman of AmeriCares] with former President Reagan, Pope John Paul II and Mother Teresa... Macauley's friendship with [George W.] Bush dates back to childhood... Bush's son, Jeb, and the president's grandson, George P. Bush, went with AmeriCares to Armenia in 1988 to help survivors of a devastating earthquake... The president's brother, Prescott S. Bush Jr. of Greenwich, is a member of AmeriCares' advisory board... The chairman of the advisory committee is J. Peter Grace Jr... Retired Army Gen. Richard G. Stilwell, former deputy undersecretary of defense in charge of intelligence under Reagan, is also on the advisory committee. Another member is William E. Simon... Simon was also president of the Nicaraguan Freedom Fund, a now defunct private group formed by the Washington Times newspaper to send aid to the contras. (The Washington Times is owned by a group that includes officials of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church.) Gordon J. Humphrey, a retired Republican senator from New Hampshire who was a member of the Senate foreign relations committee, is also on the committee. And Zbigniew Brzezinski, the conservative former national security adviser for President Carter, is honorary chairman of the AmeriCares board of directors."... "Personally I have some questions about the way they focus," said one longtime worker in international aid. "They're connected into the American Republican power elite. You might say they work in areas where there is a large anti-communist benefit."... criticism has come from writers who contend that AmeriCares made shipments of aid to the contras in Nicaragua... Among the aid AmeriCares sent to Nicaragua in 1985 was newsprint for La Prensa, the anti-Sandinista newspaper... A review of AmeriCares' well publicized airlift missions shows that the organization sends aid rapidly and frequently to "hot spots" of public attention, places where disaster aid from America might reflect favorably on the U.S. government... In 1988, AmeriCares sent a series of airlifts to Armenia in the Soviet Union to help survivors of an earthquake. "That did more for the image of the United States than anything in recent history," Macauley said... In the early 1970s, at a time when his interest in international aid was beginning to coalesce into AmeriCares, Macauley heard about a Catholic priest named Bruce Ritter who was struggling to help runaway children on the streets of New York City... The alliance between Macauley and Ritter led to an audience with Pope John Paul II in Rome in 1982. (Ritter left Covenant House in February 1990 after accusations of sexual misconduct with some male runaways he was helping). The meeting with the pope gave life to AmeriCares. Although Macauley started AmeriCares in 1979, the organization did not go on its first relief mission until 1982, when the pope asked Macauley to send aid to his native Poland. AmeriCares' contacts with important Catholic figures brought it a valuable ally in the Knights of Malta, a Catholic organization that has helped distribute AmeriCares supplies. The Knights of Malta, formally known as the Sovereign Military Order of Knights Hospitallers of St. John and Jerusalem, is a worldwide Catholic charity founded in the 11th century to care for soldiers in the Crusades. Today, the group is based in Rome. J. Peter Grace, a member of AmeriCares' advisory board, is president of the American chapter of the Knights of Malta, based in New York City. William Simon, another AmeriCares advisory committee member, is also a member... The Knights of Malta make AmeriCares' job easier because of its worldwide network of volunteers, said Johnson, the president of AmeriCares. Members of the group, many of whom are independently wealthy, can be trusted to deliver the aid to its intended destination and do so more efficiently than AmeriCares, he said. "By using the Knights, there's very little opportunity for diversion," Johnson said. "They've all made their fortunes. Now they're interested in charity."... Because almost 50 countries afford the Knights of Malta the same status as a sovereign nation, they are often exempt from fees for border crossings and can pass customs inspections more easily. "The host country will generally waive inspection and duty," said Thomas L. Sheer, executive director of the American chapter of the Knights of Malta and an assistant to J. Peter Grace. "We can use that diplomatic status to move right through customs and to not pay customs fees. We can exploit that, particularly within a time of crisis."... Despite his ties to the Roman Catholic Church, Macauley is not Catholic, although he describes himself as a religious man. "They say I'm a right-wing Catholic conservative," Macauley said. "I'm not a Catholic, even though I go to Mass almost every day. I'm a very devout Protestant, I guess you'd call it." AmeriCares also receives small donations from Pat Robertson's Christian Broadcasting Network and the Rev. Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church. AmeriCares has kept the commitment to Poland it began at the behest of the pope. "We go to Poland every week, either by ship or by plane," Macauley said. Between 1982 and this March, AmeriCares sent $94 million in aid to Poland, almost a quarter of all the aid it has dispensed. When the pope called on Macauley to help Poland, Macauley turned to corporate America for help... To get donations for Poland, he and some colleagues sat down with lists of the boards of directors from the nation's largest pharmaceutical companies. Among them, the group found, they knew at least one person on every board." Wrote a book titled 'The Grand Chessboard' in 1997, which describes a kind of upcoming 'Clash of Civilizations' (Samuel Huntington) and how the should isolate China and Russia from the mineral reserves of the Middle-East. Some of his main points were:

1) "About 75 per cent of the world's people live in Eurasia, and most of the world's physical wealth is there as well, both in its enterprises and underneath its soil. Eurasia accounts for 60 per cent of the world's GNP and about three-fourths of the world's known energy resources."
2) "The most immediate task is to make certain that no state or combination of states gains the capacity to expel the United States from Eurasia or even to diminish significantly its decisive arbitration role."
3) "It is also a fact that America is too democratic at home to be autocratic abroad. This limits the use of America's power, especially its capacity for military intimidation… Democracy is inimical to imperial mobilization."
4) "Moreover, as America becomes an increasingly multi-cultural society, it may find it more difficult to fashion a consensus on foreign policy issues, except in the circumstance of a truly massive and widely perceived direct external threat."

Governor of the intelligence-linked Smith Richardson Foundation (since at least the 1990s), together with Douglas J. Basharov (Georgetown University; scholar American Enterprise Institute; first director of the U.S. National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect 1975-1979), Christopher DeMuth (president American Enterprise Institute and revived it), Fred Ikle (Under-Secretary of Defense under Reagan, close to covert operations; CSIS; IISS; Cercle), Gen. Edward C. Meyer (former Chief of Staff U.S. Army), Samuel Huntington, Donald Rumsfeld (board member Smith Richardson Foundation until at least 1998; at Jamestown Foundation, also with Brzezinski; politician under Nixon, Reagan, and George H. W. Bush; Ambassador to NATO; President G. D. Searle; CEO General Instrument; chair Gilead Sciences, where George Shultz and Etienne Davignon could also be found; Secretary of Defense under George W. Bush), Michel Oksenberg (travelled to China as NSC member with Cyrus Vance in 1977 and Zbigniew Brzezinski in 1978; major U.S.-China policy advisor to every president since Carter), L. Richardson Preyer (Vick Chemical Company, founded by his grandfather; Banker; long-time Democrat Congressman; member House Select Committee on Assassinations), Lunsford Richardson (Another grandson of the founder of the Vick Chemical Company), Isabel V. Sawhill (senior fellow and vice president at Brookings; the Cabot Family chair), Ben J. Wattenberg (important during the election campaign of Nixon; served on various committees under Carter, Reagan, Bush Sr.; PBS host; senior fellow American Enterprise Institute), Martin Feldstein (studied at Oxford; George F. Baker Professor of Economics at Harvard; Bilderberg; Trilateral Commission; Group of 30; director National Committee on United States-China Relations), Roderick MacFarquhar (Born in Pakistan; RIIA fellow; British MP; Harvard Professor; China specialist), Dr. Edward F. Zigler (Yale psychology professor emeritus; founder Zigler Center in Child Development and Social Policy), Jane Preyer (South-East director of the Environmental Defense Fund since 1997; exec Biofuels Center of North Carolina; former member, NC Legislative Commission on Global Climate Change; environmetalist author), James Woolsey (BA Stanford; MA Oxford; Oxford Rhodes Scholar; Yale Law School; founder and president of Yale Citizens for Eugene McCarthy for President (who was anti-Vietnam war); CIA director 1993-1995, but had virtually no relationship with President Clinton and supposedly Woolsey was the only neocon allowed into the administration; "liberal neocon" Democrat; great promotor of Global Warming theories; vice chairman Crescent Investment Management in New York with Mansoor Ijaz and Gen. Abrahamson; advisor Washington Institute for Near East Policy; advisor Institute for the Analysis of Global Security; member Set America Free Coalition; senior vice president at Booz Allen Hamilton for Global Strategic Security; director Martin Marietta, British Aerospace, Inc., Fairchild Industries and Yurie Systems, Inc.; chairman Paladin Capital Group; chairman ExecutiveAction LLC (of Neil Livingstone); patron Henry Jackson Society; director Intelligence Summit (Mossad, CIA, British Intelligence, special operations, linked); chair Freedom House; chairman Smithsonian; co-chairman Committee on the Present Danger; chairman Clean Fuels Foundation and the New Uses Council; member PNAC; director Benador Associates; director American Committee for Peace in the Caucasus; governor Smith Richardson Foundation; within a day after 9/11 Woolsey suggested Iraq might be a financier of bin Laden's operations; chairman Foundation for Defence of Democracies, founded immediately after 9/11; advisory board United Against Nuclear Iran; director Arlington Institute from about 2001 to 2007 with Joe Firmage and headed by his friend, John L. Petersen (linked to peak oil, alien cults and Coast to Coast AM); dinner party with Steven Greer and Petersen in 1999 (where Greer "briefed" him about UFOs). His wife, Suzanne Woolsey: BA STanford psychology; Doctorate in Social and Clinical Psychology from Harvard; director Urban Institute (Deutch; Buffett; McNamara); executive director of the Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education NAS/NRC prior to 1993; chief communications officer of the National Academy of Sciences/ National Research Council 2001-2003, president of Institute for Defense Analyses (board in 2000 and president in 2010) and trustee of Caltech; director of Fluor and Neurogen (1993-2008).

April 3, 2001, Volume: 2 Issue: 14, North Caucasus Analysis, 'Chechen Foreign Minister in Washington': "On March 23, Il'yas Akhmadov, the separatist foreign minister of Chechnya, spoke at the National Press Club in Washington, DC. He noted that he had been in the U.S. capital for two weeks, during which time he had had discussions with Senators Paul Wellstone and Sam Brownback. He continued, "I have [also] had constructive discussions with Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Richard Perle, Frank Carlucci, Lee Hamilton, Paula Dobriansky and James Woolsey." On March 21, he added, former Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot and Ambassador Steve Sestanovich had joined him during a meeting with Ken Bacon. ... On March 27, Richard Boucher, spokesman for the U.S. Department of State, commented on the meeting of Akhmadov and Beyrle which took place the previous day, outside the grounds of the department, and lasted for about forty-five minutes. "They discussed the conflict in Chechnya," Boucher reported, "They discussed the prospects for a settlement there. Mr. Beyrle told Mr. Akhmadov that the Chechen side must condemn terrorism, must account for its alleged participation in terrorist acts and must take decisive action to prevent such acts in the future. Mr. Beyrle also stressed the need for dialogue to resolve the conflict" (Daily Briefing, U.S. State Department, March 27). The same day, during a visit to Minsk, Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Kas'yanov underscored that Russia relates negatively to the fact of the reception of Akhmadov by a representative of the U.S. State Department, but said that Russia did not intend to take any retaliatory measures. Russian presidential spokesman Sergei Yastrzhembsky dismissed the meeting with Akhmadov as "nothing more than a negative political gesture by the American administration toward Russia" (NTV.ru, March 27)."

Former member of the National Advisory Council of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, together with Jeane Kirkpatrick, Jack Kemp, Senator Claiborne Pell, Senator Bob Dole, Richard Pipes, and Cercle member Edwin Feulner, Jr. Brian Crozier, former Cercle head, sits on the International Advisory Council of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation. Still a significant influence in Washington today and generally respected by both neoconservatives and liberals. Appointed chairman of the RAND Center for Middle East Public Policy Advisory Board in 2005 (where he followed up Franck Carlucci) and a member of RAND's President's Circle. Anno 2006, a member of the advisory committee of the American Committee for Peace in the Caucasus (ACPC), which is advocating against Russian intervention in Chechnya (used to be co-chair). Other members of the advisory board include Frank Gaffney, Alexander M. Haig, Jr., William Kristol (PNAC), Robert McFarlane, Richard Perle (friend of Cercle chair Brian Crozier), Richard Pipes (associate of Brian Crozier in the Reagan years), Caspar Weinberger, and James Woolsey. Director Polish-American Enterprise Fund and Polish-American Freedom Foundation. Trustee of Freedom House when under the chairmanship of James Woolsey. Freedom House lists USAID, US Information Agency, Soros Foundations and the National Endowment for Democracy, among its financial backers. September 9, 2004, ACPC member Richard Pipes in a New York Times article called 'Give the Chechens a land of their own': "A clever arrangement secured by the Russian security chief, Gen. Alexander Lebed, in 1996 granted the Chechens de facto sovereignty while officially they remained Russian citizens. Peace ensued. It was broken by several terrorist attacks on Russian soil, which the authorities blamed on the Chechens (although many skeptics attributed them to Russian security agencies eager to create a pretext to bring Chechnya back into the fold)... This history makes clear how the events in Russia differ from 9/11. The attacks on New York and the Pentagon were unprovoked and had no specific objective. Rather, they were part of a general assault of Islamic extremists bent on destroying non-Islamic civilizations. As such, America's war with Al Qaeda is non-negotiable. But the Chechens do not seek to destroy Russia - thus there is always an opportunity for compromise... Russia, the largest country on earth, can surely afford to let go of a tiny colonial dependency, and ought to do so without delay." Brzezinski is a critic of the Israel Lobby.

Mark Brzezinski, Zbigniew's son, was accused of undermining Ukrainian elections in 2004 (together with the NDI, Eurasia Society, and George Soros). Soros has been accused of doing the same in Georgia and Russia, and having caused the financial instability in Asia in 1997. March 27, 2008, 24.kg News Agency (Kyrgystan), 'Zbigniew Brzezinski: Revolutions in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan was a sincere and snap expression of political will': ""I believe revolutions in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan was a sincere and snap expression of the political will," Zbigniew Brzezinski a world-known political expert said in an interview with Georgian Times. "However, it does not mean that democracy will start blooming in these countries at once. But people have, more or less, expressed their will," the expert said when asked about efficiency of the color revolutions in the Post-Soviet states."

November 17, 2008, Chatham House speech of Zbigniew Brzezinski: "I'm also delighted to speak under the sponsorship of the Whitehead lecture series. John Whitehead, whom I've been priviliged to know for many years, I'll not talk about length, but suffice it to say that he was in my judgment the best Deputy Secretary of State the United States has ever had and he should have been Secretary of State. ... It's still nonetheless a fact, a sad fact, that the cumulative effects of national and financial self-indulge, of an unnecessary war of our own choice, and of ethical transgressions, have cumutively discredited that leadership. ... For the first time in human history, for the first time in all of human history, almost all of mankind is politically conscious and interactive. ... We are living in a time of the basic shift-away of the 500 years long global domination by the Atlantic powers. ... That shift is now taking us towards Asia. It is not the end of the preeminance of the Atlantic world, but it is now the surfacing of the Pacific region and most notably Japan, the no. 2 economic power, and China. ... And it is also complicated by the reappearance of Russia, which is something to be welcomed. ... Russia, which is still restless, [is] rather unclear about its own definition. Very undefinite about its recent past, and very insecure about its place in the world. And these new and old major powers face yet another novel reality - in some respects unprecedented. And it is that while the lethality of their power is greater than ever, their capacity to impose control over the politically awakened masses of the world is at a historical low. I once put it rather pungently, and I was flattered that the British Foreign Secretary repeated this, as follows. Namely, in earlier times it was easier to control a million people than to physically kill a million people. Today it is infinitely easier to kill a million people than to control a million people. It's easier to kill than to control."

Robert M. Gates replaced the neocon Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, who had been pushing for war with Irak, in 2006. April 30, 2009, Time, 'Robert Gates': "Robert Gates was President George W. Bush's surprising choice as Secretary of Defense. When he accepted that onerous appointment — in the midst of a painful war and two years before the end of the President's term in office — he simply stated that he felt it was his duty to serve. Having known him for some 30 years, I know this statement was sincere. Gates, above all, is a patriot. But he happens to be also a very intelligent patriot, and that is truly reassuring. During his confirmation hearings before the Senate, Gates, 64, acknowledged the important role of Congress in any decision to initiate a new war. That earned him widespread bipartisan respect — and a wartime Secretary of Defense needs such support, particularly when the war is so unpopular. Gates' professional career has focused predominantly on national security issues. He served on the National Security Council (NSC) staff under Brent Scowcroft during the Ford presidency. He then became my special assistant when I was in charge of the NSC under President Jimmy Carter. He was the first person I would see every morning and usually the last one in the evening. I came to value highly his grasp of foreign affairs and his political judgment. His meteoric rise continued at the CIA, where he eventually became director under President George H.W. Bush. Cool, calm and collected, this is a man who would never be rattled by a sudden 3 a.m. phone call." Gates stayed on during the Obama administration.

According to John Judge, Zbigniew was involved in the Jonestown cover-up by given the order to strip the bodies of all victims of identification. The bodies were slowly retrieved, mostly after decomposition had made it impossible to identify them. Zbigniew's order was given to Haig, who passed it on to Robert Pastor, who passed it on to Col. Gordon Sumner.

ON DETENTE:

March 26, 1979, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union in English 1015 gmt 23 Mar), ''Pravda' on Brzezinski's "Dangerous Programme of Confrontation"': ""The 'tough' public speeches made by Mr Zbigniew Brzezinski against detente are not an adornment to American oratorical art. They do not benefit US foreign policy either", Sergey Vishnevskiy writes in the newspaper 'Pravda' today. Commenting on the interview given by the Assistant to the US President for National Security Affairs to the '15 NATO countries' journal [SU/6069/A1/1]. "Brzezinski fancies he sees the hand of the Reds everywhere", the author writes. "The Russians, he says, are characterized by the constant desire to use the opportunities that avail themselves and to create instability in the world. And this, he says, can spur on would-be East-West antagonisms. Really, the old line again . . . " [Tass ellipsis] This is the same well-known confrontation conception. ... The question is: and where is the process of detente, this dominant tendency of international life? Detente for Brzezinski is only a hindrance, Sergey Vishnevskiy points out."

January 5, 1979, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (Czechoslovak Press Agency in English 0930 gmt 3 Jan 79), 'In Brief; CPCz paper on Brzezinski and detente': "'Rude Pravo' of 3rd January notes a report that the USA is to build two military bases in Luxembourg. This shows, it says, how sincere the US military-industrial complex is about detente. Zbigniew Brzezinski recently said that the USA was committed to the creation of a world in which there would be more co-operation and justice, but the two new bases in Luxembourg are facts, the paper goes on. The Pentagon has received 10,000 million dollars more than was originally provided in the military budget. Most of the new dangerous arms are located in West Europe, where there has always been a large concentration of military forces. In 1978, the number of troops and combat equipment in the FRG was further increased with the clear aim of changing the balance of military forces in an area which is very important for international stability. Brzezinski talked about the balance of forces as of a factor of stability, 'Rude Pravo' says, and adds that this balance exists, but many people in Washington are evidently losing sleep because of it."

October 24, 1979, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (Hungarian television 1800 gmt 21 Oct 79), 'Zbigniew Brzezinski Interviewed on Prospects for SALT-2': "[Brzezinski:] "In my opinion it is important to widen contacts between the United States and the Soviet Union. I feel SALT-2 provides the basis for much more specific contacts in what is potentially the most dangerous field of relations between the two countries. Namely, nuclear weapons. I have no illusions that SALT-2 will end the political and military race between the United States and the Soviet Union. But SALT-2 lends greater stability and more secure foresight in military fields. With greater stability and foresight we may attempt to widen co-operation in other areas also. I strongly believe that Soviet-American detente must be comprehensive and mutual. This is why I believe SALT-2 is a useful starting-point for extending widening and preservation co-operation. ... I do not believe foreign policy is based on trust. Foreign policy is based on one's own interests and the given abilities. For instance, in the case of SALT there is an American interest, that there should be a SALT and I assume that this is also the interest of the Soviet Union. This is why we could make an agreement. Simultaneously, I believe the United States should ahve the ability to pursue an effective foreign policy and to maintain its national security. To this end we must I believe carry out certain things which we are now doing in the military field.""

POL POT:

1998, New York Times journalist Elizabeth Becker (has interviewed Pol Pot), 'When The War Was Over: Cambodia And The Khmer Rouge Revolution, Revised Edition', p. 435: "[Brzezinski:] "The invasion proclaimed the new China-U.S. alliance of interests and ensured that China continued to hold sway over affairs in Indochina, this time on the side of the West. To that end, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski was of considerable help. Brzezinski himself claims that he concocted the idea of persuading Thailand to cooperate fully with China in its efforts to rebuild the Khmer Rouge. In the spring of 1979, Brzezinski says, he used the visit of Thailand's foreign minister to press forward his plans. Brzezinski said: "I encouraged the Chinese to support Pol Pot. I encouraged the Thai to help the DK [Democratic Kampuchea]. The question was how to help the Cambodian people. Pol Pot was an abomination. We could not support him but China could. The result was a policy that the United States continued to follow during the subsequent Republican administration. The United States "winked, semi-publicly," in Brzezinski's words, while encouraging China and Thailand to give the Khmer Rouge direct aid to fight against the Vietnamese occupation. "

NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY:

Congressional Record, Senate, October 31, 1995, S16433-S16434: "As the following letter from Messrs. Allen, Brzezinski, Carlucci, and Scowcroft points out, the National Endowment for Democracy is such a program. I ask that the letter be printed in the RECORD. The letter follows: 'October 20, 1995. Hon. Jesse Helms, Hon. Claiborne Pell, Senate Foreign Relations Committee Washington, DC. Hon. Benjamin Gilman, Hon. Lee Hamilton, House International Relations Committee, Washington, DC. As former National Security Advisers to the President, we are familiar with the work of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). In our assessment, NED, established under President Reagan as an instrument in his campaign for democracy, and sustained with the bipartisan support of the leadership of both houses of Congress, has served our national interest well through its timely support of those who advance the cause of democracy. The Endowment, a small bipartisan institution with its roots in America’s private sector, operates in situations where direct government involvement is not appropriate. It is an exceptionally effective instrument in today’s climate for reaching dedicated groups seeking to counter extreme nationalist and autocratic forces that are responsible for so much conflict and instability. Eliminating this program would be particularly unsettling to our friends around the world, and could be interpreted as a sign of America’s disengagement from the vital policy of supporting democracy. The Endowment remains a critical and cost-effective investment in a more secure America, and we support its work. We hope that you will join us in that support. Sincerely, Richard V. Allen. Frank C. Carlucci. Zbigniew Brzezinski. Brent Scowcroft."


Brunello, Monsignor

Sources: October 1989 – Issue 18, Lobster Magazine, 'The Pinay Circle and Destabilisation in Europe'

Vatican prelate and BNG agent. Can't find anything about this person, besides what has been claimed by the original author.

Bulnes, Francisco

Source(s): February 1985 list (Washington D.C.)

Francisco Bulnes, one of the most influential members of the traditional Right. Member of the National Party. Active in the coup against Allende. Chilean congressman. Senator. Member Council of State under Pinochet. Ambassador to Peru under Pinochet.

Spring 1986, Foreign Affairs, 'The Chilean Road to Democracy': "At the dawn of the 1960s Chile enjoyed the enviable reputation of being one of the few stable democracies in Latin America. It ranked among the most advanced countries of the region, having attained high levels of political, social and economic development. But in the course of the 1960s a combination of historical circumstances -- declining growth, rising demands, political mobilization -- radically metamorphosed Chilean politics, tearing it into three blocs, no two of which could govern together. In the space of a decade, a situation of a reasonable degree of consensus and regulated conflict was transformed into one of extreme polarization, culminating in the disruption of the democratic order when the military stepped in on September 11, 1973, to topple the government of Salvador Allende. ... The intervention also obviously had the blessing -- to say the least -- of the United States. From the very outset, the military government interpreted its mission as a war against Marxism. It banned the Communist Party and the other leftist parties in Allende's coalition government, and jailed and persecuted their members and suspected supporters. The population, worn out by years of sharp political conflict, had in fact become largely hostile to the government. The military assumed that it would also have the support of the parties opposed to Allende, even though it dissolved the National Congress after the coup. But its severe repression and constant violation of human rights alienated the Christian Democratic Party and the Social Democratic Party, whose attitudes rapidly switched to open criticism. The military government reacted with a markedly antipolitical and antiparty bias, declaring all parties not already banned "indefinitely recessed." It also weeded out moderate officers from the armed forces and encouraged the ascendance of the hard-line element, led by Pinochet, who was designated head of state less than a year after the coup. The entrepreneurial sector and the political right had felt threatened by the Allende government's policies, and so they extended unconditional support to the new government. Their most eminent figures collaborated in various official capacities as ministers (Hernan Cubillos, Marquez de la Plata, Jaime del Valle and many others) and ambassadors (such as Sergio Diez to the United Nations and Francisco Bulnes to Peru), and in advisory bodies such as the Council of State (of which former President Jorge Alessandri was appointed chairman). Given this backing and the regime's anti-Marxist stance, it is not surprising that the military government roundly declared itself in favor of a free-market economy. It handed over the management of economic affairs to a homogeneous group of economists trained at the University of Chicago, whose political loyalty Pinochet could trust. They promised the "modernization" of the country, based on a set of simple prescriptions: the free operation of the market and a merciless reduction of state intervention in the economy. The policies of this economic team seemed at first to work.A drastically restrictive monetary policy, backed by the ruthless exercise of dictatorial political power, brought inflation under control -- it had soared above 500 percent per annum at the time of Allende's fall. ... Those who suffered the most from the collapse of the economy were the first to take to the streets in protest of the Pinochet regime, demanding economic relief. In 1983 and 1984 unions and political parties took the lead in organizing monthly mass protests, held mostly in Santiago but also in provincial cities like Valparaiso and Concepcion, in which thousands of workers, students and shantytown dwellers participated. The middle class also joined the protests in significant numbers, but later began to withdraw as the combined action of political radicals, hooligans and excessive police repression led to increased violence. At the close of four years of decline (1982-85), then, Chilean society's change of heart was so radical that opinion polls carried out in Santiago in the second half of 1985 showed that not more than 15 percent supported the government or Pinochet himself. Roughly 80 percent expressed the wish for a return to democracy before the end of Pinochet's current constitutional term in office, i.e., before 1989. In the recent nationwide elections of the College of Teachers, the pro-government candidates stood at the bottom with about ten percent of the votes. And when student elections were held across the country in 1985, not only did the government fail to win any of them, but there was virtually no candidate who could be defined as pro-government. Thus, most of those who once supported the government, however conditionally, have now lost all faith in it."

2005, Jonathan Haslam, 'The Nixon administration and the death of Allende's Chile', pp. 5 and 141: "Senator Francisco Bulnes Sanfuentes - diehard of the Partido National (PN) - pointed out that "there were many people who did not believe that Allende was a Marxist, but I knew it; we were colleagues for many years. I believe that he knew little of Marxist theory, but he had the faith of a true believer which is the most difficult to break." ... ... On 6 October the first clear signal for action came when Francisco Bulnes declared in the senate "the opinion of the national party: that this government has become illegitimate. ... As its leader Jarpa subsequently revealed: "We had a strike department which encompassed bankers, private employees, public employees, shopkeepers, truck owners, agrobusinessmen, lawyers and doctors..." In such circumstances it must have been impossible to distinguish between CIA funding for the national party proper and for the conduct of the strike. ... Foreign correspondents soon discovered that street rioters were being hired at a rate of 300 escudos a day (a dollar at the current rate). ... When Allende had delivered a speech in September warning of a plan to paralyse the country by means of a transport strike, the pro-opposition Economist magazine - employing [Cercle member] Robert Moss, who spent an unusual amount of time with PyL - had mocked the claim."

October, 1998, Canadian Dimension, 'Allende: relevant today?': "The first time I met Salvador Allende was in 1965 in the bar of the U. S. Senate building. At that time he was a senator, and I was a graduate student writing my doctoral dissertation and was deeply involved in the anti-Vietnam War movement in the United States. Before leaving San Francisco for Chile, the organizers of an upcoming demonstration had asked me to tape an interview with Senator Allende expressing his support for the anti-war movement in the U. S. Allende's support was particularly important for the struggle in the U. S. because the mass base of our movement was basically composed of students, middle-class professionals and very few workers. We felt it would be important for morale to have the international support of a leftist presidential candidate who received over a million votes, mainly from the working class, peasants, and the trade unions. The interview went very well. Allende highlighted the importance of the Vietnamese people's struggle and the dangers of a U. S. military victory for the fate of Latin America: ''A military victory in Indochina will encourage the Pentagon to engage in military intervention in Latin America.'' He continued by pointing to the importance of our struggle within the U. S., clearly recognizing the difference between the U. S. government and the populace. ... The second point was that unlike some Latin American Left politicians, Allende rejected the cheap, nationalist anti-North American rhetoric. He recognized the political-social division within the U. S. He was an anti-imperialist in solidarity with our struggle and rejected the facile posture of lumping all North Americans in the same bag. At the end of the interview, a rightwing senator, Francisco Bulnes, came by our table and Allende rose to greet him and exchange a few pleasantries. This of course was 1965-eight years before Bulnes and the Right supported the murderous military coup that overthrew Allende. At the time, I was astonished by the civility of Senator Allende toward one of his arch-enemies."

January 23, 1979, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 'Chile-Peru Relations': "Radio Mineria (Santiago) on 20th January reported that it had been learned through news agencies that the Peruvian Government had declared the Chilean Ambassador in Lima, Francisco Bulnes, persona non grata and had asked his Government to withdraw him immediately. The agencies had indicated that the reason for the decision was "spy charges made against Chilean officers". The Peruvian Ambassador in Santiago, Guillermo Arbulu Galliani, had left for Peru that morning."

April 17, 1982, El Pais, 'Augusto Pinochet, bajo la sombra de Franco': "The situation described shows that the new Constitution has not initiated a process of transition and has only served to strengthen the personal power of the ruler, even triggering criticism from sectors of the Chilean right hitherto supported him. Noteworthy are the statements made by former senator and ambassador of the Pinochet regime Francisco Bulnes, who has stated: "I expected a long transition period less than we have. And above all, expect a sharp transition, which was truly transition. I believe the current system is an extension of the previous seven years more than the transition to a new regime ""

September 30, 1983, United Press International: "The military government resumed talks with opposition parties aimed at returning democracy to Chile but banished 15 people who participated in recent demonstrations against President Augusto Pinochet. Interior Minister Sergio Jarpa held a surprise meeting late Thursday with representatives of the Democratic Alliance, an umbrella group of five outlawed parties seeking an end to the 10-year-old Pinochet government. Gabriel Valdes, president of the Christian Democratic Party and head of the Alliance, told reporters after the meeting that his group presented a new set of demands to the government. The demands included a plebiscite for 1984, a comprehensive economic program aimed at relieving the plight of Chile's poor and establishment of a committee to investigate violence during recent public protests. Jarpa met twice before with the Alliance but the opposition group suspended the ''dialogue'' Sept. 10 to protest police repression of peaceful demonstrations against the government. Forty-one people have been killed and hundreds injured in monthly anti-Pinochet protests since May. Government counselor Francisco Bulnes described the two-hour meeting -- which also was attended by top members of the Catholic Church - as ''very useful'' and predicted a fourth session would be held ''in the upcoming days.'' The Alliance includes Democratic Christians and Socialists but excludes the Communist Party. Political parties in Chile have been outlawed since Pinochet overthrew the Socialist government of Salvador Allende on Sept. 11, 1973."

November 10, 1984, The Economist, 'Chile; Looking for a way out': "Chile is a victim of the politics of reprisal. Seven people were killed during protests against President Augusto Pinochet's regime on October 29th and 30th. The president responded by threatening to declare a state of siege. He ruled out the early legalisation of political parties or talks with them while they refused to recognise his constitution (which allows him to stay in power until 1989). Six more people were then killed in guerrilla attacks. The interior minister, Mr Sergio Jarpa, resigned, complaining that Chile's bishops had held a meeting with communist exiles in Rome and that he could not pursue his plans for a "democratic opening" in such circumstances. The president then declared his state of siege. It may not be as bad as it sounds. Mr Jarpa has agreed to stay on after all. And some moderate politicians, including, an ex-senator, Mr Francisco Bulnes, are working on an alternative to the present military regime that might just be acceptable to the opposition, the armed forces, the establishment and, eventually, even to General Pinochet, if enough pressure is put on him. These politicians come mainly from the two big non-Marxist parties -- the anti-Pinochet Christian Democrats and the pro-Pinochet National party. Their goal is the holding of a congressional election in 1986 instead of in 1989. Under Mr Bulnes's formula, the opposition parties would have to recognise the constitution and, implicitly, the president (although they would not have to declare an explicit approval of either). The president would have to legalise political parties, authorise a congressional election in 1986 and allow the congress to change his constitution. It is argued that, if the two big democratic parties presented this formula to the general, he would find it hard to turn down."

February 12, 1984, Associated Press, 'Fortress-Like House of Presidents Stirs Controversy in Chile': "During six years of design and construction, the House of Presidents has been shrouded in official secrecy, like the smog hanging in the valley it overlooks from the northeast corner of Santiago. Now, with its four terraced layers rising like a pagoda from a well-fortified hilltop, Chile's new presidential residence has suddenly become as well-known and as controversial as its would-be first occupant, Gen. Augusto Pinochet. ... The controversy has prompted two official spokesmen to announce that Pinochet, despite his wife's close supervision of the home's furnishing, probably won't move in. If that is the case, said Francisco Bulnes, a Pinochet adviser critical of the project, "no president will ever live there; it would cost too much to maintain.""

December 7, 1984, Washington Post, 'Repression by Pinochet Seen Driving His Traditional Supporters Away; News Analysis': "A month of strong repression by the government of President Augusto Pinochet has largely smothered his opposition, but the mounting political costs of the crackdown suggest that the general's hard-line policies cannot be sustained, diplomats and political analysts here say. ... For middle- and upper-class Chileans, the government has thus been able to offer an image of social peace. "It has been a very sophisticated, thought-out campaign," said Andres Zaldivar, a leader of the opposition Christian Democrats. "They have silenced a lot of sectors through sheer intimidation." Nevertheless, the military campaign has begun to provoke strong pressures from some of the government's staunchest civilian supporters. Three right-wing parties, including the venerable National Party, have taken a stand against the state of siege, and an influential conservative leader, Francisco Bulnes, resigned last week from a governmental political committee."

June 29, 1986, New York Times, 'The Challenge in Chile': "When the negotiations fell through, opposition protests were revived, leading to a successful national strike. Pinochet answered by declaring a state of siege in November 1984. Though it slowed the pace of resistance for some months, this drastic crackdown had disastrous political consequences, increasing the General's internal and international isolation, and forcing him, last July, to lift the state of siege. ... Last August, Juan Cardinal Francisco Fresno Larrain, the nation's Catholic leader, sponsored the drafting of a National Accord for a Transition to Democracy. ... The signing of an agreement on such basic issues did not mean, however, that yesterday's divisions had been healed. How to reconcile, for instance, the memories of Sergio Bitar, a former Allende minister who had signed the accord, with the memories of Francisco Bulnes, a co-signer who had been a high official in the Pinochet regime? Bitar cannot forget his murdered comrades, nor his detention without charges for many months after the coup, and his subsequent 10 years of exile. Bulnes cannot forget the left-wing peasants and workers who took over land and property during the Allende years."

"We had no choice. We were heading into either a military or a Marxist dictatorship. At that moment, a military government seemed the lesser evil."

PINOCHET TORTURE:

August 26, 2000, Vancouver Sun, 'Chilean torturers given chance to stay in Canada: The ex-secret police officers win a new immigration hearing': "A Federal Court judge has overturned the deportation of two former secret police officers in the regime of Chilean General Augusto Pinochet, a married couple Canada has been trying to send home for 22 years. In a ruling released Friday, Justice Frederick Gibson ordered a new immigration hearing on humanitarian and compassionate grounds for Toronto residents Fernando Naredo Arduengo and his wife Nieves Del Carmen Salazar Arduengo. Gibson ordered immigration officials to reconsider their earlier decision because he found they were ''completely dismissive'' of the interests of the couple's Canadian-born children, which they ''minimized in a manner completely inconsistent with Canada's humanitarian and compassionate tradition.'' Gibson also found that the Arduengos have ''led exemplary lives'' since coming to Canada in 1978, defecting from the Pinochet regime. The couple's latest victory comes just after Chile's Supreme Court lifted Pinochet's congressional immunity earlier this month, clearing the way for the former dictator to face trial on human rights charges. Friday's ruling describes in detail the torture, kidnapping and death of Chilean citizens in which the Arduengos participated. While living in Chile in the 1970s, the Arduengos were members of the DICAR, the secret police service that persecuted thousands of Chileans opposed to Pinochet's military rule. The couple has conceded in court documents that they participated in operations that resulted in the rapes, kidnapping, torture and even deaths of Chilean citizens during Pinochet's military reign. ''On one occasion (Arduengo) witnessed a one-year-old child watching his father being tortured,'' said the ruling. ''On another occasion (he) watched when a prisoner was being subjected to electric shock torture, which resulted in the victim's tongue becoming paralyzed. The prisoner choked to death. ''He witnessed the shooting of an unarmed man. He watched a man who had not paid his rent be blindfolded, beaten, subjected to electric shock torture and then abandoned on the street.'' Gibson notes that Arduengo took part in 10 operations in which prisoners died."

September 30, 1999, Calgary Herald, 'Pinochet defence claims instant death not torture': "But Crown lawyer Alun Jones challenged the allegation that Wilson Fernando Valdebenito Juica, a trade unionist, died instantly. Jones argued that fractures, deep bruising and burns on his body indicated that he had been severely beaten and given a series of electric shocks before the one that killed him. ''The suggestion that the man was not tortured both physically and mentally is just absurd. . . . It's offensive even to suggest such a thing,'' Jones said. Lawyers fighting extradition for Pinochet wrapped up their defence on Wednesday. The list of 35 charges say Pinochet's police tortured victims with, among other things, sleep deprivation and put them in positions of acute physical discomfort. They also used electric shock, hung people by their wrists, submerged them in water and let dogs bite them, the charges say. Pinochet's lawyers have argued the former dictator could not be held responsible for everything that happened in Chile under his rule, especially activities of ''ordinary'' police. Pinochet, 83, who ran Chile with an iron fist from 1973 to 1990, was arrested in London last year at the request of Spain, which wants to try him on torture charges dating from his rule. He has been under house arrest near London for nearly a year."

Burnside, David Wilson Boyd

Source(s): June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour'; July 10, 1997 An Phoblacht/Republican News, 'Editor's Desk'

A Northern Ireland politician, and was Ulster Unionist Party Member of Parliament for South Antrim. In the 1970s Burnside served as Press Officer for the Vanguard Progressive Unionist Party. After the collapse of Vanguard he joined the Ulster Unionists. In 1984 David Burnside was recruited by the British Airways Chairman 1001 Club member Lord King to become the company's head of public relations. In this role Burnside is widely acknowledged to have become one of the most powerful PR men in Britain, speaking for King, administering a £5 million budget and receiving numerous PR awards both in the UK and around the world. British Airways was witnessing the emergence of a dangerous rival, Richard Branson's Virgin Atlantic. Virgin, which began with one route and one Boeing 747 in 1984 was beginning to emerge as a serious threat on some of BA's most lucrative routes. In 1991, King is reported to have told Burnside and CEO Colin Marshall to "do something about Branson". This began the campaign of dirty tricks, masterminded by Burnside, which ended in Branson suing King and British Airways for libel in 1992. In January 1993, following the settlement and investigations by BA's lawyers the board decided to sack Burnside. He was awarded a settlement of approximately £400,000 and free first class travel on BA for four years. He later reentered politics and had some criticism on the IRA.

Who's Who: Teacher, 1973–74; Press Officer, Vanguard Unionist Party, 1974–76; PR Dir, Inst. of Dirs, 1979–84; Public Affairs Dir, British Airways, 1984–93. Chairman: DBA Ltd, 1993–; New Century Hldgs Ltd, 1995–; New Century Media Ltd, 2007–. MP (UU) South Antrim, 2001–05; contested (UU) same seat, 2005. Mem., RBL, Antrim. Member (UU) South Antrim, Northern Ireland Assembly, since 2003.

March 12, 2003, BBC, 'Murphy denies cover-up claim': "Mr Burnside also claimed leading members of Sinn Fein were named in the report into the high profile break-in at the Special Branch office on 17 March last year. ... Sinn Fein assembly member Conor Murphy said his party knew nothing about the contents of the report into the Castlereagh break-in at hit back at Mr Burnside's claims. "Burnside is a well-known conduit for bogus MI5 and Special Branch briefings including recent remarks he made around the unionist paramilitary murder of Ciaran Cummings in his constituency," he said. "History has told us to be very sceptical about any remarks made by David Burnside." On a number of occasions, the IRA said it was not behind the Castlereagh raid but security sources continue to link the organisation to the incident. The IRA has blamed an element of British Intelligence." August 4, 2005, An Phoblacht, 'Burnside's broadside': "DAVID BURNSIDE, the spooky Ulster Unionist former MP for South Antrim unseated by Willie McCrea, was on RTÉ Radio's 5-7 Live this Monday, foaming at the mouth about the announcement of the proposed disbandment in 2007 of the locally-recruited unionist militia in the Six Counties known as the "home service battalions" of the Royal Irish Regiment, which incorporates the old [Loyalist/Unionist/Protestant] Ulster Defence Regiment and the anti-Civil Rights B Specials police force absorbed into the UDR. Burnside, a former spin doctor with British Airways, went bonkers at the news, babbling about how unionists had always had "a militia" — hailing the B-Specials, the RUC and the UDR — and how unionists might need them again against uppity [Nationalist/Catholic] nationalists, probably demanding outrageous things like equality. Burnside coyly omitted to say that he was once a foot soldier in the hated UDR (is he no longer proud of his regiment's record?). And RTÉ forgot to mention that this weekend's anniversary of the Miami Showband murders by the UDR/UVF was a particularly apposite time to announce its demise."

Buscemi, General Mario

Source(s): Cercle's 1985 Washington D.C. meeting lists

Born in 1935. Educated in Italy and the United States. Army commander on Sardinia. Commander of the Italian military contingent in Iraq's Kurdistan in 1991. Deputy chief of staff of the army in the 1990s. Commander of the Sicilian army1992-1998 in an effort to suppress the mafia. Military advisor to the Council of Ministers. In 2002 he was president of the National Grenadiers of Sardinia.

October 30, 2006, ANSA English Media Service, 'ARMY could be sent to crime-hit Naples': "Calls mounted on Monday for troops to be sent into Naples after an 18-year-old youth was fatally stabbed by another teenager in an escalating wave of violence in the southern city. Justice Minister Clemente Mastella said that "the army idea is no longer a taboo because something must be done to ease the insecurity and fear felt by many of the locals". The latest murder, the third in as many days, took place on Sunday in Pozzuoli on the outskirts of Naples when a 16-year-old boy stabbed two 18-year-olds, Daniele Del Core and Loris De Roberto, in an argument over an ex-girlfriend. Del Core died from his wounds in hospital while De Roberto, who was stabbed seven times, is fighting for his life having undergone three operations to stem internal bleeding. The episode followed the Saturday night murder of a 45-year-old woman, Patrizia Marino, who was gunned down in a sports shop in the northern suburbs of Naples. Marino was a suspected a drug dealer and police believe her murder is linked to a turf war between rival clans in the Neapolitan Mafia, known as the Camorra. In another incident on Friday night, a Naples shop owner shot and killed a thief in order to defend his son. Santo Gulisano, who runs a tobacconist's in the city centre, killed the 30-year-old thief and wounded his 16-year-old accomplice after he found them inside his shop, threatening his son with a gun. Gulisano, an ex-policeman, told magistrates that the thieves had already stolen 200 euros from the till and had been threatening to kill his son unless the boy handed over more money. Meanwhile, a 19-year-old Neapolitan youth underwent emergency surgery on Monday after being stabbed by a friend in a tiff on Sunday night. Doctors said the youth was in a serious condition after being knifed in the abdomen and chest. The Italian media on Monday spotlighted the crime wave, reporting that 66 people had been killed in and around Naples since the start of the year. The press said 49 of the murders were linked to the Camorra while eight were the result of armed robbery. More than 750 thefts and burglaries were reported in the city, which has an unemployment rate of 24.7%, between the start of July and the end of August. Magistrates said much of the violence stemmed from the Camorra, noting that there were at least 4,000 known members of the some 20 clans active in and around Naples. Many politicians argued that the only hope was to send in troops, a solution which was adopted in Sicily in 1992-98 when 150,000 soldiers were sent to the southern island to help deal with a Mafia emergency. Retired General Mario Buscemi, who was once in charge of the army in Sicily, said he "totally agreed" with the idea of deploying troops in the region of Campania, of which Naples is the capital. "Perhaps you can't beat the Mafia with troops but a sufficient army presence definitely deters street crime, at least that's the way it was in Sicily," Buscemi told ANSA. He recommended that at least 8,000 soldiers be sent to Naples, which has a local police force of 13,250. His comments came as Italy's secret services warned that Naples could be heading towards a period of bloody clan warfare. Antonio Bassolino, who heads the regional government of Campania, said that "the Camorra, street crime and violence risk robbing us of our future and our children's future". "We mustn't let this happen. We must join together in this great battle for freedom and solidarity," Bassolino said. He did not rule out bringing in the army but said that boosting the local police force and the number of magistrates was of greater importance. "I'm not against the use of soldiers but the army has been here on other occasions and it didn't do much good. Only an idiot could think that murders like the Pozzuoli one could be avoided with the army. However, if the troops can free up the police, then that would be welcome," Bassolino said. Naples' chief prosecutor Giandomenico Lepore agreed that the city needed more police officers and investigators. "The deployment of troops might reassure some citizens and tourists, which wouldn't be bad for a city which is plagued by muggings, but what we really need is more people to work on investigations," Lepore said. Several small parties in the centre-left governing coalition of Premier Romano Prodi argued against sending in the army. The Green party and the Communist Refoundation Party said that more money needed to be invested in Naples overall, including its police force and job creation initiatives. Naples Mayor Rosa Russo Jervolino said that "crime prevention and territorial control are obviously important but it's vital to bear in mind that the roots of the problem are social and cultural"."

Butterfield, Ian

Source(s): Cercle's 1983 Bonn and 1984 South Africa meeting lists

Ian Butterfield brings to The Livingston Group more than 27 years of experience in international and energy matters, which he utilizes to advise foreign governments, non-U.S. companies seeking to establish or expand a U.S. commercial presence and U.S. companies planning overseas expansion. Mr. Butterfield served as the International and Government Affairs Director for the Westinghouse Electric Corporation, where he played the central role in opening up the Chinese market for U.S. exports of civilian nuclear power equipment, technology and fuel. Mr. Butterfield did this while simultaneously advancing the corporation’s conventional and nuclear power interests in Russia, Ukraine and West Africa. Prior to joining Westinghouse, Mr. Butterfield worked for 12 years in the United States Senate, counseling committee members on matters relating to nuclear, chemical and biological proliferation. He provided counsel on all matters relating to U.S. foreign, defense and intelligence policy to the committee chairman, Senator William V. Roth, who, in 1986, appointed him Secretary to the U.S. Senate delegation to the NATO Parliament. Before coming to the U.S. Senate, Mr. Butterfield was a member of the foreign policy team of the Heritage Foundation, where he wrote and published extensively on African affairs.

December 3, 1981, United Press International: "Libya is economically vulnerable and a U.S. embargo of Libyan oil could do much to curtail Moammar Khadafy's foreign machinations, the Heritage Foundation said Thursday. The foundation, a conservative research organization that helped formulate policies adopted by President Reagan, recommended in a 19-page report that the United States and its allies move now against Khadafy. ''The aggressive trend of Libyan foreign policy need not be allowed to continue,'' said Ian Butterfield, the report's author. Butterfield, a Briton, is the foundation's specialist on African affairs. ''Libya's economic future looks bleak,'' he said, because the high prices it demands for its oil during a period of glut have cut its sales and it is spending immense amounts on armaments, foreign intrigue and terrorism. ''Economic action by the United States and its allies at this stage could do a great deal to deprive Khadafy of the necessary funds for his foreign adventures,'' the report said. ''Should the West European powers prove reluctant to move against Khadafy, a unilateral U.S. embargo of Libyan oil would have a markedly deleterious effect upon his political and economic position.'' The report detailed Khadafy's interference in the affairs of 28 independent nations, most of them in Africa and the Middle East but ranging as far afield as support for guerrillas and opposition movements in Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Spain, Italy and Great Britain where Libyan arms were supplied to the provisional wing of the Irish Republican Army. The report was compiled before Khadafy offered to send an anti-American Rapid Deployment Force to defend the Seychelles' socialist government, subject of an abortive coup attempt last week by a mixed band of South African and European mercenaries. The study suggested, in addition to an immediate U.S. embargo on all Libyan oil, that all U.S. personnel be withdrawn from Libya so they do not become hostages and that Egypt and the Sudan, Libya's most vulnerable neighbors, be built up economically and militarily. ''The sale of crude oil provides 99.4 percent of (Libya's) foreign earnings and finances, its domestic development plans, its foreign policies, its military machine and its broad range of imports,'' the report said. But because Libya refused to lower prices to Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries levels, it said, Libyan oil sales have slipped from $22 billion in 1980 to a projected $7 billion this year making Khadafy ''vulnerable to economic sanctions.'' Nigeria, it said, could take Libya's place by increasing its production of high quality crude. ''At the moment, America's allies and Khadafy himself, know that Washington's policy options are decidedly limited by the presence of 2,000 U.S. citizens on Libyan soil,'' the report said. ''Khadafy could easily seize these persons and use them to blackmail the United States.'' The report noted the State Department already has urged Americans, mostly engaged in oil production, to leave Libya and U.S. oil companies to abandon their Libyan operations. Only Exxon has complied. U.S. policy makers should be aware of the possibility of open warfare between Libya and Egypt, the study said, ''and be prepared to act accordingly.'' ''Washington cannot shirk legislative and economic action against Libya at this point,'' the report said. ''Appeals to pragmatism and practicality, at this stage, would simply leave the United States open to charges of hypocrisy, of being unwilling to match its rhetoric with substantive action.''"

Byl, Peter van der

Source(s): 2014, Johannes Grossmann, p. 473 (regular participant since 1975); Cercle's 1984 South Africa meeting lists

Foreign minister under Ian Smith. Friend of Lord Richard Cecil. Jan 08, 1977, The Times, 'Rhodesia rejects all proposals': "The Foreign Minister, leader of the Rhodesian delegation at the Geneva talks in the absence of Ian Smith..." July 10, 1979, House of Lords sitting, start at 2.56 p.m.: "[The Earl of Onslow:] ... Ian Smith and Van der Byl—or " Von der Bale " as he does not like to be called—have had their hands on the levers of power for a very long time, and they know exactly how to pull them. ... [Lord Hatch of Lusby:] ... He must try to get rid of Ian Smith and Peter Van der Byl because they are anathema to anyone who has any feeling for non-racialism. ... [Baroness Llewelyn-Davies of Hastoe:] ... It is not only Mr. Smith himself. As many noble Lords have said, others in the white leadership must go. The re-emergence of Mr. Van der Byl—the top white supremacist in Rhodesia, as the noble Lord, Lord Gladwyn, said—has caused what the censored Rhodesian papers called " raised eyebrows "." 2006, Fay Chung and Preben Kaarsholm, 'Re-living the Second Chimurenga: memories from Zimbabwe's liberation struggle', p. 311: "Ian Smith remained a political force after independence. In the initial years of independence, he used to meet regularly with Mugabe, but these meetings ended when Smith boasted that he was able to give instructions to his successor. Nevertheless, he continued to play an political role, with his right-hand man, Peter van der Byl, even claiming to be more socialist than anyone else in parliament. He based his claim on the fact that the Ian Smith government had done more than any other government to establish new state-owned and state-supported industries."

Capuzzo, General Umberto

 

Source(s): Cercle's 1985 Washington D.C. meeting lists

February 3, 1981, New York Times, 'Anti-terrorist police in Italy assert the worst is over': "Italian police officers in charge of the fight against terrorism believe that they have crippled the terrorists as much as is militarily possible and that it is now up to the politicians to create the social and political conditions in which political violence will no longer appeal to the young. ''Operationally speaking, the worst is over,'' Gen. Umberto Capuzzo, the national commander of the Carabinieri, the nation's elite paramilitary police corps, said in an interview at his headquarters. He said that Prima Linea, the second most powerful terrorist organization in the country, had been virtually liquidated by police operations last year. The same was true of the other smaller groups. The Red Brigades, the most powerful organization, had suffered heavy losses, including several key members arrested or killed, but had been able to ''reconstitute'' their national command at a meeting in Rome last August, he said. The Red Brigades are now recruiting remnants of Prima Linea and other virtually defunct groups but ''recruitment is not the same as it was two years ago,'' General Capuzzo said. He said he did not want to name a date by which Italian terrorism would be completely suppressed. Police Powers Dispersed ''The Red Brigades can still strike, and strike hard,'' he said. ''It takes only four or five men to carry out an attack.'' He added that the terrorists had the initiative and a choice of targets, and that the security forces had to use a large part of their manpower on such unproductive defensive tasks as escort duties and protection of people and installations rather than on the active hunt for terrorists. But the terrorists have failed politically and operationally ''because no social class has gone over to them'' and because the number of their sympathizers and helpers in the population is going down, the general said. The Red Brigades consist of ''several hundred'' active guerrillas, the he said; he declined to be more specific. ''Italian terrorism is sui generis,'' he added. ''There is no great brain abroad.'' He said that members of underground organizations in many countries crossed national borders and maintained links and sporadic cooperation but that the Italian terrorists had no need for training abroad since their operations - killings and kidnappings - were simple and required no skills that were not amply available in the criminal underworld. He said that in a world riven by international tensions the weaknesses in a country's domestic situation were carefully watched and exploited by foreign powers. Terrorism, he said, is no exception; ''it's like the oil war or the grain war.'' Soviet Disputes Charge He thus appeared to discount allegations made by several politicians that the Red Brigades might have ''sanctuaries'' outside Italy. President Sandro Pertini touched off a controversy when he hinted in a television interview that the Italian terrorists might be receiving help from the Soviet Union. His remark brought a testy Soviet rejoinder and Mr. Pertini later said he did not mean the Russians. Since then the parties making up the Government coalition of Prime Minister Arnaldo Forlani have come down on opposite sides of the issue, with the Christian Democrats discounting foreign interference and the Socialists and Social Democrats asserting that it exists. General Capuzzo, a former military attache in Bonn and Moscow, is the highest ranking military figure in the fight against terrorism. The 85,000-man Corps of Carabinieri, which he commands, is the foremost of the six major police organizations in the country and has put a large part of its resources into the antiterrorist drive."

January 14, 1982, Jiji Press Ticker Service (Japan), 'Gen. Murai To Visit U.S., Italy': "Gen. Sumiomurai, chief of staff ground self-defense force (GSDF), will visit the United States and Italy from Sunday to Jan. 31. He is paying the visit at the invitation of Gen. Edward C. Meyer, United States Chief of Staff, and Gen. Umberto Capuzzo, Italian army chief of staff. Murai will make an inspection of troops and military facilities in those countries and exchange view with military leaders. This is the first official visit to Italy by a DSDF chief of staff."

April 4, 1990, IPS, 'Italy: Controversy over use of army to block illegal immegration': "According to Martelli, it was the Italian police who asked for the intervention of the military, because it is simply not in a position to patrol the thousands of kilometers of coastline. Former chief of the general staff Umberto Capuzzo, now a Christian Democrat senator, has commented that "the roles of the armed forces and the police must be carefully distinguished, otherwise problems could arise."

Carbaugh, John E.

Source(s): Cercle's 1984 Bonn meeting list; Adrian Hanni (also went in 1979 and 1986)

1945-2006. With White House Staff, Washington, 1969—1970; campaign director re-elect Thurmond campaign, 1970—1973; legis. assistant to Senator Jesse Helms U.S. Senate, 1974—1982; private practice, 1982—2006. Board directors Westech. International, Inc., Washington Watch, Inc., Specialty Materials and Manufacturing, Inc., Tech. Holdings, Inc., The Stealth Corp., Inc.; member President Commission on Economic Justice, Washington, 1985-87. Rep. National Platform Staff, 1976, 80, 84, 88, 92, 96; Presidential Transition Team, 1980-81. Metropolitan Club. Republican. Presbyterian.

Helms was a major promoter of the cigarette industry.

September 1980 CIA's Confederación Anticomunista Latina (Inside The League).

www.drugwar.com, 'Drug War: Covert Money, Power & Policy: SETCO': "That was, word for word, the line peddled at the 1980 Buenos Aires meeting of the CIA's Confederación Anticomunista Latina, CAL, that D'Aubuisson would attend in September, in celebration of the Bolivian Cocaine Coup. Also attending the September 1980 CIA/CAL celebration was John Carbaugh, an aide to Republican Senator Jesse Helms. Helms, a rabid red-baiting segregationist in the 1950's, was an enthusiastic supporter of the fascists. As a ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, of course, Helms knew all there was to know about the death squads, but that didn't stop him from solemnly taking testimony from ARENA's distinguished killers. Between 1980 and 1992 Helms helped funnel $6 billion into the Salvadoran military. Hobnobbing with Carbaugh at the CAL confab was Stefano delle Chiaie, Klaus Barbie's top aide. Carbaugh had extensive personal contact with D'Aubuisson, and was instrumental in packaging the ARENA publicity campaign in Washington. Also attending the 1980 CAL meeting was Margo Carlisle, legislative aide to Senator James McClure (R-ID) and staff director of the Republican Conference of the U.S. Senate. Carbaugh and Carlisle hired Mackenzie-McCheyne to handle ARENA's advertising, while Paul Weyrich taught ARENA operatives effective campaign tactics."

The Iran-Contra Connection Secret Teams and Covert Operations in the Reagan Era by Jonathan Marshall, Peter Dale Scott , Jane Hunter South End Press, 1987: "Reports linking WACL to drugs became particularly flagrant in the period 1976-80, as the rift between WACL and Carter's CIA widened, and as a new Argentine-dominated affiliate of WACL in Latin America (the Confederacion Anticomunista Latina, or CAL) plotted to extirpate radical Roman Catholic priests and prelates fostering liberation theology. A high-point or low-point of the CAL plotting was reached in 1980, when Argentine officers, bankrolled by the lords of Bolivia's cocaine traffic, installed the Bolivian drug dictatorship of Luis Garcia Meza. Two of the Argentine officers involved turned out to be wanted Italian terrorists, Stefano delle Chiaie and Pierluigi Pagliai; together with the veteran Nazi fugitive and drug trafficker Klaus Barbie, the neo-fascists seized the radio station as a signal to launch the coup. Barbie and delle Chiaie were both deeply involved in the CAL project to identify and exterminate leftists and radical priests. Through this project delle Chiaie had advised d'Aubuisson by 1979; and at the September 1980 meeting of CAL in Argentina, delle Chiaie and d'Aubuisson met and arranged for weapons and money to be sent to d'Aubuisson in El Salvador. That 1980 CAL Conference was presided over by Argentine General Suarez Mason, today a fugitive wanted on charges arising from the Argentine junta's death squads. In attendance were Bolivia's dictator, Garcia Meza, wanted by U.S. drug authorities for his involvement in cocaine trafficking, and Argentine President Videla, today serving a life sentence for his policies of mass murder and torture. A featured speaker at the conference was Mario Sandoval Alarcon, who had brought his protege d'Aubuisson and arranged for him to be put in touch with delle Chiaie. What was being brokered at the September 1980 CAL Conference was nothing less than an "Argentine solution" of death squad dictatorships from Buenos Aires to Guatemala City. ... John Carbaugh met d'Aubuisson at the September 1980 CAL Conference ... In 1980 the incoming Reagan administration had links to the Latin American chapters of WACL, not just through P-2, but even more directly through Republican Senator Jesse Helms. Indeed Helms became a focal point for U.S. intelligence and Republican connections to CAL in Latin America, following a visit in 1975 to WACL headquarters in Taiwan. Helms also travelled to Argentina (via a WACL Conference in Rio) in April 1975; and at least two of his aides, Ramon Molina and Nat Hamrick returned, along with Daniel Graham, in early 1976, shortly before the Argentine generals' coup of March 24. Helms, according to Ramon Molina, "actually encouraged the military to move in and depose President Peron. The president in question was not Juan Peron, who had died in June 1974, but his widow, Isabelita, who was deposed in March 1976. This event followed from the more significant ouster in July 1975 of her mentor Jose Lopez Rega, the original fascist architect of the P-2/Italian terrorist presence in Argentina. The Argentinian army was responsible for both ousters, each of which followed a visit by Helms or his aides. The presence on the 1975 Helms delegation of two other associates (Victor Fediay and J. Evetts Haley), and the subsequent involvement of Daniel Graham, may help explain why the relatively inexperienced Senator from North Carolina (he had been elected in 1972) would involve himself in an Argentinian military takeover. In 1975 Fediay (a Russian emigre and prewar Polish fascist) and Haley (a Texas rancher) had just helped with Richard Allen to broker a request (which was eventually turned down) for U.S. backing behind a Eurofascist secessionist coup in the Azores (sponsored by the so-called Aginter-Presse intelligence service, with which delle Chiaie was affiliated). One can imagine that the message to the Argentine military was similar: the U.S. could support a military take-over, perhaps even death squads and terrorists like delle Chiaie, but only if the Lopez Rega connection to the newly forming Fascist International in 1975 was eliminated. This U.S.-Argentine connection in 1975-76 (Helms, Molina, Hamrick, Richard Stone, and Daniel Graham) would become the hard core Reagan-Sandoval-contra connection after 1980. We have seen how Graham and Singlaub assured Guatemalans in 1979 that "Mr. Reagan recognizes that a good deal of dirty work needs to be done. It was Helms who (after his aide John Carbaugh met d'Aubuisson at the September 1980 CAL Conference) received Sandoval's protege d'Aubuisson on an illegal visit in December 1980. (Since that time Carbaugh has worked closely with Mario Sandoval Alarcon's nephew, Carlos Midence Pivaral, to fashion a more marketable and "Republican" image for d'Aubuisson's new party, ARENA.)"

April 22, 1981, New York Times, 'Behind Senator Helms, A Cherubic Assistant Reigns': "His name does not appear on any of the walnut doors that line the corridors of the two Senate office buildings, nor has he ever voted ''yea'' or ''nay'' in the Senate chamber. But John E. Carbaugh might just as well be called a senator, for his influence has come to rival many of that institution's more visible elected members. Mr. Carbaugh, whose official title is foreign policy adviser to Senator Jesse Helms, Republican of North Carolina, underscores a fact of political life that is little known outside of Washington, namely that through persistence, contacts, shrewdness and legislative expertise Senate aides can exert power that far surpasses their official rank and salaries. ... Examples of his influence abound: - He was a major force in the decision of the State Department and the White House last month to cut off aid to Nicaragua, despite concerns among policy makers that termination of aid might alienate Nicaragua from the United States, according to White House and State Department officials. - He persistently lobbied the White House and the State and Defense Departments to win appointments to key policy posts for conservatives, including Fred C. Ikle, former chief of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency under Presidents Ford and Nixon, who has been named Under Secretary of Defense for policy, according to the same officials. - Acting on behalf of Senator Helms he has opposed the appointments of individuals viewed as too liberal or too close to former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger. His political pressure is said to have contributed to the long delays in White House nominations of dozens of officials in defense and foreign policy jobs."

March 24, 2006, Washington Post, 'Helms Foreign Policy Adviser John Carbaugh, 60': "John Carbaugh, 60, once an adviser to Sen. Jesse Helms and a leading member of the senator's "shadow State Department" that actively promoted foreign policies with a highly anti-communist edge, died March 19 at the Cleveland Clinic. He had a brain aneurysm and a staph infection. Although little known to the public, Mr. Carbaugh had considerable clout on Capitol Hill while working for Helms (R-N.C.) as a foreign policy adviser from 1974 to 1982. Now retired, Helms was a powerful member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and was often angry with the direction of U.S. foreign policy when it appeared to differ from his stark anti-communism. Mr. Carbaugh and other aides were often dispatched to report back to Helms about a country's political situation. Latin America became a focal point, with Mr. Carbaugh once saying President Jimmy Carter was carrying on a "dangerous flirtation" with leftist regimes there. Mr. Carbaugh conveyed political support to right-leaning dictators and candidates, many with severely criticized human rights records, such as Roberto D'Aubuisson in El Salvador and Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua. Journalist Roy Gutman wrote in the 1988 book "Banana Diplomacy" that Mr. Carbaugh influenced the Republican Party platform toward supporting the "contra" guerrillas fighting the Marxist Sandinista rulers in Nicaragua. "I have no apologies for what we did because we were fighting totalitarianism and communism," Mr. Carbaugh later told a North Carolina reporter. "Helms was very useful to the U.S. government because as a so-called right-winger, when he said something, the conservatives in Latin America or South Africa listened to him." Speaking about Mr. Carbaugh, Helms once told the New York Times: "Every now and then I have to rein him in a bit, but I'd rather have someone creative and an activist on my staff than someone who sits around waiting for instructions. He has some influence, and he makes life tough for some people. But I'm proud of him for it. That's part of the game." In perhaps his most audacious move, Mr. Carbaugh and another aide traveled to England in 1979 during negotiations to settle the civil strife in the British colony of Rhodesia, soon to become Zimbabwe. There was a minor uproar at the State Department when Helms's employees reportedly passed word to outgoing Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith to "hang on" and not surrender many rights of the white community. According to news reports, Mr. Carbaugh and an associate said the United States would lift sanctions against Rhodesia regardless of the outcome at the London talks. This was said to have complicated diplomatic negotiations and led Secretary of State Cyrus Vance to protest the aides' interference. In 1982, Mr. Carbaugh quietly left Helms's office amid media attention about funding for the political trips abroad. Many were subsidized by tax-exempt conservative institutes of which he and Helms were officers. One group, the Institute of American Relations, was heavily funded by the oil heir Nelson Bunker Hunt. Mr. Carbaugh served on several Reagan-era presidential task forces and, until his death, had a lucrative business offering strategic advice to foreign trading companies, particularly in Japan. John Edward Carbaugh Jr., an Oakton resident, was born in Greenville, S.C., on Sept. 4, 1945. He was a 1967 graduate of Sewanee -- the University of the South in Tennessee and a 1973 graduate of the University of South Carolina law school. Early on, he was an aide to Sen. Strom Thurmond (R-S.C.). After joining Helms's staff, Mr. Carbaugh worked to oppose the Panama Canal and strategic arms limitation treaties. He encouraged Helms to hold up executive-branch nominations of those whose political convictions both men questioned as insufficiently conservative. Mr. Carbaugh was part of the Reagan transition team at the State Department. Although he sought a prominent diplomatic posting, Secretary of State Alexander Haig offered him the American ambassadorship in Paraguay. "I am deeply honored," he said he told Haig, "but I can serve the country better on Capitol Hill than in Paraguay." Although Mr. Carbaugh could be condescending toward those who veered from his political beliefs, many found him an amusing meal companion. He enjoyed blunt debate with such liberal columnists as Mary McGrory, and he found Jack Anderson useful at times for leaks. "This town is full of vaulting egos," Mr. Carbaugh once told The Washington Post. "It takes a certain amount of self-confidence to live here. Anyway, if I'm just 10 percent as effective as my critics claim I am, I'm happy." His marriage to Carol Ligon Carbaugh ended in divorce."

December 16, 1983, New York Times, 'Foreign affairs; Left Hand Right Hand': "For years now, U.S. foreign policy in Central America has been undermined by private or semi-private U.S. groups encouraging the extreme right to disregard official Washington warnings. A senior State Department official said not long ago that it must be dreadfully confusing for the local politicians. They are told publicly that the U.S. supports democracy and reforms, and opposes death squads and wanton murder of peasants. But then they hear whispers from Americans who seem influential that all this talk is for public consumption, and that the U.S. backs anyone who fights Communists. The contradiction is widely known in Washington. The private activities probably violate the Logan Act, passed in 1799 and still on the books. It forbids unauthorized U.S. citizens to deal with foreign governments in an attempt to influence foreign policy, which well-placed people were already trying to do in the earliest days of the Republic. Aaron Burr was an example. The act is considered virtually unenforceable now. But there are disturbing signs that private involvement in covert actions has substantially expanded well beyond political and economic measures, exemplified by the I.T.T. in Chile before the Pinochet coup, to paramilitary activities. Whether or not this subverts U.S. policy depends on what the policy really is. In any case, such involvement shields participants from the legal oversight mandated for specially cleared Congressional committees. According to Adm. Stansfield Turner, former C.I.A. Director, it also probably blocks C.I.A. control once operations are launched, risking runaway disasters. There is an argument in Washington about whether the Administration is deliberately disguising an attempt to overthrow the Sandinista Government in Nicaragua and help the far right elsewhere, or whether it is lax in reining in its own supporters. John Carbaugh, the busy former aide to Senator Jesse Helms, said flatly that the C.I.A. was totally in charge, sometimes through private contracts or by accepting ''contributions.'' These seem to include planes and possibly U.S. mercenaries sent to perform sabotage. Mr. Carbaugh has intimate knowledge of devious moves in Central America, but he doesn't hide his contempt for what the C.I.A. is doing. Philip Taubman and Jeff Gerth of The New York Times recently tracked several privately owned American planes involved in secret operations, but they haven't been able to pinpoint the source of the orders or the money. Argentine soldiers helped train ''contras'' in Honduras and plan attacks in Nicaragua before the Falkland war, but they are no longer available, Congressional sources say. The U.S. military and paramilitary network is now expanding through the region. The Administration says it endorses the efforts of the Latin Contadora group to demilitarize Central America and promote negotiated settlements. But U.S. actions cast doubt on the declarations, even as Henry Kissinger and his commission tour the area preparing to recommend huge sums of economic aid to evolve moderate regimes interested in negotiating. It is easier to see the political underpinning for the conflicting drive to the right. There are conservative ''think tanks'' in the Washington area that make a point of having good relations with such ultras as Salvador's Roberto D'Aubuisson and Guatemala's Mario Sandoval Alarcon, who are officially shunned by the U.S. because of their murderous reputations. Among them are the Council on Inter-American Security, the American Security Council, and the National Strategic Information Center, the last organized in the 1960's by William Casey, now C.I.A. Director. Retired U.S. military officers and former C.I.A. officials are among their active members. They travel to Central America, and arrange high-level meetings for their friends when they come to Washington. These sessions are then used by the Latins to spread word that they have confirmed secret U.S. Government backing, despite public denunciations. U.S. ambassadors have confided that they are powerless to reverse the impact. If the policy is what the Administration announces, to promote moderate, democratic regimes capable of social and economic development that will head off Communist advance, then it is being flouted by its servants and friends. If that is only lip service, it is not only deceiving the country and wasting a lot of money, it is compounding the danger. The jungle of intrigue, undercover attacks and provocation has helped make Central America the mess it is. There have been no successes. More militarization, in collusion with corporations, covert or open with U.S. troops, diminishes the prospects of both security and freedom. Mr. Kissinger should take the hidden side into account in his report."

September 22, 1985, Washington Post, 'A Vanguard For the Right; Activists Promote A New Establishment': "Among the first acts of Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig Jr., on the second day of Reagan's first term, was the abrupt dismissal of the president's foreign policy transition team, which had been run by conservatives. The dominant figure on the team was John Carbaugh, then a foreign policy aide to Sen. Jesse Helms (R-N.C.), the New Right champion. Carbaugh compiled "hit lists" in black loose-leaf notebooks of ambassadors and Foreign Service officers he considered "unreliable," according to a former administration official who served on the transition team. By terminating the team, Haig was "sending a message to the FSOs that they shouldn't worry about these people," this source said. Helms, from his position on the Foreign Relations Committee, began delaying the confirmations of those he regarded as ideologically "unreliable." His aim was never mysterious: He would exchange these hostages for more movement appointments. Helms released Haig's appointees only after one of his own foreign policy aides, Richard T. McCormack, was named assistant secretary of state for economic affairs, according to a former administration official. (McCormack is now ambassador to the Organization of American States.) In 1982, a self-selected gathering of influential conservatives convened in a private dining room in the rear of the Brasserie restaurant, across the street from the Heritage Foundation. Their agenda included remedying the movement's isolation from the State Department. Among those present was CIA Director William J. Casey, who had been present at the movement's creation: He was the lawyer who incorporated National Review back in 1955. James L. Buckley, the former New York senator, as committed to the cause as his brother William, soon to be appointed president of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, was there. So was Anthony Dolan, the president's rhetorician, who had been recommended for his job by William Buckley. (The idea for the meeting was Dolan's.) Also present was Frank Shakespeare, chairman of RKO and chairman of Heritage, a quietly ubiquitous figure who turns up at virtually all the movement's most important functions, from weddings to seminars. Shakespeare, who was director of the U.S. Information Agency in the Nixon administration, has been "responsible for many, many conservatives getting jobs," according to a top administration official. (Shakespeare was named this year to serve as U.S. ambassador to Portugal -- a plum, if a small one.) Fred Ikle, Scott Thompson, then associate director of USIA, and Edwin Feulner, president of the Heritage Foundation, joined the meeting, too. The assembled informally called themselves "The Group." "Inevitably, the personnel problem at the State Department came up," Dolan said in an interview. After two years of Brasserie lunches, The Group disbanded, having failed to breach the State Department walls. "The State Department," said Dolan, "will be the last citadel precisely because conservatives have been slow at gaining foreign policy credentials. Foreign Service bashing is silly. We need to learn from them.""

ON HELMS:

February 8, 1981, New York Times, 'Thunder from the right': "Helms's role in the Senate serves a number of political purposes. ''If Helms stakes an ultraconservative position,'' remarks one conservative Senator's aide, ''that draws the whole spectrum to the right. Helms is like a kind of insurance. You might have a burglar alarm that goes off too often. But at least it works when you need it.'' Even Helms's ideological ally James McClure admits that, ''There are times when, whether it's (liberal) Howard Metzenbaum or Jesse Helms, you wish they weren't out there playing their own game. But you have to have the radicals of the left and the right so you'll know where the center is.'' So one of Helms's obvious roles in the New Right is to set what the columnist George Will calls ''the outer limit of conservative activism.'' Helms's hand is also felt on foreign-policy issues, especially in Latin America and Africa. It is in the third world that Helms sees creeping Communism presenting the gravest peril to American survival. He unleashes his well-traveled aides, James Lucier, John Carbaugh and Richard McCormack, as watchdogs of international conservatism wherever he feels Western interests are threatened. This has meant lending support to the white-minority regimes in South Africa, Namibia (South-West Africa) and in Rhodesia before it became Zimbabwe. Helms calls them ''the only footholds we had left in Africa against Communism.'' Does he see Zimbabwe as merely a pawn in the East-West game? ''Right,'' he replies. Latin America, too? ''Right.'' Any hope today for Zimbabwe? ''We just talked Rhodesia into Page 84 the garbage dump. That country's gone.'' Helms created an international incident in 1979 when he sent Carbaugh and Lucier to London to monitor the talks that led to the transfer of power from Ian Smith's regime to the black leader Robert Mugabe. Helms's aides were accused of disrupting the negotiations by trying to give support to Smith and his black surrogate, Bishop Abel Muzorewa. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance stormed to Capitol Hill to lodge a protest with Frank Church, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (''the only time I've ever seen Cy Vance truly angry,'' said one person present). Vance claimed that the British had officially complained of interference by Lucier and Carbaugh, which perhaps was an overstatement. Helms, though, was prepared: ''I called Maggie Thatcher. She didn't know anything about it.'' ''Jesse's got his own foreign policy,'' is how Wisconsin's William Proxmire sums it up. Though Helms had virtually never been abroad before joining the Senate in 1972, and has never traveled with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee since joining it two years ago, he is now in a position to make his anti-Communist foreign-policy views felt. In the new Congress, he has been named chairman of the Subcommittee for Hemispheric Affairs because, he says, ''If we don't start getting things straight with our own hemisphere, starting with Canada, Mexico and all the way south, our own stability is in jeopardy.'' Helms occasionally travels abroad at the expense of one of the four ''educational,'' tax-free institutes his aides have founded in Washington. Most of these trips have been to conservative countries like Taiwan or to those with right-wing military dictatorships, such as Brazil, Chile, Argentina and Uruguay. During such visits, Helms operates independently of the American Embassy ''except for a courtesy call on the way out of town.'' He collects data in support of the right-wing cause or to discredit such deposed - or assassinated - socialists as Salvador Allende of Chile. ''He was a moral bum,'' says Helms. ''He ruined the country, its economy. He kept a mistress out at a country place.'' Helms is known for having his own pipelines, independent of other members of the Foreign Relations Committee, to hawkish dissenters at the Defense Department and the C.I.A. who keep him abreast of creeping moderation in the national-security establishment. ''Sometimes the committee would meet in executive session for a topsecret briefing,'' remembers one person present, ''and you could tell Helms already knew the stuff. It was embarrassing.'' No matter what the issue, one is almost certain to find the hand of the far right's Horatius stirring things up. ''He's the Ted Kennedy of the right,'' says one detractor, who nonetheless admires his political skill. ''He gets into everything.'' If the 1980 election was Jesse Helms's personal moment of triumph after years as a senatorial lone wolf, and if the New Right generally saw it as a turning point, 1981 has already had its disappointments. The unswerving Helms-McClure faction was outraged when Ronald Reagan appointed a Cabinet that only partially fulfilled conservative hopes. David Stockman at the Office of Management and Budget, John Edwards as dismantler of the Department of Energy, James Watt as an Interior Secretary who regards many environmentalists as ''obstructionists,'' General Haig at State and the Democratic neoconservative Jeane Kirkpatrick at the United Nations -these were their kind of people. But managerial wizard Weinberger at Defense, former Wall Street broker Donald Regan at Treasury, especially Terrel Bell at Education, where he was making noises about maybe not abolishing the department - these were disappointments. The conservatives have ways (beyond opposing appointees) to hold Ronald Reagan's feet to the fire. For example, Helms constantly invokes Mr. Reagan's name to hold him to issues the new President may now want to avoid. On the day Helms reintroduced his bill for a constitutional amendment banning abortion, he told a cheering rightto-life assemblage, ''If I know Ronald Reagan, he's not backing down. And, for what it's worth, neither is Jesse Helms.'' Mr. Reagan, who showed himself through his appointments to be a more pragmatic compromiser than some conservatives had expected, may not see it this way. ''There isn't going to be an abortion amendment, and Helms knows it,'' explains one activist in the Reagan-Bush campaign. ''You'd see lawlessness in this country to make Prohibition look like a picnic.'' Sensing their slippage, Helms's forces fought back. Again there was talk of running him for Vice President in 1984, a reminder to George Bush to eschew the politics of his Eastern Establishment past. This Vice-Presidential threat is the same tactic used to force Bush's endorsement of the hard-line 1980 party platform, which Helms and his allies wrote, and about which Helms says he got ''99 percent of what I wanted.''"

Carlisle, Margo

Source(s): Cercle's 1982 Wildbad Kreuth and 1984 Bonn meeting lists; Adrian Hanni (also went in 1986)

Legis. assistant to Senator James A. McClure US Senate, Washington, 1973, staff member budget communications task force, 1974-75, executive director steering committee, 1975-80; staff director Senate Rep. Conference, 1981-84; executive director Council for National Policy, 1985-86; assistant secretary for legis. affairs US Department Defense, 1986-89; vice president for government relations The Heritage Foundation, 1989-90; chief staff to Senator Thad Cochran US Senate, 1991-97; consultant National Security, 1997-98; commissioner Commission to Assess the Organization of Federal Government. Staff director national security and foreign policy subcoms. for Rep. platform, 1984, Washington. Trustee Philadelphia Society, Washington, 1987-88, 93—95, president, 1995-96; board advisors, Marine Corps University (Quantico), 1995-2006. Roman Catholic.

January 28, 1986, Washington Post, 'Talking Points; Proposal to Honor Savimbi Squelched': "New Pentagon Lobbyist . . . At the Pentagon one hears that Margo Carlisle, former executive director of the Senate's Republican Conference, is to be named assistant defense secretary for legislative affairs. As the Defense Department's chief lobbyist on Capitol Hill, Carlisle would be the highest-ranking woman at the Pentagon."

December 4, 1980, New York Times, 'Essay; The Madison Group': "On Jan. 4 of this year , a dozen men gathered in Room 607 of the Madison Hotel in Washingto n, D.C., to see what they could do to oust soft-liners from power. Most were about 35 years old; all were hawks in foreign policy and defense fields; all were present or former Congressional staffers; all had security clearances of top secret or higher. For students of Washington's underground ''power ronde,'' where old-boy networks are replaced by new-boy networks, which in turn are ousted by newer-boy networks, the bipartisan Madison Group - which met every other Friday for lunch to devise ways to bedevil, embarrass and defeat the doves in high places - offers a fascinating case study. The organizer was John Carbaugh, who had been press aide to Strom Thurmond, earned a law degree, and has served Jesse Helms since 1974. Carbaugh had helped orchestrate the blocking of SALT II ratification in 1979; he formed the Institute of American Relations, a tax-exempt foundation that netted a half-million dollars to finance a newsletter and later publish a book, ''A Program for Military Independence''; it also paid for lunches and trips for the Madison Group. Among the early members were Sven Kraemer, (Senator Tower's staff), Quentin Crommelin Jr. (Thurmond), Tidal McCoy (Garn), Richard Perle (ex-Jackson), William Schneider (Representative Kemp), Michel Pillsbury (Senate Steering), David Sullivan (Senator Gordon Humphrey), Jack Davis (Stone), Robert Andrews (Glenn), Mark Schneider (Garn), Angelo Cordevilla (Wallop), Margo Carlisle (McClure). The ''outsider'' was Charles Kupperman, of the Committee on the Present Danger, who later became informal liaison with Ronald Reagan's Richard Allen. The Madison Group was loose, inchoate, but effective in drawing issues - burying SALT II, challenging aid to Nicaragua's leftists, and above all increasing the defense budget. At the same time, some members excelled in channeling otherwise unobtainable information about U.S. weaknesses to like-minded members of the media. By combining legislative initiatives with news management, the Group imitated and countered the manipulation of its mirror-image in the Administration - the group of doves that John Carbaugh likes to call ''the Mondale mafia.'' Most of the time, the Madison Group operated as a separate locus of power, with the staffers' senators not fully knowing (or wanting to know) what their employees were doing. Thus, Carbaugh's operation can be viewed as (1) a cabal of ambitious, unsupervised ideologues out to grab power, or (2) a patriotic task force drawn together by a great issue - the dangerous drift of American security. ''We stole the doves' idea,'' explains Carbaugh today. In the 1976 interregnum, accommodationists shrewdly helped each other into second-level positions of policy formulation and operational influence. As a result, the dovish mindsets of William Miller, Richard Moose, David Aaron, Anthony Lake, David McGiffert, Roger Molander and Marshall Schulman reinforced one another and determined the Carter Administration's foreign-defense course, easily turning aside the half-hearted hawkishness of a Brzezinski. Today, the Madison Group seeks to follow that example. The Reagan Defense transition team is staffed by Carbaugh, Kraemer, McCoy, Perle and Bill Schneider; the Reagan Arms Control team has Pillsbury and Sullivan; the Reagan State Department team has Carbaugh and Perle, and the C.I.A. team has Cordevilla and Mark Schneider. The Group is ''in.'' The Mondale set is still fighting -Bill Miller of the Senate Intelligence Committee staff was able to get Barry Goldwater to fire a couple of the best Madison groupies, who were promptly rehired after the intercession of other members' senators. Now that they're triumphant, will the Madison Group cling together in power as well as those derided as the ''Mondale mafia''? Probably not: power's bells are breaking up that old gang of mine. Carbaugh and Pillsbury are frowning at each other on the issue of loyalty to Richard Allen; pro-Haig and anti-Haig lines are already being drawn; the outgoing network is seeding the media with horrific tales of the ''cabal,'' and some associates of Group members are still in such a leaky habit that The New York Times has been receiving copies of all transition memos even before the Reagan himuckeymucks do. Despite these cracks in what used to be a united front, the Madison Group -that newest-boy-network, plus Margo - will slot itself into the niche now occupied by its ideological adversary. That's healthy; when the voters speak, the bureaucracy should respond. The power ronde never ends. Even as I write, some of the more ambitious dov es are thinking of forming a group to get out the truth about what th e Madison Group does while in power. Good! They know where they ca n reach me."

November 9, 1995, National Journal, 'Staff Profile: Margo Carlisle': "You won't find Margo Carlisle, chief of staff to Sen. Thad Cochran, R-Miss., with the rest of Cochran's staff in the Russell Senate Office Building. Carlisle's office is situated on the labyrinthine Third Floor of the Capitol. The location is telling. An expert on Senate rules, Carlisle is usually on the Senate floor or at the joint House-Senate leadership meetings that take place almost directly below her office. ''It's a little different from what other chiefs of staff do,'' she said, ''because Sen. Cochran has explicitly put me in a leadership role.'' Cochran is the chairman of the Senate Republican Conference. Carlisle, a native Rhode Islander working at the time for a Boston publisher, became interested in politics on the day that a friend dragged her to a speech at Boston University by then- Sen. Barry Goldwater, R-Ariz. ''What he said seemed perfectly obvious to me,'' she recalled recently. And so she volunteered for Goldwater's ill-fated 1964 presidential campaign. In a sense, Carlisle's career in Washington has come full circle. In 1973 she went to work for Sen. James A. McClure, R- Idaho. She eventually became staff director of the Republican Conference, which McClure headed. When Cochran was elected chairman, he turned to Carlisle. And so, after stints at the Defense Department as assistant secretary for legislative affairs and at the Heritage Foundation as vice president for government affairs, Carlisle is once again working for the Senator who chairs the Republican Conference."

Casey, William

Source(s): June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour' (named as once a regular)

Irish-American catholic from Queens, born in 1913. Graduated from the Jesuit Fordham University in New York in 1934 and St. John's University School of Law in 1937. Also attended the Catholic University of America. After law school, he joined the Research Institute of America in Washington. Chairman of the board of editors of the Research Institute of America 1938-1949. Joined the Navy in 1943. In 1943, William Donovan, founding head of the OSS, hired Casey to organize the OSS secretariat. After that, he was sent to London and was soon managing the infiltration of Allied agents into Nazi Germany from there. At one point he had 150 agents reporting directly to him from occupied Europe. These included Richard Helms, like Casey, a later director of the CIA; and John Singlaub, a later Army general deeply involved in anti-communist warfare. Allen Dulles, William Colby, James Jesus Angleton, and David Bruce were among his OSS colleagues during WWII. December 17, 1986, Chicago Sun-Times, '...perhaps, but secrecy is vital to foreign policy': ""Great secrecy was necessary," Winston Churchill told a cheering Parliament, as he revealed the first Nazi surrender at the close of World War II, capitulation in Italy. It followed months of top-secret talks between German commanders and Office of Strategic Services "spy master" Allen Dulles, later the celebrated director of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Historians have suggested that Dulles' triumph, code-named Operation Sunrise, was diplomatically flawed, that excluding the Soviets from those meetings - for the sake of secrecy - triggered the initial distrust between Allies that led to the Cold War. But in [March] 1945, few Americans would have doubted that ending the fighting was worth a spat with "Uncle Joe" Stalin. Sunrise was a milestone in the annals of U.S. secret intelligence, marking the start of that postwar crypto-diplomacy twilight zone where secret agents often supplant striped-pants ambassadors. And William J. Casey was there, privy to the secret as one of the best and brightest of young OSS executives. Now, 40 years later, he is the latest of Dulles' unenviable successors as head of the CIA." After the war, Casey was offered senior jobs in U.S. intelligence, but turned them down because he thought he should establish his financial independence first. Developed his publishing business and thrived as a tax lawyer, making a personal fortune estimated at between $8 and $12 million, and earning a reputation as a corporate dealer willing to take almost any risk if the potential return was worth it. Published a series of about 20 books explaining the intricacies of complex legislation. Special counsel of the small business committee of the U.S. Senate 1947-1948. Associate general counsel at the European headquarters of the Marshall Plan 1948. Jean Monnet from France (and initial member of Le Cercle) was one of the key players here. Lecturer tax law New York University 1948-1962. Lecturer Practicing Law Institute of New York City 1950-1962. Co-founder of Capital Cities in 1954, together with Lowell Thomas (Pilgrims Society; friend of the Dulles brothers) and Thomas E. Dewey (Pilgrims Society; friend of the Dulles brothers). Later director of Capital Cities was Alger Chapman (Pilgrims; also close to Dulles brothers and Dewey). Thomas reportedly was also connected to Lansky's mafia. Capital Cities grew so powerful that it was able to buy the entire ABC TV network in 1985, which was ten times as big. Casey supposedly still had a significant interest in the company through a blind trust created when he became CIA director in 1981. Cap Cities/ABC was bought in 1996 by Walt Disney, who changed its name back to ABC. February 20-27, 1987 issue of The LA Weekly, 'The Seizing of the American Broadcasting Company by Andy Boehm': "Cap Cities was founded in 1954 by several men who were or would become prominent. Chief among them, and the principal players in the company, were famed explorer-newscaster [Lowell] Thomas; Tom Dewey... and William J. Casey, who was Cap Cities’ chief counsel and a member of its board of directors until 1981, when he joined the Reagan administration. He still owns $7.5 million in stock in the now-merged entity called CC/ABC, his largest holding. ... (Allen Dulles, a friend, wartime colleague and, rumor has it, business partner of Casey.) Lowell Thomas was a larger-than-life figure — an explorer, a broadcast personality, a film documentarist and a best-selling author. The Soviets long accused Thomas of also being an American intelligence agent because he often appeared with photographers and film crews at highly sensitive points of “communist versus the Free World” conflict. Thomas, though he had at minimum good journalistic connections in the U.S. intelligence community, always denied being a spook in the face of published articles questioning his activities. But he made no bones about his staunch anti-communist leanings. (He even appeared with John Wayne, Martha Raye and several U.S. generals in No Substitute for Victory, a denunciation of commie-coddling sponsored by the far-right John Birch Society.) Thomas lived in a New York state enclave for the rich where one of his neighbors was Thomas E. Dewey. (Another was Lawrence E. Walsh, later to become special prosecutor in the Iran-Contra affair.) ... Joining Dewey and the Murphy family in Cap Cities ownership were powerful New York GOP leader Alger Chapman and, for balance, John McGrath, who managed Democrat Averill Harriman’s New York gubernatorial races in the 1950s. ... Kohn has reported that both the CIA (via Dulles) and the Mafia (via Lansky) funneled money and valuable information to Dewey’s political campaigns as well as to Dewey’s protege, Richard Nixon, and to Nixon’s pal Florida Sen. George Smathers...Rolling Stone in 1977, after being legally challenged by Resorts, retracted a story that CIA Director Allen Dulles was majorly involved in the buyout. Quoting CIA sources, Kohn wrote that in 1958 Dulles gave Dewey and Thomas $2 million in CIA money to set up a front company." Partner in Hall, Casey, Dickler & Howley 1957-1971. Founded the National Strategy Information Center in 1962, with alleged CIA links, to push for increased military spending. Member General Advisory Committee on Arms Control 1970-1971. Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission 1971-1973. April 29, 1974, Time, 'Their Own Best Witnesses': "John Mitchell, 60, the former U.S. Attorney General, and Maurice Stans, 66, the former Secretary of Commerce, had in a measure won their gamble-though not necessarily their cases. They had indeed been their own best witnesses against the Government's charges that they had plotted to gain special favors in Washington for Financier Robert Vesco, 38, in exchange for the moneyman's secret $200,000 cash contribution to Richard Nixon's 1972 presidential campaign... It simply never occurred to him, insisted Mitchell, that Vesco had given the $200,000 in order to get help in his struggle with the Securities and Exchange Commission (which eventually charged Vesco and 41 associates with perpetrating a $224 million stock fraud)... Mitchell freely admitted, as the prosecution charged, that after Vesco's donation was received he set up a meeting between the financier's lawyer and William Casey, then head of the SEC." Undersecretary of State for Economic Affairs 1973-1974. Member of the Council on Foreign Relations since the 1970s. Member of the Atlantic Council of the United States. President of the Export-Import Bank of the U.S. 1974-1975. Member President Ford's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board 1974-1976. Member of the in 1976 revived Committee on Present Danger, a reactionary anti-communist think tank that included people like John F. Lehman, Clare Booth Luce, Paul H. Nitze, Richard Perle (friend of Brian Crozier, head of Le Cercle at that time), Richard Pipes, (a later associate of Crozier), Eugene Rostow, Admiral Elmo Zumwalt (former Chief of Naval Operations), George Shultz (Pilgrims), Richard Stilwell (Le Cercle), Richard Allen, Jeane Kirkpatrick (Cercle), and David Packard. Co-founder of the Jamestown Foundation in 1984, together with the Cercle member Donald Jameson. The Jamestown Foundation's purpose was to protect and sponsor a group of high-level international defectors as they travelled the United States speaking out against the tyranny of communism. Today, the Jamestown Foundation has three program areas: China, Russia/Eurasia, and Terrorism, and counts the involvement of Glen Howard (SAIC; DoD; National Intelligence Council; Mid-East and Central-Asia oil consultant), James Woolsey, Zbigniew Brzezinski (attended at least one Le Cercle meeting), Dick Cheney, and Frank Carlucci. Counsel at Rogers & Wells 1976-1981, the law firm that represented Wackenhut. Outside legal advisor to Wackenhut during this time. Campaign manager of Ronald Reagan in 1980. Robert Keith Gray, chair of Hill & Knowlton, the all-powerful (described by critics as a "secret government") Washington-based lobbying firm, was deputy director of communications in Reagan's 1980 presidential campaign. Gray reported directly to Casey. Sen. John DeCamp, 'The Franklin Cover-Up,' second edition, p.178-179: "Said to be Harold Anderson's [chair Larry King's Franklin Credit Union advisory board and part of Larry King's Nebraskan homosexual, pedophile, and ritual sacrifice ring] closest friend in Washington," Gray is also reportedly a specialist in homosexual blackmail operations for the CIA. Gray's own sexual proclivities were the subject of an article in the July-August 1982 issue of the The Deep Backgrounder, entitled "Reagan Inaugural Co-Chairman Powerful 'Closet Homosexual'?" The Deep Backgrounder tabloid featured exposes of homosexual networks in Washington, D.C.; its contributing editor was former CIA official Victor Marchetti. During the Watergate era, Robert Keith Gray served on the board of Consultants International, founded CIA agent Edwin Wilson [of Shackley's secret team]. When Wilson and fellow agent Frank Terpil got caught running guns abroad, Gray tried to deny his connection with Wilson. "Yet ten years before," according to Peter Maas' book Manhunt, "in a top secret Navy review of Wilson's intelligence career, Gray described Wilson as a person of 'unqualified trust,' with whom he'd been in contact 'professionally two or three times a month' since 1963." Sen. John DeCamp goes on to quote from the book 'Secret Agenda' of Jim Hougan: "According to fugitive ex-CIA officer Frank Terpil, CIA-directed sexual blackmailing operations were intensive in Washington at about the time of the Watergate scandal. One of those operations, Terpil claims, was run by his former partner, Ed Wilson. Wilson's base of operations for arranging trysts for the politically powerful was, Terpil says, Korean agent Ton Sun Park’s George Town Club. In a letter to the author, Terpil explained that ‘Historically, one of Wilson’s Agency jobs was to subvert members of both houses [of Congress] by any means necessary... Certain people could be easily coerced by living out their sexual fantasies in the flesh... A remembrance of these occasions [was] permanently recorded via selected cameras... The technicians in charge of filming. . .[were] TSD [Technical Services Division of the CIA]... The unwitting porno stars advanced in their political careers, some of [whom] may still be in office." Besides Terpil, affidavits written and signed by Col. Edward P. Cutolo (assassinated) and special forces soldier William Tyree (in jail for murdering his wife. Cutolo - his boss -, and others, confirm Tyree was framed) confirm part of this story. Cutolo and Tyree talked about Operation Watch Tower, one of the many government-sanctioned drug-importing operations (from Escobar's Colombia to Noriega's Panama, over sea), and Operation Orwell, which was a specific program to spy on politicians and other important people to make sure A) that no outsiders were aware of Operation Watch Tower B) that the Army would have advance warning if anyone might want to expose the operation, and C) that some dirt could be gathered on those who might some day be in a position to expose Operation Watch Tower. Edwin Wilson was Cutolo's and Tyree's superior officer. Cutolo said something highly interesting in his affidavit: "I was notified by Edwin Wilson that the information forwarded to Wash. D.C., was disseminated to private corporations who were developing weapons for the Dept. of Defense. Those private corporations were encouraged to use the sensitive information gathered from surveillance on U.S. Senators and Representatives as leverage to manipulate those Congressmen into approving whatever costs the weapons systems incurred... As of the date of this affidavit, 8,400 police departments, 1,370 churches, and approx. 17,900 citizens have been monitored under Operation Orwell. The major churches targeted have been Catholic and Latter Day Saints [Mormons]... Per orders from Edwin Wilson, I did not discuss the implementation of Operation Orwell with my staff or others outside of the personnel assigned to surveillance. The only matter discussed with Operation Orwell personnel was what the SATs needed to know in order to carry out their mission. Certain information was collected on suspected members of the Trilateral Commission and the Bilderberg group... Among those that information was collected on were Gerald Ford and President Jimmy Carter. Edwin Wilson indicated that additional surveillance was implemented against former CIA director George Bush, who Wilson named as a member of the Trilateral Commission. I do not have personal knowledge that Ford, Carter, or Bush were under surveillance." According to the affidavit, Wilson was involved in parallel operations with people like Thomas Clines, Robert Gates and William Casey. Col. Cutolo expressed his concerns to superiors that Wilson was talking too much. A few years later Wilson ended up in jail. Cutolo ended up dead. Ton Sun Park, the owner of the George Town Club where Wilson ran his sexual blackmail scheme, was an associate of radical cult leader Sun Myung Moon. October 31, 1978, a report printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations, 'Investigation of Korean-American Relations': "During 1976, the subcommittee also received information about an apparent attempt by Moon and his followers--along with Tong-sun Park--to buy a controlling interest in the Diplomat National Bank (DNB), which opened in Washington D.C., in December 1975. Neil Salonen, president of the UC of America, was called to testify concerning this and other allegations. Salonen said he had bought DNB stock at the suggestion of Pak Bo Hi, but denied the UC was in any way involved in financing the DNB stock purchases." Moon has been a major anti-communist activist and is connected to all the reactionary elements within this movement, most notably those involved with the World Anti-Communist League. These include Cercle members Count Hans Huyn and Otto von Habsburg in Bavaria, Germany, Paul Vanden Boeynants in Belgium, and Arnaud de Borchgrave, Rev. Jerry Falwell, George Bush, John Singlaub, and many others in the United States. Moon has also been tied to sexual blackmail rings. December 20, 2002 issue of Executive Intelligence Review (EIR), 'The 'No Soul' Gang Behind Reverend Moon's Gnostic Sex Cult': "The sex is a specialty of Moon's own Gnostic "family" cult. Remember the Congressional Madam scandals of the 1970s, featuring Tong Sun Park and Suzy Park Thomson? That was just the tip of the iceberg of "The Reverend" Moon's sexual-favors operation. Military intelligence officers who investigated Unification Church operations in Washington in the 1970s and '80s, report that the recruitment device used on ranking, conservative political and military officials was to hold weekly orgies, arranged by Col. Bo Hi Pak, the Unification Church official who was a top officer of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA). The special treat at these affairs were the "Little Angels"—Korean schoolgirls brought over by Moon as a singing group. The photo files from these sessions are reported to be a powerful influence in certain circles to this very day." DeCamp again, p. 179-180: "Gray’s associate Wilson was apparently continuing the work of a reported collaborator of Gray from the 1950’s—McCarthy committee counsel Roy Cohn [of Permindex, according to EIR; and connections to Fascist International in Europe since the early 1950s], now dead of AIDS. According to the former head of the vice squad for one of America’s biggest cities, ‘Cohn’s job was to run the little boys. Say you had an admiral, a general, a congressman, who did not want to go along with the program. Cohn’s job was to set them up, then they would go along. Cohn told me that himself.’ The first president of Tong Sun Park’s George Town Club, where Wilson’s sexual blackmail operations were reportedly run, was Robert Keith Gray. The first president of Tong Sun Park's George Town Club [in Washington], where Wilson's sexual blackmail operations were reportedly run, was Robert Keith Gray. Gray maintained his intelligence connections during the Reagan Administration, according to an affidavit filed... by Daniel Sheehan for the Christic Institute. The affidavit states that when CIA chief Casey, national security adviser Robert McFarlane, and NSC staff member Lt. Col. Oliver North were devising a method to circumvent a congressional ban on arming the Contras, they turned to Gray and Company. Gray employee Rob Owen set up a private group to solicit funds for the Contras. Owen was called before Congress, to testify on how he delivered bags of cash to the Contras [in return for the dope?]. In February 1989, Hill and Knowlton's Charles Perkins rushed to New York, for a fraction of the firm's usual fee, to help with public relations for Covenant House. The youth organization's director, Father Bruce Ritter, was alleged to have molested youth who took refuge with him." Larry King (not the one from CNN), the person who headed the Nebraskan pedophile, homosexual, and ritual sacrifice ring, greatly admired Casey. September 7, 1988, interview of the Metropolitan with Larry King (as quoted by Sen. John DeCamp in his book 'The Franklin Cover-Up,' second edition, p.175): "I know some of the people I admire aren't very popular. Ed Meese. The late Bill Casey of the CIA. And I love former Chief Justice Burger [Pilgrims Society]. Those are the people I really like to talk to. Bill Casey... I just thought so very highly of him." On page 327 and 329, Sen. John DeCamp, who has claimed he is barred from discussion large portions of the Franklin Affair case, adds some more context: "Larry King, FBI agent Gerry Wahl, Alan Baer, Harold Andersen, and former Omaha Police Chief Robert Wadman have all been reported as collaborators with this Satanic military-based ring. King reportedly told Paul's captors at Offutt, "He's young-but you trained him good." A member of Nebraska's Concerned Parents group reported hearing from two North Omaha witnesses that "King used to send limousines down to Offutt Air Base to pick up CIA agents for parties." Larry King reported his own adoring relationship to the late CIA Director William Casey in a Sept. 7, 1988, interview in the Omaha publication Metropolitan... Paul Bonacci reports the following "Monarch"-related activities, often involving his "Commander" at Offutt AFB, Bill Plemmons, and Lt. Col. Michael Aquino..."Although most people who attended Larry King's parties, were not aware of his pedophile network, Casey seems to awfully close involved with this person and some of the accused. In fact, his working partner George Bush Sr. (Julie Walters report, p.12; DeCamp adds "This was not the last time that the name of George Bush would surface in the Franklin affair") has been named as a member of the homosexual pedophile ring while Reagan's daughter was also close to King. DeCamp, p. 55: "It was the most impressive party I had ever witnesses... The attendance by top politicians was remarkable... At the center of the excitement was Larry King. Draped over him like a blanket throughout the evening was a heavyset woman, who I learned was Maureen Reagan, the president's daughter... I got to wondering... how does he do this supposedly on a salary of $16 thousand a year?" The Franklin Credit Union scandal (which laundered money for the CIA) broke in November 1988. Within a year, in June 1989, a new scandal broke with close ties to the Franklin Credit Union and Larry King's pedophile/homosexual/ritual sacrifice network. Craig J. Spence, who seemed to have had the same clandestine job as Larry King, albeit in Washington instead of Nebraska, was investigated for illegally having organized a midnight White House tour and for running a pedophile/homosexual extortion network. Casey is known to have attended parties of Spence. Also, later on, Spence would have remarked just before his death that "Casey's boys" were after him. June 30, 1989, Washington Times, 'Power broker served drugs, sex at parties bugged for blackmail': "Craig J. Spence, an enigmatic figure who threw glittery parties for key officials of the Reagan and Bush administrations, media stars and top military officers, bugged the gatherings to compromise guests, provided cocaine, blackmailed some associates and spent up to $20,000 a month on male prostitutes, according to friends, acquaintances and records... The man, a business associate of Mr. Spence who was on the White House tour [arranged by Spence and attended by two male prostitutes], said: "He was blackmailing people. He was taping people and blackmailing them."... After arriving in Washington in the late 1970s, Mr. Spence was hosting parties during the early Reagan years attended by, among others... former CIA Director William Casey [and] Gen. Alfred M. Gray [named by Kay Griggs as one of the top players in a network of criminal covert ops and sexual blackmail], the commandant of the Marine Corps... The businessman said this week that he did not know exactly what work Mr. Spence did, but that he often bragged about his contacts with Japanese businessmen and political leaders, particularly Mr. Nakasone. He described Mr. Spence as "strange," saying that he often boasted that he was working for the CIA... The businessman also said he attended a birthday bash for Roy Cohn at Mr. Spence's house. He said Mr. Casey was at the party." Roy Cohn, as an aide to Senator Joseph "reds under the bed" McCarthy, was accused in the early 1950s as an associate of the post-WWII Fascist underground of Skorzeny, Schacht, and Naumann while visiting Europe. Cohn, together with some members of the Fascist International, was later named by EIR as an initial director of Permindex, a corporation set up in 1958 which is suspected of having been a front organization in the planning of the John F. Kennedy assassination. As mentioned earlier, Cohn supposedly "ran the little boys". Arnaud de Borchgrave is also known to have attended a party at Spence's house. De Borchgrave, an intelligence-connected anti-communist radical and good friends with Sun Myung Moon, is a descendant of an obscure Belgian noble family. An unknown member of this family has coincidentally been named by one of the Belgian X-File witnesses, who came out in the aftermath of the Dutroux affair. Count Alexandre de Marenches, a good friend of Casey and Vernon Walters, is a cousin of the De Borchgrave family. November 13, 1989, Washington Times, 'In death, Spence stayed true to form': "Craig J. Spence, the once-powerful lobbyist who entertained and influenced Washington's elite, died Friday... On a mirror in Room 429 of the Ritz Carlton Hotel, Mr. Spence on Friday left his final enigma in the form of a suicide note... During the past few weeks, Mr. Spence told several friends that the call-boy operation was being investigated by the U.S. Attorney's Office and other federal authorities as a possible CIA front. He told the friends that the CIA used the service to compromise other federal intelligence officials and foreign diplomats... One friend quoted him as saying, "Casey's boys are out to get me," an apparent reference to former CIA Director William Casey, now deceased. Mr. Casey and Mr. Spence were friends, and the former CIA director attended parties hosted by the former lobbyist... During a lengthy interview at a Manhattan apartment in August, Mr. Spence frequently alluded to deep mysteries. "All this stuff you've uncovered (involving call boys, bribery and the White House tours), to be honest with you, is insignificant compared to other things I've done. But I'm not going to tell you those things, and somehow the world will carry on." February 2, 1990, Washington Times, 'Prostitutes corroborate Frank stories': "Penthouse magazine's anxiously awaited account of sexual adventuring by congressmen quotes a female prostitute as corroborating Steven L. Gobie's earlier story that Rep. Barney Frank knew Gobie was operating a bordello in the congressman's Capitol Hill apartment... The magazine [Penthouse] said Mr. Spence had agreed to "provide lurid details of Washington's bisexual wonderland." But before the interview could occur, Mr. Spence committed suicide in Boston on Nov. 10... According to Gobie, Mr. Spence told him, "Do you know what kind of power you can have over people if you've got something on them? . . . I need boys and girls for people in government and high-level businessmen for my parties, for individuals, for whatever comes up." The magazine quoted Gobie as saying Mr. Spence was "the most dangerous man I'd ever met. If he hadn't turned into such a crackhead, he could have blackmailed half this town. He used to say, 'Hey, foreign intelligence agencies are doing it.'" Casey is known to have visited Bohemian Grove camp Mandalay around 1980. Important adviser to Reagan 1981-1987. Director CIA 1981-1987. In the early 1980s, Casey was able to funnel almost $200,000 to Brian Crozier, the former head of Le Cercle who undermined the Labour government of Harold Wilson, for his 61 efforts. Crozier met with Casey, a member of Le Cercle, on several occasions during this time period. Casey and Oliver North supposedly never told Crozier about the Iran Contra affair, or drug imports for that matter. Spartacus Schoolnet: "On 16th March, 1984, William Francis Buckley, a diplomat attached to the U.S. Embassy in Beirut was kidnapped by the Hezbollah, a fundamentalist Shiite group with strong links to the Ruhollah Khomeini regime. Buckley was tortured and it was soon discovered that he was the CIA station chief in Beirut. Buckley had also worked closely with William Casey in the secret negotiations with the Iranians in 1980. Buckley had a lot to tell his captors. He eventually signed a 400 page statement detailing his activities in the CIA. He was also videotaped making this confession. Casey asked Ted Shackley for help in obtaining Buckley’s freedom... The following month, Ted Shackley traveled to Hamburg where he met General Manucher Hashemi, the former head of SAVAK’s counterintelligence division at the Atlantic Hotel... At the meeting Shackley told Hashemi and Ghorbanifar that the United States was willing to discuss arms shipments in exchange for the four Americans kidnapped in Lebanon. The problem with the proposed deal was that William Francis Buckley was already dead (he had died of a heart-attack while being tortured). Ted Shackley recruited some of the former members of his CIA Secret Team to help him with these arm deals." Besides arms shipments in return for the hostages, the Republicans of the Reagan team, including Casey and Bush Sr., also arranged with the Iranians to have the hostages released after the US elections, as this would almost certainly guarantee that Jimmy Carter would lose. This scandal would be called the October Surprise. Rodney Stich, 'Those Ugly Americans: 20th and 21st Centuries', p. 108 & 137: "One of the key meetings [of Iran Contra and the October Surprise conspiracy] occurred at the PepsiCo International Headquarters building in Barcelona, Spain in late July 1980. One of my CIA sources was present with Casey at that meeting, arranging for procurement and shipment of the arms from various European locations to Iran via Israel. The final meeting occurred in Paris on the October 19, 1980, weekend... Salinger described his conversations with respected American journalist, David Andelman, who was the ghostwriter of the 1992 memoirs of Alexandre de Marenches, French spy chief [and friend of Gen. Vernon Walters; and like Casey and Walters, a member of SMOM; Arnaud de Borchgrave is related to one of De Mareches' Belgian cousins]. At Salinger’s request, Andelman asked Marenches about the alleged Paris meetings involving Casey and Bush. Salinger wrote in his book, “Andelman came back to me and said that Marenches had finally agreed [that] he organized the meeting, under the request of an old friend, William Casey.... Marenches and Casey had known each other well during the days of World War II. Marenches added that while he prepared the meeting, he did not attend it.” Andelman testified to this admission before the House October Surprise task force in December 1992, but as with other creditable witnesses, this testimony was ignored so as to deny the existence of this crime." Casey modeled himself on the likes of Allen Dulles and John McCone (Bohemian Grove camp Mandalay), who ran things in the 1950s and early 1960s before serious questions were raised about the morality of covert action on a global scale. He thought Walter Bedell Smith, Allen Dulles, John McCone, Richard Helms, and George Bush were all great CIA directors. Bobby Ray Inman (director ONI; director DIA; director NSA; director Wackenhut; director SAIC) was his deputy director at the CIA in 1981 and 1982. He resigned in 1982 after a heated dispute with Casey (and Sharon) about limiting Israel's access to satellite data from locations over 250 miles from Israel itself. Inman was afraid that Israel would set the Middle-East on fire and Caspar Weinberger (Pilgrims Society executive in late 1980s and 1990s) supported this notion. According to Watergate journalist Carl Bernstein, Casey gave Pope John Paul II unprecedented access to CIA intelligence, including spy satellites and agents. In a 2006 interview Inman claimed that Casey intensely disliked George Bush, Sr. In 1981, Casey was called upon to co-ordinate the Polish Crisis where the Solidarity movement had risen up against the Soviet regime. This movement was largely organized by Opus Dei and funded through Calvi's (and Pesenti's) Banco Ambrosiano (according to Calvi, to the tune of $1 billion over several years). As a member of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta, Casey immediately decided to fly to Rome, together with co-SMOM members general Alexander Haig (Pilgrims Society executive) and general Vernon Walters. Unfortunately for Casey, he was under investigation by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and couldn't go. Instead, he send Vernon Walters who visited the Vatican about a dozen times in the next five months. Walters arranged for Reagan to meet the Pope in June 1982. During the same time, Alexander Haig and William Clark were conferring with Cardinal Casaroli (Pro-Opus Dei, if not a member; Vatican Secretariat of State during the 1980s; seen by Calvi as one of his enemies and Calvi supposedly had "compromising documents" on him; appointed the "three wisemen" in July 1982 to "investigate" the Vatican Bank's dealings with Calvi's Banco Ambrosiano. Among the three was former UBS chair and white collar criminal Philippe De Weck) and Archbishop Achille Silvestrini (under-secretary of Casaroli) in another part of the Vatican. Casey couldn't attend these meetings too, as Israel had just invaded Lebanon. On other occasions Casey would rarely visit Europe or the Middle-East without first stopping in Rome for a meeting with the Pope. Casey loved to take foreign policy advise from Cardinal John J. Krol, Archbishop of Philadelphia; Cardinal Terence Cooke of New York, the successor of Cardinal Francis Spellman and the Grand Protector and Spiritual Advisor of the Military Order of Malta; Archbishop (later Cardinal) Pio Laghi, former the Vatican's top man in Buenos Aires. All of these Cardinals were strong Opus Dei supporters. Casey, with support of the Vatican, harnessed radical Islam to counter the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. This way he hoped to contain the Soviets in the Hindu Kush mountains while the radical Muslims would be too busy to turn on some of the Middle-East dictators sponsored by the West. He convinced the Saudis to largely bankroll this operation. Under Casey the CIA supplied the Mujahedin with 30mm anti-tank guns, .50 caliber sniper rifles (provided with a self-destructive round if the gun was to be left behind), special forces Parapoint systems, Stinger anti-aircraft missiles, and training courses by ISA and Delta Force special forces. With the British MI6 and Pakistani ISI, the CIA agreed to mount guerilla actions in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The Afghan opposition leader with whom these operations were coordinated was Gulbuddin Hikmetyar. Casey also committed the CIA to support an ISI operation that recruited Muslims from all over the world to come to Pakistan and fight with the Mujahedin in Afghanistan. December 13, 2003, The Guardian, 'Smart money' (a combined review of Loretta Napoleoni's 'Modern Jihad: Tracing the Dollars Behind the Terror Networks' and Jeffrey Robinson's 'The Sink: Terror, Crime and Dirty Money in the Offshore World'): "William Casey, Reagan's CIA chief, used Pakistan and its BCCI bank as fronts to train Afghan rebels against the Soviets. Covert operations required a "black network" within the bank and its state equivalent, the notorious ISI. The bank financed and brokered covert arms deals, complete with full laundry service. The short and logical step from there was a BCCI/ISI/CIA move into drug smuggling to feed the needy, and leaky, money pipeline to the Mujahedin. The Pakistan-Afghan connection became the biggest single supplier of heroin to the US, meeting 60% of demand, with annual profits a stratospheric $100-$200 billion." The BCCI was set up by Agha Hasan Abedi of the obscure and elite 1001 Club, mainly tied to the financial interests in London. The shady MI6 operative, Privy Counsellor, and Cercle chairman Julian Amery was an advisor to the BCCI. His protege Jonathan Aitken, the follow-up chair of Le Cercle, has been accused of massive illegal arms with the Saudis. 2002 (third edition), John Cooley, 'Unholy Wars', p. 110-111: "With President Reagan and CIA Director William Casey, a new era began. On January 21, 1982, the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) which had largely avoided drug matters, was plunged squarely into them. Attorney-General William French Smith announced that the FBI, instead of the DEA, would henceforth control anti-drug campaigns inside the United States. This effectively ended hitherto secret cooperation between the two services. It moved the DEA, which was struggling to control drug trafficking both inside and from outside the United States, further away from the main power centers in the Afghanistan war: President Reagan’s National Security Council (NSC) and Casey’s CIA. Casey was now able secretly to engineer an exemption, sparing the CIA from a legal requirement to report on drug smuggling by CIA officers, agents or other “assets.” Attorney Smith granted exemption in a secret memorandum on February 11, 1982, two months after President Reagan had authorized covert CIA support for the Nicaraguan anti-Communist Contra army. Investigative work in Washington in the late 1990s has disclosed that Casey realized that the CIA would face a serious legal dilemma if federal law continued to require it to report drug smuggling by its agents. On March 2, 1982, Casey thanked Smith for the exemption which, Casey wrote, helped to protect intelligence sources and methods. After many details of CIA knowledge, if not control, of large-scale cocaine traffic from South America became public, President Clinton’s administration in 1995 quietly rescinded the CIA narcotics exemption. The Contra-cocaine issue arose again in 1996 with investigative articles by a reporter for a California newspaper. Despite CIA denials, the Agency’s inspector-general, Frederick P. Hitz, compiled a two-volume investigative report. He admitted that the CIA did indeed know about Contra drug trafficking and covered it up. The second volume reportedly was even more damning for the CIA, but at this writing it hasn’t been released." 2002 (third edition), John Cooley, 'Unholy Wars', p. 108-110: "All close observers of the war knew that the drug smugglers carried weapons into Afghanistan and took drugs back with them. Heroin laboratories began to spring up in the rear of the various Afghan battle­fronts... The Soviet account quotes the American Left-liberal magazine, Rolling Stone, reporting on a powerful narcobusiness network, including vast new fields of opium poppies on both sides of the Afghan-Pakistan border, created during the jihad. It was “complete with well-planned routes and a whole network of dozens of factories” to process the opium into morphine base and heroin. “Western experts” [names and nationalities unspecified] supervised creation of the labs in camps of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar’s [very radical and an associate of Bin Laden] group. However -and here, interestingly, the Russian view of the wartime drug traffic diverges from the Western one — “the real ‘King of Heroin,’” said Shvedov’s Russian team, “is considered to be Gaylani who has far surpassed Hekmatyar in narcobusiness and controls the overwhelming majority of the operations of the opium mafia.” The CIA, the Russians added, was working closely with both Hekmatyar and Gaylani... Sayad Ahmed Gaylani, called “Effendi Juan” by compatriots, headed the NIF [National Islamic Front of Afghanistan]. He was a wealthy Afghan aristocrat, supporter of the exiled king, Zahir Shah. Gaylani had a strong bent for business. In 1952 he married a woman of the royal dynasty, the Durranis. He wisely invested profits from holding the sales franchise for Peugeot cars in Kabul. At the same time, he kept the religious prestige attached to his descent from the Qadiriya brotherhood, one of the mystic Sufi orders of South Asian Islam... The Soviet intelligence report on Gaylani’s NIF found that it “has significant financial resources. Besides the aid from various foundations in the USA, Western Europe and Arab countries, it makes profit on selling drugs and exacting taxes from the population."" Gailani is, an American-educated commander, is one of more than a dozen Mujahedin rebel groups in Afghanistan. He's a Pashtun royalist seeking the return of King Mohammed Zahir Shah, who is in exile in Rome. September 30, 2001, Star Tribune, 'Drug trade filled coffers of Taliban, Bin Laden group': "Alfred McCoy, a professor of Southeast Asian history at the University of Wisconsin, said U.S. and Pakistani intelligence officials sanctioned the rebels' drug trafficking because of their fierce opposition to the Soviets. Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, a rebel leader who received $1 billion in covert CIA funds, was a major heroin trafficker, according to McCoy. Afghan opium production ballooned from 250 tons in 1982 to 2,000 tons in 1991." Earlier, it is known that the CIA, in collaboration with other US intelligence groups and special forces, was importing hundreds of tons of heroine in the US from the Golden Triangle in Shan Land, Burma. The money was largely laundered through the Nugan Hand Bank in Australia. Ted Shackley, Richard Armitage, and mafia boss Santos Trafficante were as those that handled the heroin coming from the Golden Triangle. William Colby, Casey, George Bush, and again Shackley were named in the Nugan Hand Bank affair. The far less well known follow-up of the Nugan Hand Bank was Bishop, Baldwin, Rewald, Dillingham and Wong (BBRDW). Rodney Stich, 'Those Ugly Americans: 20th and 21st Centuries', p. 342 & 343: "In March 1996, I acquired several boxes containing hundreds of CIA documents generated from the CIA’s secret operation in Hawaii, and within these boxes I found highly sensitive material, including notes that Rewald had made while the titular head of BBRDW. Certain notes and information provided to me by Rewald divulged CIA drug related activities, including drug money laundering. As I gathered from looking over the material and by talking with Rewald, he was unaware of much of the CIA activities originating out of BBRDW... Deeply imbedded in these documents was an envelope labeled “Lawyer- Client information.” The information was dynamite, divulging secret activities, including CIA drug trafficking, and CIA funding of secret overseas bank accounts for high U.S. officials. The information in this envelope included information from the “Green Book” that the CIA sought to get from Rewald while he was in the hospital recovering from the combination suicide and assassination attempt. The notes in the envelope listed high-level people with secret CIA-funded accounts. The names on the left side of the notes were the aliases Rewald used to identify the people on the right for which there were secret bank accounts opened and funded by the CIA through BBRDW.... Irwin M. Peach [=] George Bush... Mr. Bramble [=] George Bush... Mr. Branch [=] Richard Armitage... Mr. Denile [=] William Casey... Rewald‘s notes also indicated that fictitious names were used to hide money for B.K. Kim, Philippines’ President Ferdinand, and Imelda Marcos, among others." Rodney Stich, 'Those Ugly Americans: 20th and 21st Centuries', p. 340: "In November 1984, CIA Director William Casey complained to the Federal Communication Commission about the ABC television network for having aired a show featuring CIA agent Scott Barnes. In the television presentation Barnes said he was asked by two CIA agents in Honolulu to kill Ronald Rewald. This airing had the danger of revealing the CIA role in BBRDW and could expose an endless number of other covert CIA proprietaries and operations..." June 29, 1999, Michael Ruppert, 'Don't Blink!': "ABC's Peter Jennings, by the way, had been doing a series of investigative reports on the CIA drug bank (and successor to the Nugan Hand bank) Bishop, Baldwin, Rewald, Dillingham and Wong [BBRDW] when the buyout was initiated. Cap Cities (not surprisingly) secured SEC approval in record time and effectively and immediately silenced Peter Jennings who had previously refused to back down from Casey's threats. Thereafter ABC was referred to as "The CIA network." I have no doubt that the ABC "object lesson" was front and center for CNN founder Ted Turner and Time-Warner when Henry Kissinger, Colin Powell and (CIA vet) John Singlaub put the pressure on in the wake of April Oliver's 1998 "dead bang accurate" Sarin gas stories connecting CIA to the killing of American defectors." Rodney Stich, 'Those Ugly Americans: 20th and 21st Centuries', p. 326: "Parker said that [Michael] Hand [of Nugan Hand Bank] and Vice President George Bush were in frequent contact after Bush became vice president, and while Australian authorities were searching for Hand. Parker stated that CIA Director William Casey frequently met with Hand in Panama in the early 1980s concerning arms sales and drug trafficking. Parker stated that he and Hand took over one of the drug trafficking operations for the CIA in Central and South America. He said that Hand’s experience in developing the Golden Triangle drug operations for the CIA made him useful in expanding the drug operations from Central and South America into the United States...." Casey, like his CIA predecessors, worked closely with drug smuggler Manuel Noriega (trained at the School of the Americas, a US-based assassination school) from Panama and the different cocaine/heroine cartels, like Medellin and Cali. The profits were used for all kinds of black ops. January 28, 1990, Washington Post, 'The Case Against Noriega': "On Monday, November 14, 1983, Noriega's entourage took off for Washington... all expenses paid by the U.S. government. Almost two whole days, however, were set aside for the institutions that already had long-standing working relations with Noriega. At CIA headquarters in Langley, Noriega was swept off for a meeting with CIA Director William Casey. Back in Panama, Noriega would later boast about his four-hour lunch with Casey..." In 1988, Noriega fell out of favor in Washington after some disputes about drug and arms profits. Therefore the US invaded Panama and brought Noriega to trial on drug trafficking charges. Some important revelations were made during this trial. September 4, 1991, Washington Post, 'Noriega Defense Team Vows to Detail Secret U.S. Deals': "More than 20 months after he was toppled by a U.S. invasion, Manuel Antonio Noriega will go to trial on drug trafficking charges in federal court Thursday, and his defense lawyers vow to disclose new details about the former Panamanian dictator's secret dealings with the Central Intelligence Agency and high-level U.S. government officials... Court papers filed here describe Noriega as the CIA's "man in Panama" whose activities were conducted with the full consent and knowledge of the U.S. intelligence community for more than two decades... No written records tie Noriega directly to drug trafficking, prosecution sources said. But 60 to 80 government witnesses -- many of them convicted drug traffickers, arms dealers and other felons -- are expected to testify that he took multimillion-dollar payoffs from the Medellin drug cartel to turn his country into a "safe haven" for shipment of cocaine from Colombia to the United States... But most importantly, the motion describes Noriega's pivotal role in assisting CIA efforts to arm Nicaraguan contra guerrillas. Without citing new evidence, it calls that effort a "guns-for-drugs" policy in which drug-sale proceeds were used to finance shipment of arms to the contras. In addition, the filings -- with heavy deletions from the security officer -- allude to two meetings with Bush in 1976 and 1983 and numerous others with such figures as the late CIA director William J. Casey and former National Security Council aide Oliver L. North." August 23, 1991, The Miami Herald, 'Noriega: CIA, DEA OKd Deals': "Manuel Noriega says he had good reasons for allowing drugs and guns to slip through Panama: The last seven CIA directors, including George Bush, asked him to help with the guns, while four directors of the Drug Enforcement Administration sought his help on the drugs... The weapons shipments were destined for Nicaragua and Honduras, the papers said. Besides Bush, the CIA directors who asked Noriega to allow them to travel through Panama included Richard Helms, William Colby, James Schlesinger, Stansfield Turner, William Casey and William Webster... The DEA directors who purportedly asked Noriega to allow drugs to pass through his country included Terrance Burk, Francis Mullen, Jack Lawn and John Ingersoll... Diane Cossin, a spokeswoman for the U.S. attorney's office, said the prosecution will present evidence that links Noriega's BCCI money and drugs." June 24, 1985, Miami Herald: "Also involved in the anti-Sandinista [Contra] effort are several of Reagan's millionaire friends including beer tycoon Joseph Coors and industrialist J. Peter Grace... Grace spokesman Fred Bona said his boss "may have" asked the Central American chapters of the 900-year-old Knights of Malta order to help distribute privately collected humanitarian aid among Nicaraguan refugees. Grace heads the group's U.S. chapter. Former Treasury secretary William Simon and CIA Director William Casey also belong to the Knights of Malta. Simon and Grace declined comment on whether they had ever discussed with Casey alternate ways to help the contras. Simon heads the Nicaraguan Freedom Fund, a private aid group initially launched by the Unification Church-owned [Moonies] newspaper The Washington Times which received a letter from President Reagan dated May 30, 1985, expressing "wholehearted" support for its activity on behalf of the contras... While the contras get humanitarian aid from these groups, they rely mainly on retired Army Maj. Gen. John Singlaub and his World Anti-Communist League for private military aid." Celerino Castillo, 'Powderburns - Cocaine, Contras, & the Drug War': "The American Public would quickly lose interest in the Iran Contra scandal... Had they discovered our government hired and protected a squad of drug traffickers, and they gave them free passes into the U.S., the story might have ended very differently... My informants were perfectly placed... They fed me the names of Contra pilots. Again and again, those names showed up in the DEA database as documented drug traffickers. When I pursued the case, my superiors quietly and firmly advised me to move on to other investigations... I'll never forget Corr's [U.S. ambassador to El Salvador] response. "It's a White House operation, Cele. Stay away from it."" Cele, a high level DEA agent, was assigned to represent the DEA in El Salvador at the height of the Contra war. It was there that he began to record intelligence on how known drug traffickers, with multiple DEA files, used hangars four and five at Ilopango airfield to ferry cocaine north and weapons and money south. Hangars four and five were owned and operated by the CIA and the National Security Council. He found out that the traffickers were also being given US visas by the CIA, in spite of their well known activities. Castillo also documented and spoke out about CIA and National Security Agency abuses in a manner utterly consistent with his heritage and the reats of his life. Then Cele discovered that the Contra flights were under the direct supervision of US Lt. Col. Oliver North and had the additional protection of Felix Rodriguez (a retired CIA agent) who ran hanger 4 at Ilopango. Castillo was repeatedly warned that the drug profits were being utilized to support the Reagan-Bush backed right-wing "Contras" in Nicaragua and surrounding countries and that he should stop his investigations. December 1998, Michael Ruppert, 'Only the Godfather': "... a lingering and persistent body of evidence persists which indicates that Jim Sabow was murdered because he caught the CIA flying drugs onto a base where he was Chief of Air Operations. Much of the evidence indicates that the cocaine arrived on the same C-130s which had been given to the Forest Service. In a 1993 segment of her news program Eye to Eye, Connie Chung covered the Sabow death in detail and showed evidence of the murder by introducing statements from Sabow's brother, a medical doctor, that Sabow had been unconscious and aspirating blood for minutes before a shotgun was rammed so far down his throat that it sheared off the uvula. In that same segment, veteran Air America and CIA pilot Tosh Plumley stated that he flew loads of cocaine as large as 2,000 kilos onto El Toro in the years and months prior to Sabow's death - for the CIA. Plumley stated clearly that he was flying C-130s operated by the Forest Service and their contractors. In later conversations with this writer Plumley admitted that he routinely flew loads as large as 2,500 kilos onto military installations in California and Arizona for the CIA." 1991, Bo Gritz (ISA commander and Delta Force), 'Called to Serve', p. 341: "I remembered the time in Panama in 1976, when I was commanding Special Forces in Latin America from headquarters at Fort Gulick in the Canal Zone. We had obtained information through our intelligence channels that Manuel Noriega was not only allied with the communists, but was also a drug smuggler. I recommended - and we had the means - to terminate Noriega "with extreme prejudice," since he was clearly hurting America and was behind the sabotage of our military facilities within the Canal Zone. Surprisingly enough, I was personally told to keep my hands off Noriega, that he was "of immense value at the highest levels of our government." July 23, 1998, Michael Ruppert, 'The POWs, CIA and Drugs': "The ISA, which ran Gritz's mission, was created by Army General Richard Stilwell. It has been repeatedly linked to drug smuggling by sources including the daughter of Col. Albert Carone who served as Oliver North's bagman and bill-payer during the eighties. Records left behind after Carone's death in 1990 and eyewitness statements clearly indicate that Carone handled both drugs and drug money for CIA, North and the NSC. Carone's personal phone book contains the home addresses and telephone numbers of William Casey [Le Cercle], Gambino crime boss Pauly Castellano and Stilwell [Le Cercle]." 2004, Michael Ruppert, 'Crossing the Rubicon', p. 164: "A retired NYPD Detective, also a “made” member of the Genovese crime family, Carone spent his entire working career as a CIA operative... For more than 25 years before his mysterious death in 1990, Al Carone served as a bagman and liaison between George Bush, CIA Director Bill Casey, Oliver North, Richard Nixon [Le Cercle] and many other prominent figures including Robert Vesco [1001 Club], Manuel Noriega and Ferdinand Marcos." Carone, a member of the Knights of Malta, was good friends with Santos Trafficante, Sam Giancana, Vito Genovese, and William Casey. Casey used Carone as a "cut out" to pass sensitive insider information to Mob capo Pauley Castellano, says his daughter, Dee. Carone was the bagman for Casey and Oliver North in many of their drug trafficking exploits. Casey was deeply involved in the BCCI, the bank whose extreme money laundering practices were exposed in 1991. 1992, Senator John Kerry and Senator Hank Brown, Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, part 11: "In the case of BCCI, former CIA officials, including former CIA director Richard Helms and the late William Casey; former and current foreign intelligence officials, including Kamal Adham and Abdul Raouf Khalil; and principal foreign agents of the U.S., such as Adnan Khashoggi and Manucher Ghorbanifar, float in and out of BCCI at critical times in its history, and participate simultaneously in the making of key episodes in U.S. foreign policy... On February 23, 1992, NBC News broadcast the allegation that former Director of Central Intelligence William Casey met secretly for three years with Abedi [1001 Club; head of the BCCI], that such meetings took place every few months at the Madison Hotel in Washington, D.C., and that they discussed matters relating to U.S. arms deals to Iran and the arming of Afghani rebels... The BCCI official explicitly described meetings between Casey and Abedi at the Madison Hotel in the mid-1980's... The late Cyrus Hashemi, an Iranian expatriate living in London, is a key figure in the "October Surprise" allegations charging that William Casey and other members of President Reagan's election team in 1980 engaged in negotiations with Iran, whereby Iran would delay the return of U.S. hostages held in Iran until after the November, 1980 election, in return for the U.S. providing Iran with needed arms for its war against Iraq." A legal case brought before the District Court of Washington, D.C. in 1983, 12 citizens of Nicaragua and 12 members of the U.S. Congress sued President Reagan, CIA Director William Casey, former Secretary of State Alexander Haig, Secretary of State George Shultz, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Thomas Enders, Vernon Walters, Caspar Weinberger, Nestor Sanchez, and John Negroponte for violations of the law respecting U.S. support of the Contras. After being dismissed, the case was appealed to the Court of Appeals. The judge who filed the opinion on Aug. 13, 1985 affirming the dismissal was then Circuit Court judge and now U.S. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia (spoke at the Bohemian Grove). Casey is reported to have been a good friend of George Shultz, Vernon Walters, Alexandre de Marenches, and Ronald Reagan. In his book 'The Conspirators' Al Martin claims that CZX Productions, which supposedly stood for "Casey Zumwalt, X-Files", was an Office of Naval Intelligence cut-out and one of the blackest parts of the Iran Contra affair. True or not, doing a bit of background checking (only one reference has turned up), it turns out that Dietrich Reinhardt, a shady Iran-Contra operative now connected to the flight school of Rudi Dekkers (dope-trafficking terrorists), was a partner in that firm. Martin also claims CZX and Casey made Oliver North head of the "National Programs Office," whose existence still is not confirmed. The NPO supposedly controlled much of the dope trafficking operations, the building of the US "Civilian Inmate Labor Camps", and the operations to some day overthrow the US government. Admiral Zumwalt, an associate of Casey since the 1970s and a major anti-communist warhawk, is part of a secret ONI group called "Goal Oversight Development" (GOD), according to Martin. No proof or other rumors exist about this group, but according to Martin GOD has/had almost unlimited powers to intimidate and assassinate people. December 17, 1986, The Times Union, 'CIA chief listed stable': "Casey, 73, continued to undergo diagnostic tests designed to determine the cause of two minor cerebral seizures he suffered Monday, the hospital said. Casey had been scheduled to testify Tuesday before the Senate Intelligence Committee on the arms sale to Iran and the diversion of proceeds to the Nicaraguan rebels... Earlier, CIA spokeswoman Kathy Pherson said agency officials who talked with Casey on Monday found him "lucid and pretty cheerful" and "joking with the nurses."... Casey remained mentally clear throughout the episodes, a hospital doctor said." December 30, 1986, San Jose Mercury News, 'Casey's condition is stable': "CIA Director William Casey continues to recover at Georgetown University Hospital where he underwent surgery Dec. 18 for the removal of a cancerous brain tumor, a spokeswoman said today... Hospital spokeswoman Cynthia Byers said Casey's condition remains stable and he is "fully conscious and sitting up periodically."" In January 1987 the operation was deemed successful, but it turned out he had other cancers that were spreading to other parts of his body (supposedly, he was already a year under treatment for prostate cancer). He died in May 1987 of pneumonia, a few weeks after Congress had begun looking into Casey mental health to determine if he could testify from his bed. In reaction to his death, Senator Patrick Leahy, the former vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, said: "Casey probably knew more than anyone about the Iran-Contra affair, with the possible exception of fired White House aide Oliver North... And of course that we'll never know, because he didn't really tell us much about it before he died." July 11, 1987, San Jose Mercury News, 'Plan labeled 'Government within our government': "William Casey, the late CIA director, seized upon the Iran arms dealings as a way to create a secret contingency fund to finance a wide range of covert operations outside regular government channels, Lt. Col. Oliver North told Congress Friday. Sen. Daniel Inouye, D-Hawaii, termed the scheme a "secret government within our government," and Sen. William Cohen, R- Maine, said the disclosure was "perhaps the most serious revelation" of the 2-month-old hearings into the Iran-Contra affair... North rejected the characterization of Senate committee chief counsel Arthur Liman that the operations were a "CIA outside of the CIA." But House Intelligence Committee Chairman Louis Stokes, D-Ohio, told reporters "that's what it amounted to," and charged that a main reason for the scheme was a desire to avoid any oversight by Congress." In 1996 the neocon Center for Security Policy (CSP) created a compartment named William J. Casey Institute. It was tasked with studying "the nexus between international financial, energy, trade and technology flows and traditional U.S. national security policy concerns." Just one week before Casey got his seizures (he was already dying of cancer) he allegedly wrote an affidavit, with Cercle member Nixon as his witness, that in part outlined the CIA's involvement in the drug trade to finance covert ops. He also gave his justifications for it (which basically constituted a big "fuck you" to Congress and everyone else who might not agree) and certainly didn't forget to mention Bill Clinton's role in it (while forgetting the role of all his political allies, or other groups within the government). The document was leaked to the daughter of Albert Carone and has since then been classified Top Secret. According to Mike Ruppert, the document is factually correct, but it could still be a fake.

2005, Joseph Trento, "Prelude to Terror', p. 218: "Senator Goldwater had discovered “that Casey had a long and shady association with U.S. Intelligence… I was never comfortable with what he was up to. You never knew if it was out of national interest or personal interest.”" p. 221: "Casey was not kept informed of all the secret operations. Bush was running his own operations out of the executive office." p. 228: "The old-line veterans at the CIA were flabbergasted to see men like Shackley and Clines being welcomed into Casey's inner circle. Casey and Bush, who were rivals, ended up sharing some of the same intelligence assets." p. 256: "Bill Casey was given report after report confirming that the men around Sadat were up to their collective necks with Clines, Shackley, Secord, von Marbod, and Wilson. For Casey, none of it mattered." p. 227: "Through the 1980s... Casey and Bush became even more reliant on Shackley and his friends, especially for two adventures that became known as Iran-Contra and Iraqgate."

BERNADETTE CASEY SMITH (DAUGHTER):

Director OSS Society. Director William J. Donovan Foundation. Secretary Irish Educational Development Foundation. Director Henry Viscardi School at the National Center for Disability Services, the Tomorrow's Hope Foundation and the National Historical Intelligence Museum. She also serves on the Advisory Committee of New Yorkers for Choice in Education and is a member of the Board of Trustees of Young Americans for Freedom (Reagan Ranch). Bernadette is a member of St. Mary's parish in Roslyn, and is a Dame of Malta and Holy Sepulchre. Bernadette and her husband, Owen, live in her family homestead in Roslyn Harbor and in Palm Beach, Florida. Director of the Roman Catholic Christondom College, with Rick Santorum on the advisory board. It was founded by Warren H. Carroll. July 21, 2011, Catholic News Service, 'Founding president of Christendom College dies': "Warren H. Carroll, founding president of Christendom College in Front Royal and a leading Catholic historian ... Carroll served in the CIA's anti-communism division during the 1960s and wrote "Seventy Years of the Communist Revolution." "I was always anti-communist, but that deepened the strength of it," Carroll said of his experiences as an analyst of communist propaganda. Carroll was the college's president until 1985, then chairman of the history department until he retired in 2002. ". Dame of Malta.

Cavendish, Anthony

Sources: 1993, Alan Clark, 'Diaries', p. 369-374; June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour' (named as an old member); September 5, 2004, Sunday Times, 'Le Cercle of the elite' ("thought to include")

Not a family member of the Dukes of Devonshire. Former MI6 officer. Worked with George Kennedy Young and James Goldsmith in the past. Member Unison Committee for Action, which was set up in 1973 to counter the threat from Labour Unions, which supposedly were infiltrated by Soviet intelligence. Army general Walter Walker and MI6 head George Kennedy Young were involved with this group. Has been a long time friend of the former MI6 Director General (1973-1978) Sir Maurice Oldfield. In his memoirs, that have been partly censored by the British government, he defends Oldfield from charges that he was a Soviet mole. December 28, 1987, The Times: "Mr Cavendish, who left MI6 in 1953, has been trying to publish his book Inside Intelligence, to defend the reputation of his former friend and colleague, the late Sir Maurice Oldfield, ex-MI6 chief and Security Co-ordinator for Mrs Thatcher in Northern Ireland. The book contains many references to Sir Maurice, disputing allegations that he had homosexual relations with young men while he was Ulster security chief. It also details past MI6 covert operations, authorized by the Labour Government in the 1950s, which have been published in other books... Mr Julian Amery, Conservative MP for Brighton, Pavilion, who also received a copy of Mr Cavendish's book, declined to comment on the book itself but said that the Government's attitude towards publications by intelligence agents were 'wildly overdone'." Supposedly, he also made the claim that 50% of MI6 is gay (In any case, Maurice Oldfield admitted that he "from time to time engaged in homosexual activities."). Known to have corresponded with Julian Amery in the 1990s, a former chairman of Le Cercle. Invested as a Knight First Class in the catholic Sacred Military Constantinian Order of Saint George in 2001. Promoted within the ranks of the Royal Order of Francis I, part of the Sacred Military Constantinian Order, to Knight Commander in 2005. Consultant to Nadhmi Auchi's business empire, who also has been honored by the Sacred Military Constantinian Order. He was still acting as a consultant in 2003. Granta Magazine, issue 24: "In 19--, Anthony Cavendish was made the -------------- officer of -----, the British ------. In 194-, he personally oversaw the illegal invasion of ------- that resulted in the deaths of ----------- of --------------. What did Cavendish finally see that we are not allowed to know now—over forty years later? And why has the British government spent hundreds of thousands of pounds trying to keep us from finding out?"

Cavendish, Andrew

Sources: 1993, Alan Clark, 'Diaries', p. 369-374

Not a family member of the Dukes of Devonshire. The younger son of Le Cercle member and MI6 officer Anthony Cavendish. Major in the Life Guards. Served in the Sultan of Oman's Armoured Force. Friend of Alan Clark, who wrote about the 1990 Cercle meeting: "Andrew appeared, tall and beautiful as ever. He moves among the delegates with a very faint smile on his face, but his eyes are always watching. What experience in childhood, what gene, makes him instinctively so observant, and from which side of the family does this gene come?... I detached myself from the group and we had supper together. Andrew told me of his tales, and of the mood among the Military. Oman is a long way from Iraq, and their traditional apprehension is of Iranian muscle, their principal irritant is South Yemen. But the men, many of them, think privately of Saddam as a hero, who is leading the West a dance."

Cecil, Robert Gascoyne (7th Marquess of Salisbury)

Sources: June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour' ; July 10, 1997 An Phoblacht/Republican News, 'Editor's Desk'; 18 June 2000, Sunday Telegraph / Lobster Magazine, Issue 40, winter 2000-2001; Cercle lists: 1982 Wildbad Kreuth and 1984 Bonn

Member of the very powerful Cecil family that has produced numerous members of the Order of Garter and the Privy Council, starting with Sir William Cecil in the 1500s. They intermarried with elite blue blood families as de Vere, Arundel, Plantagenet, and Cavendish. Sir William Cecil was a student of John Dee, the official founder of Enochian Magic. The family forged links with the Republic of Venice around 1600 and built Hatfield House, which still is the family's residence, in 1607. William Cecil and his protege Sir Francis Walsingham devised an intricate spy network during the latter years of Elizabeth I's reign that succeeded in uncovering numerous Catholic plots against the monarch. Some people of that time have stated Cecil himself was a plotter behind these assassinations. Sir William Cecil’s daughter, Anne, married Edward de Vere, the 17th Earl of Oxford and a member of what was quite possibly the bluest of blue blood families in existence. De Vere had worked for William Cecil and the throne since a young age and was later rumored to have written the works of Shakespeare. Lady Diana Cecil married the 18th Earl of Oxford.

This Pilgrim was the third son of (his namesake) Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, who was a member of the Order of the Garter and the Privy Council. The 3rd Marquess of Salisbury was the Chancellor of Oxford University from 1869 to 1903, a fellow of All Souls, and a British prime minister for 14 years. Carroll Quigley described the Rhodes Secret Society and the Milner Group as having evolved from the 3rd Marquess' "Cecil Bloc". The 3rd Marquess grew to like Benjamin Disraeli, who he had previously been distrusted as a Jew. Disraeli eventually became a housefriend of the family and was invested into the Order of the Garter. Baron Lionel de Rothschild was another close friend of Disraeli. One of Cecil's sisters was the mother of Arthur J. Balfour (wrote a letter to Lionel de Rothschild in November 1917 declaring that the British government stood behind Zionist plans to build a Jewish national home in Palestine) and Gerald W. Balfour. Even today, the Hatfield House is the Hertfordshire home of the family, built between 1609 and 1611 by the1st Earl of Salisbury; a Privy Councillor and Knight of the Garter who was the Chief Minister to James I.

The 5th Marquess of Salisbury (KG; PC; married into Cavendish family) was president of the Conservative Monday Club from 1961 to 1972. This was the center of the pro-colonial movement in Britain, which even prepared for a coup against the "KGB-infiltrated" Labour government of Harold Wilson in the 1970s. General Walter Walker and later Cercle chairman Julian Amery were among the members of this club. His son, the 6th Marquess of Salisbury, took over the Conservative Monday Club in 1974 and ran it until 1981. September 13, 1965, The Times, letter of the 5th Marquess of Salisbury, 'Government in Rhodesia - Arguments against majority rule': "[Churchmen] fall into the all too common error of assuming that the only form of Government compatible with the Christian way of life is majority rule. Actually, at any rate, in the case of primitive peoples, that has, I believe, never been so: nor, judging by our experience with other African states which have recently gained their independence, is it so now. Democracy is the most difficult of all sytems to work. It requires the highest degree of civilization. Can anyone who knows Rhodesia say that the average African in that country is ready for it yet? It could no doubt be argued - though I am sure that the signatories of the letter would not use such an argument - that majority rule is more important than the Christian way of life. But do they really expect anyone who has personal experience of Rhodesia to believe that the people of that country, whether white or black, would benefit either spiritually or materially by the introduction of majority rule at the present time?"

Viscount Cranborne and later 7th Marquess of Salisbury. Born in 1946. Attended Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford and became a merchant banker before going to work on the family estates. He began using Robert as his preferred Christian name from his 21st birthday. In 1970, aged 23, he married Hannah Stirling, niece of Lt Col David Stirling. Stirling was the co-founder of the SAS, founder of GB 75 (seemingly a short-lived psyop in 1974), worked with MI6 at times, ran Television International Enterprises which ran a security service for overseas heads of state, was gold stick to the queen, and headed Operation Lock, a pro-apartheid assassination program in Southern Africa. Cecil was selected, unexpectedly, as Conservative candidate for South Dorset in 1976, where his family owned lands, despite the presence of several former MPs on the shortlist. He spoke at the 1978 Conservative Party conference to oppose sanctions on Rhodesia, which had broken off from England illegally to maintain its fascist white-minority regime. He won the seat in the 1979 general election, the seventh consecutive generation of his family to sit in the Commons, and in his first speech urged Ian Smith to stand aside in favour of Abel Muzorewa. He attracted a general reputation as a right-winger, especially on matters affecting the Church of England. Member of the Other Club since 1981, together with the Duke of Devonshire (Cavendish), Lord Carrington (Pilgrims Society president), Lord Richardson of Duntisbourne (major Pilgrims Society member), Lord Julian Amery (former head Le Cercle), Lord Rothschild, Lord Rees-Mogg, Prince Charles, Paul Channon (Le Cercle), Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Sir Edward Heath, Sir Denis Thatcher, Winston S. Churchill (grandson of), and several dozen others. Took an interest in Northern Ireland, and when Jim Prior announced his policy of 'Rolling Devolution', resigned an unpaid job as assistant to Douglas Hurd. Lord Cranborne became known as an anti-communist through activities in support of Afghan refugees in Pakistan in the early 1980s, and sending food parcels to Poland (a joint operation of the Vatican, Opus Dei, SMOM and the CIA). He was involved in efforts to fund the Afghan resistance. His strong opposition to any involvement by the Republic of Ireland in Northern Ireland led him to oppose the Anglo-Irish Agreement and contributed to his decision to retire from Parliament in 1987. However, he had made a useful friendship with John Major while in Parliament. After the 1992 general election, Major utilised a rarely-used process known as a writ of acceleration, to call Lord Cranborne up to the House of Lords in one of his father's junior baronies. Lord Cranborne was summoned as Baron Cecil of Essendon (his father's most junior dignity), though continued to be known by his courtesy style of Viscount Cranborne. He served for two years as a junior Defence Minister before being appointed as Leader of the House of Lords. In 1994, he became a member of the Queen's Privy Council. When Major resigned to fight for re-election as Conservative Party Leader in July 1995, Lord Cranborne led his re-election campaign. He was recognised as one of the few members of the Cabinet who were personally loyal to Major, but continued to lead the Conservative Peers after Labour won the 1997 general election. March 30, 1997, The Independent, 'Courtiers down the centuries; Profile Robert Cranborne' (Lord Cranborne at the time and confidante of Prime Minister John Major): "At least for a few weeks more, a Cecil is in a position the family knows well: very close to the seat of power. It may be a slight exaggeration to say that he is running the government, but Lord Cranborne, Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the Lords, is spending the election as chief of staff at No 10 Downing Street. The peer, who has emerged as something of an icon to the Conservative right, is not only the link between Central Office and No 10, but has day-to-day responsibility for the latter... As one (well-bred) Tory puts it: "Robert has a remarkably close relationship with the Prime Minister. He is an engaging figure with considerable charm. People rather like glimpsing into his solid, English, aristo world of which they are not a part. They find it rather intoxicating. The truth is that they all fall for the toffs - even Thatcher fell for Ridley."... After the Guards it was the City and in 1970 he married, causing a family crisis because his bride, Hannah Stirling (daughter [actually niece] of the founder of the SAS), was a Roman Catholic. The Cecils take the defence of Protestantism and the Church of England seriously and Robert's mother, Mollie, took time to be reconciled. A compromise was reached and the two sons (the "heir and the spare") were brought up as Anglicans, the three daughters as Roman Catholics. In 1978 domestic calm was shattered when Lord Cranborne's brother Richard was killed by guerrillas while filming in Rhodesia. The family were strong supporters of the white settlers - the name of the country's capital, Salisbury (after the 3rd Marquess), giving away the connection. Robert went to Africa to try to find out how his brother died. His brother's death seems only to have reinforced his public support for the whites. During the 1980s he helped organise a secret meeting between Ian Smith and Tory MPs, and backed sporting links with apartheid South Africa. For a decade Lord Cranborne had a habit of turning up in war zones, places he found intriguing, according to friends, because of his fascination with military history. Often visits were combined with business trips. He is thought to have done well financially during the 1970s although, as one observer remarks, "it's almost impossible to know with that family who's inherited and who's made money". Friends see him as a sort of 19th- century Romantic figure, popping up in support of the mujahedin's opposition to Soviet expansionism or to back Polish dissidents... Ironically, for someone now seen as a champion of the right, he did not prosper under Margaret Thatcher, perhaps because his Toryism is of a more "trad right" hue... But eight years in the Commons had not been wasted. For one thing Lord Cranborne had become good friends with a Conservative MP of more humble origins who was to go on to become the Prime Minister [John Major]... Mr Major joined later in the 1979 parliament and got on well with Lord Cranborne who, far from patronising the young MP, invited him to Cranborne for the weekend... Inviting Lord Cranborne to his Downing Street flat, Mr Major has more than once apologised for bringing a man used to inhabiting the great houses of England to such humble surroundings. When John Major won the last election he speeded Lord Cranborne into the House of Lords and, after a mere two years as a defence minister in the Lords (salvaging the VE-Day span-fritters fiasco), he was catapulted into the Cabinet with a direct line to the premier. Mr Major relies on him for advice, knowing that, unlike most of the other ministers around him, Lord Cranborne, who will never be party leader, is not a threat. He has thrown himself with enthusiasm into the job of leading the Lords... Meanwhile, his political salon at Cranborne Manor, and in London, attracts many of the most colourful right-wing thinkers, with a sprinkling of hard-line Unionists from the organisation he helped to found, the Friends of the Union... He is a fierce Eurosceptic, who, despite speaking excellent French, sincerely prefers Dorset to the Dordogne. Yet he has not actively engaged with the parliamentary sceptics... He practises politics only in the rather detached manner of someone who knows that his historical duties have been fulfilled and that he can always return to cultivate a rather substantial garden. "His agenda," says a close friend, "is rather different from the normal one. It looks 100 years ahead."" When the new Prime Minister Tony Blair proposed the removal of the hereditary element in the House of Lords, Lord Cranborne negotiated a pact with the government to retain a small number (later set at ninety-two) of hereditary peers for the interim period. For the sake of form this amendment was formally proposed by Lord Weatherill, Convenor of the Cross-Bench Peers. However, Lord Cranborne gave his party's approval without consulting the Leader, William Hague (invited to Le Cercle), who knew nothing and was embarrassed when Blair told him of it in the House of Commons. Hague then sacked Lord Cranborne, who accepted his error, saying that he had "rushed in, like an ill-trained spaniel". All former Leaders of the House of Lords who were hereditary peers accepted Life Peerages to keep them in the House in 1999. Lord Cranborne, who had received the life Barony of Gascoyne-Cecil, remained active on the backbenches, until the House adopted new rules for declaration of financial interests which he believed were too problematic. Cranborne is known to have attended meetings of Le Cercle in the 1990s and 2000. Very good friend of Cercle chairman Julian Amery. Took 'Leave of Absence' on November 1, 2001. Therefore out of the House when he succeeded his father as 7th Marquess on July 11, 2003. Good friend of Lord Lamont, the Rothschild employee and Cercle chair. Member of the Other Club, together with the Duke of Devonshire (Cavendish), Lord Carrington (Pilgrims Society president), Lord Rothschild, Lord Rees-Mogg, Prince Charles, Lord Richardson of Duntisbourne (major Pilgrims Society member), Lord Julian Amery (Cercle head), Paul Channon (Le Cercle), Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Sir Edward Heath, Sir Denis Thatcher, and Winston S. Churchill (grandson of). Member of the Grillion's Club, together with the Duke of Norfolk (Howard), the Duke of Devonshire (Cavendish), the Earl of Perth (Drummond), Lord Carrington, Lord Richardson of Duntisbourne, Nicholas Baring (vice chair Baring Brothers until 1989) and John Major. Like his father and a number of ancestors, a member of the Roxburghe Club, together with the several generations of the Dukes of Norfolk, the Dukes of Devonshire, the Earls of Perth, the Rothschilds, Oppenheimers, Lord Rees-Mogg, and formerly Paul Mellon.

His uncle and namesake was chairman of the Supreme Economic Council of the Versailles Peace Treaty, member of the Pilgrims Society, first chairman of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, and a principal draftsmen of the League of Nations Covenant in 1919. The 3rd Marquess of Salisbury was possibly the most important founder of Quigley's Round Table. An older generation Robert Cecil, either the 1th Viscount of Chelwood or the 5th Marquess of Salisbury, is supposed to have said: "The Blood of Christ was replaced by the blood of the German war dead. From the Mayas to the Nazis, the shedding of blood to attract the attention of indifferent powers was the magic significance of human sacrifice. He would have sacrificed the happiness of the whole human race if ordered to do so by the mysterious Force whose commands he obeyed." This is very similar to what Lord Lothian said to the New York Pilgrims on the eve of WWII: "At bottom we are fighting a defensive war. We are trying to prevent the hordes of paganism and barbarism destroying what is left of civilized Europe." It is also similar to what Fritz Kramer supposedly said according to his son: "[He] publicly denounced Hitler's National Socialists as barbarian pagans and their communist rivals as proletarian thugs. He sometimes carried his small German imperial flag with its Christian cross of Malta into their street demonstrations..."

July 7, 1992, Evening Standard (London), 'The aristocrat behind the classless society': "The host is Viscount Cranborne, the most junior and recent member of John Major's Government and heir to Britain's oldest and most distinguished political family - the Cecils. Only the Churchills are comparable, but they do not go back so far. It is Cranborne who arguably hosts the most important political salon in Britain. Even in John Major's classless society the most prized invitation for an ambitious Tory is to this citadel of old-style privilege, a hunting lodge dating back to the days of King John surrounded by 1,300 acres of rolling Dorset countryside. Politicians have been coming here for 400 years, ever since the house was gifted to the Cecil family by the crown as a reward for securing a peaceful transition from Tudor to Stuart England. Its particular significance today comes from the fact that Robert Cranborne and his wife Hannah have for 15 years been the unofficial host and hostess for one of the most powerful but informal groups in the Tory party - the Blue Chips. Formed out of the 1979 parliamentary intake, the Blue Chips started when five then unknown MPs - William Waldegrave, Christopher Patten, John Patten, Richard Needham and Tristan Garel-Jones - were allotted rooms on the same staircase. All of them faintly sceptical about the prevailing Thatcherite orthodoxy, they established a dining club - the cooking was done by Mr Garel-Jones's wife Catalina - which has survived ever since. The name was given them by outsiders who noted the high proportion of blue-blooded members. Unlike most other dining clubs around Westminster, political discussion has never dominated proceedings when Blue Chips meet. The Test match, the latest novel, the next big society wedding are all serious subjects for the Blue Chips. They talk shop, too, of course - but high-grade political gossip rather than anything too serious and demanding. They are united by a common approach rather than a common ideology. They are fascinated by power rather than ideas. The dissidence of the early days did not last long. As one after another rose up the ranks of the government they became insiders in politics, brought together in what Lord Cranborne calls 'the belief that the Queen's government should be carried on'. There are those who hold the view that understanding the Blue Chips is the key to understanding the dynamics of John Major's administration. For an astonishing proportion of the group has either done well, very well or brilliantly - none more so than its most distinguished member, the Prime Minister. On their visits to Cranborne Manor the Blue Chips mingle chaotically with Lord Cranborne's Cecil relations, foreign politicians picked up on his travels and Scottish relatives of his wife - he married Hannah, the daughter of Highland landowner Bill Stirling, in 1970 and they have five children. At home Cranborne is very much a family man. Although dinner is formal, guests are afterwards compelled to play charades or intellectual word games. Later still there is time for political gossip and plotting. The Blue Chips are still regarded with bitterness and suspicion by Thatcherites who believe they were involved in the coup of November 1990 that drove Mrs Thatcher out of office. The modern Cecil is merely carrying on the family tradition for political hospitality and intrigue first displayed in Elizabethan days by his ancestors. Perhaps the only change is that in the 1990s the get-togethers are mainly held at Cranborne Manor rather than Hatfield House, the Jacobean masterpiece in Hertfordshire which Lord Cranborne will, in due course, inherit from his father when he becomes the seventh Marquis of Salisbury."

Cecil, Lord Michael

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (visited the Cercle in 1988)

8th Marquess of Exeter. Son of William Cecil, 7th Marquess of Exeter.

August 4, 2011, Vanity Fair, 'Washington Dropped the Ball on a Secret Afghan Wireless Communications Company that Might Have Prevented 9/11': "Vanity Fair contributing editor David Rose reveals for the first time that in 1999 the Taliban had granted license to an American company, Afghan Wireless Communications, to construct a cell-phone, and, Internet system in Afghanistan. Had the secret deal, named Operation Foxden, been completed, the U.S. would have had complete access to al-Qaeda and Taliban calls and e-mails in a matter of months. “The capability we would have had would have been very good,” a former N.S.A. official tells Rose. “Had this network been built with the technology that existed in 2000, it would have been a priceless intelligence asset.” But, as Rose reports, “at the critical moment, the Clinton administration put the project on hold, while rival U.S. agencies—the F.B.I., the N.S.A., and the C.I.A.—bickered over who should control it.” This “was one tool we could have put in Afghanistan that could have made a difference,” says a former C.I.A. official. “Why didn’t we put it in? Because we couldn’t fucking agree.” According to Rose, Ehsan Bayat, an Afghan-American telecommunications entrepreneur, who was also a counterterrorism source working for the F.B.I., had built close relationships with senior Taliban officials, including foreign minister Wakil Ahmed Muttawakil. Bayat was in the habit of giving his Taliban friends satellite phones as gifts—phones that Rose believes may even have been used by Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar. Through his connections, and with the aide of British partners, Bayat brokered a deal to set up a company called Afghan Wireless. The Afghan Ministry of Communications would hold 20 percent of the company and Bayat would retain the majority share. According to details of the deal outlined in Vanity Fair, “not only would the new phone company be the sole cell and landline provider in Afghanistan, it would also control the “gateways” out of the country—all voice and data traffic, including that carried by satellite phones and the Internet.”Bayat did not respond to Rose’s request for comment. His former British partners, Stuart Bentham and Lord Michael Cecil, are bound by a gag order stemming from a 2003 suit they filed against him that was stopped and sealed under the State Secrets Privilege."

Chalfont, Lord Alun

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (visited the Cercle in 1986); 2014, Johannes Grossman, p. 494: "Up until the 1990s a usual guest was Alun Jones [Lord Chalfont] Even in 1993 Lord Chalfont was brought forth as a possible president of Le Cercle in discussions."

Very controversial Pilgrims Society member (executive).

May 28, 1995, The Independent, 'profile; Lord Chalfont; Old soldier above the battle': "From 1941 to 1944 he fought in Burma, and stayed in the Army to take part in a series of anti-terrorist campaigns. In 1957 he won the Military Cross. He is diffident about this, but finally admits he was involved in ambushes against communists in the Malayan jungle. "I was lucky enough to carry out some successful ones." By 1961 he was a colonel and had been writing a series of articles on Soviet strategy in the Royal United Services Institute journal. One reader was Sir William Haley, editor of the Times. He asked Gwynne Jones if he would resign to become defence correspondent. With all the exciting bits of an army life behind him, he said yes. Had he said no, he would presumably now be a retired general. His articles continued to impress, and in the run-up to the 1964 general election he was asked for advice by all three parties. "I had no political affiliation at all, so I was quite happy to tell the parties the same thing." When he was asked to drop by Downing Street that October day, he was expecting to be asked about something he had written. Instead Wilson asked him to become a minister. "If the word had been invented, I would have said I was gobsmacked," he says. He and Wilson both made much of his being the only "minister of disarmament" in the world, though he now says the title was misleading. He was made a lord because Labour had a slim majority and Wilson could not afford to risk a by-election. Gwynne Jones's chances of winning a by-election might not have been improved by his lack of politics, either. "I told Wilson that I would take the job if I was not expected to support every aspect of Labour policy. Wilson puffed on his pipe and said, 'Not many of us do.' "Lord Chalfont says he would have been just as happy to be in a Tory or Liberal government (he is now a cross-bencher). He is baffled by those who label him a turncoat. "I've never expressed any political views that could characterise me as left or right," he says. In 1968 Wilson sent Lord Chalfont to Brussels to negotiate the UK's entry into the Common Market. General de Gaulle said "non", and in less than a year he was back in London." Minister in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office 1964-1970. Privy Council since 1964. May 28, 1995, The Independent, 'profile; Lord Chalfont; Old soldier above the battle': "The 1970 election saw the end of his brief political career. He became foreign editor of the New Statesman and a columnist for the Guardian, and made a series of profiles of world leaders for the BBC. He also moved into business, joining the board of IBM [appointed in 1973]... During the 1980s... he was a director of Lazard Bros [consultant in the late 1970s; appointed non-exec. director in 1981] and a handful of other companies, president of the Royal National Institute for Deaf People, deputy chairman of the IBA (and since 1991, has been chairman of the Radio Authority). More suspicious for those seeking evidence of right-wing connections, he was president of the UK Committee for the Free World, an organisation dedicated to countering communist propaganda. He was a natural to join the board of the newly privatised VSEL in 1986. Here, more than anywhere else, he has played an active business role. He edged out the chief executive and did the job himself for eight months before Noel Davies was appointed." Pilgrims Society executive since 1979. Member Conservative Monday Club. Pro-apartheid. Director pro-junta British-Chilean Council. Part of the group that tried to overthrow Labour Prime Minister Wilson in the 1970s, with the excuse that he was a communist agent. Council member of Foreign Affairs Research Institute (FARI) with Cercle members/presidents Brian Crozier, Julian Amery, and Robert Moss, just as the aristocrat Sir Frederic M. Bennett. February 1984, Issue 3, Lobster Magazine, 'American Friends: the Anti-CND Groups': "In 1981 FARI published an absurd booklet by their chairman Sir Frederick Bennett MP claiming Russian money was being used by CND." September 1986, Issue 12, Lobster Magazine, 'The British Right - scratching the surface - Digression 2': "When Gable wrote his memo FARI was being funded by the South African government (although it is possible that Gable was unaware of this), and its Council included four men who have appeared in Searchlight: Julian Amery (connection with the Italian fascist party, MSI, in March 1979), Lord Chalfont (connections with Chile, August 1979), and Robert Moss and Brian Crozier (all over issue 18, 1975)." March 20, 2004, Daily Telegraph, Obituary of Geoffrey Stewart-Smith: "In 1974 he had sought to distance his Foreign Affairs Circle from the World Anti-Communist League because of the WACL's strong anti-Semitic element, saying: "We wouldn't touch them with a barge pole." However, he later admitted that another of his organisations, the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, had been mainly funded by the apartheid government in South Africa. The admission came in 1987 when Stewart-Smith appeared at the London Bankruptcy Court, disclosing debts of pounds 150,388 and no assets." April 1986, Issue 11, Lobster Magazine, 'Wilson, MI5 and the Rise of Thatcher - Covert Operations in British Politics 1974-1978 - Appendix 3': "FARI was also reported to be receiving money from the US company Lockheed (Counterspy November 1981)... FARI was said to have "strong CIA links" by Gerry Gable in a memo leaked to the New Statesman... evertheless FARI has grown and grown. In 1980 it began organising an annual 'balance of power' conference in Britain, attracting some of the top level figures on the new right: Feulner of the Heritage Foundation, Ray Cline of NSIC, Frank Barnet of NSIC and the Committee for the Present Danger, General Daniel Graham ex-'Team B', DIA etc." http://www.ajweberman.com/monica.htm: "In June 1978, FARI co-sponsored a conference in Brighton, England with the CIA-connected Institute for the Study of Conflict. Among those who attended was Richard Mellon Scaife. Also attending the conference was William Casey, who would later be appointed head of the CIA by Ronald Reagan." Chair Institute for the Study of Terrorism, a clone of Crozier's anti-communist Institute for the Study of Conflict. Member Committee for a Free Britain, which spent more than Pounds 200,000 on press advertisements attacking Labour during the 1987 election. Together with Richard Mellon Scaife, Michael Ledeen and other neoconservatives, Chalfont was a member of the Committee for the Free World. Member Media Monitoring Unit, which attempted to "expose" left-wing bias in television news and current affairs programmes. Chalfont was deputy chairman of the Independent Broadcasting Authority under Thatcher. Consultant to private security firm Zeus Security Consultants (this firm did high level government contract work), owned by Major Peter Hamilton, a close associate of Stephan Kock, the MI5, MI6, SAS agent who allegedly once headed a government assassination team, Group 13.

Who's Who: Commissioned into South Wales Borderers (24th Foot), 1940; served in: Burma 1941–44; Malayan campaign 1955–57; Cyprus campaign 1958–59; various staff and intelligence appointments; Staff Coll., Camberley, 1950; Jt Services Staff Coll., 1958; Russian interpreter, 1951; resigned commission, 1961, on appt as Defence Correspondent, The Times; frequent television and sound broadcasts and consultant on foreign affairs to BBC Television, 1961–64; Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1964–70; UK Permanent Rep. to WEU, 1969–70; Foreign Editor, New Statesman, 1970–71. Dep. Chm., IBA, 1989–90; Chm., Radio Authy, 1991–94. Director: W. S. Atkins International, 1979–83; IBM UK Ltd, 1973–90 (Mem. IBM Europe Adv. Council, 1973–90); Lazard Bros & Co. Ltd, 1983–90; Shandwick plc, 1985–95; Triangle Holdings, 1986–90; Dep. Chm., Television Corp. plc, 1996–2001; Chairman: Industrial Cleaning Papers, 1979–86; Peter Hamilton Security Consultants Ltd, 1984–86; VSEL Consortium, later VSEL, 1987–95; President: Abington Corp. (Consultants) Ltd, 1981–; Nottingham Bldg Soc., 1983–90. Pres., All Party Defence Gp, H of L, 1995– (Chm., 1980–94). President: Hispanic and Luso Brazilian Council, 1975–80; RNID, 1980–87; Llangollen Internat. Music Festival, 1979–90; Freedom in Sport, 1982–88; Chairman: UK Cttee for Free World, 1981–89; Eur. Atlantic Gp, 1983–; Member: Nat. Defence Industries Council, 1992–; IISS; Bd of Governors, Sandle Manor Sch. MRI; MInstD. FRSA. Hon. Fellow UCW Aberystwyth, 1974. Hon. Col, Univ. of Wales OTC, 1991–94. Liveryman, Worshipful Co. of Paviors. Freeman, City of London. PC 1964; OBE 1961; MC 1957; Chairman: Marlborough Stirling Group, 1994–99; Southern Mining Corp., 1997–99.

The Rt. Hon. Paddy Ashdown MP (special forces veteran; Pilgrims Society; co-president RIIA) in a letter to Margaret Thatcher, January 25, 1989 (reproduced in: 1993, Gary Murray, 'Enemies of the State', pp. 133-135): "You will recall that I raised with you at PMQs last week the subject of your appointment of Lord Chalfont as Deputy Chairman of the IBA. You expressed surprise that I should even ask. I do not want now to raise again the widespread concern that has been expressed about Lord Chalfont's views on television, although I share that concern... I have looked at the objects of Zeus which are stated, in the Articles of Association, as including: "To carry on business, as security experts and agents of all kinds and to provide advisory and consultancy services to Government and other Authorities and to encourage the adoption of security and precautionary measures and devices against industrial and other espionage." There is also well documented and public evidence that, at the time of the Sizewell operation, Zeus, or one of the companies which is in the Zeus group, was subcontracting such work to agents who had criminal records to engage in such work. I raise these matters in some detail because at the time of the instigation of the Sizewell operation, Lord Chalfont was Chairman of Zeus Security Consultants Limited. As at April 1988 he is named Consultant on the headed note paper of Peter Hamilton (Security Consultants) Limited. There is other evidence relating to those connected with Zeus and Government Departments which I would be happy to disclose to you should you wish it. Lord Chalfont has since joined a number of other directors of Zeus as a director of Securipol Limited, incorporated on 16 January 1986. Securipol shares a registered office and directors with Ensec Limited whose purpose is the undersea dumping of nuclear waste. Some prominent Conservatives are Directors of Ensec. The objects of Securipol, as stated in the Articles of Association, are almost identical to those of Zeus. According to the latest information at Companies House, Lord Chalfont has never resigned from the office of director at Securipol Limited." January 27, 1989, The Times, 'Ashdown is accused of Chalfont vendetta': "The Prime Minister accused Mr Paddy Ashdown yesterday of pursuing a vendetta against Lord Chalfont, who he has said is unsuitable for the post of deputy chairman of the Independent Broadcasting Authority because of links with private security companies... In a letter to Mrs Thatcher, Mr Ashdown said Lord Chalfont had been chairman of Zeus Security Consultants when it had been ''engaged by an unknown client for the investigation and surveillance of the objectors at the inquiry into the Sizewell B proposal''. He said Zeus changed its name to Peter Hamilton (Security Consultants) in September 1983 and ''as at April 1988 he (Lord Chalfont) is named as a consultant on the headed notepaper of Peter Hamilton (Security Consultants) Ltd''." August 24, 1990, The Guardian, 'Chalfont quits security firm: Broadcast chief recognises conflict of interest after security company offers inside information to ITV group': "Lord Chalfont was a director, between 1983 and 1986, of Hamilton Ingram's predecessor, Peter Hamilton (Security Consultants) Ltd. This had grown out of a company called Zeus Security Consultants, run by Peter Hamilton, one of whose tasks was covertly investigating anti-nuclear objectors at the Sizewell inquiry. Peter Hamilton, the joint managing director, is a former military intelligence officer who, like Lord Chalfont, served in Malaya and Cyprus." 1995, Gerald James (James used be a banker at Barings, a member of the highly influential Monday Club, and all his career moved in very high intelligence and financial circles. In the late 1980s his company was among those picked by "the cabal" to be sacrificed in the Iraqgate scandal in order to protect the real movers and shakers), 'In the Public Interest', pp. 154-155: "Various people are on record as to Kock's role in Intelligence. The CIA/State Department referred to him as SIS (MI6). Gerald Bull has said that he was a member of MI5 - 'He's a Yarpie - a South African. He works for the Midland Bank arms department, but he's also part of MI5 like Cuckney.' When I mentioned this to Lt.-Col. Colin Mitchell, former MP, late of the Argylls and now with Halo Trust, a charitable company involved in clearing mines from territories like Cambodia, Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, Ethiopia and Mozambique, he told me, 'No, he was MI6.' In an unguarded moment Richard Unwin [friend of Stephen Kock; intelligence and arms company insider] told me that Kock, in his more active days, had been head of Group 13. The Foreign Office is said to draw Group 13 operatives from the SAS as well as from private security firms. Its duties involve 'service to the nation' of a kind only given to the most ruthlessly experienced SAS officers [assassinations]. Kock certainly still moved in such circles when he was working for Astra, and was close to former SAS personnel and men active in the private security business, including Major Peter Hamilton, a former Military Intelligence man who has admitted having 'spent much of his life in the Security and Intelligence world', and was linked to the 'highest echelons of British Intelligence'. Hamilton's firm, Zeus Security Consultants, provided services to the government, as did Defence Systems Ltd., the firm of another of Kock's friends, SAS Major Alastair Morrison MC [accomplished SAS veteran; helped set up Delta Force in the US; set up Defence Systems Limited in 1981, which "defended gold and diamond mines in Africa from thieves,.. oil pipelines in Latin America from guerrillas [and] guarded US and British embassies in the Middle East and elsewhere" (in 1997, former SAS personnel working for DSL were alleged to have trained a Colombian military unit linked to past atrocities and to have provided them with names of local citizens opposed to British Petroleum's project); sold DSL to Armor Holdings in 1997; helped set up Hart Group and Erinys; until March 2004 director of Erinys, which had an $80 million contract to guard Iraqi oilfields and installations; became head of Kroll Security Group in 2004; friend of Tim Spicer, the CEO of the controversial firm Sandline International and later founder of Aegis Defence Services; OBE]. Viscount Monckton [his father attended a number of Pilgrims Society meetings], who acted as one of Kock's patrons in 1967, was a director of Morrison's company, and Morrison was an associate, too, of Jonathan Aitken [intel-connected; unofficial arms negotiator; head of the private, hard-right intelligence group Le Cercle] both before and at the time that Aitken was director of Astra's BMARC [1980s]... Years later I bumped into Peter Shore [important politician and Privy Council member] in the changing rooms of the Roehampton Club... What I actually said to Shore was, 'Why has the main witness not been interviewed [in the Pergau Dam/ Malaysian arms deal affair]?' Shore, assuming that I meant Thatcher, began to reply - 'It's her prerogative as Prime Minister..." When I interrupted, telling him I meant Kock, Shore's telling response was, 'But that is another level of government altogether.'"

Director at the security firm Securipol. Close friend of the extremely influential neoconservative John Lehman, apparently a top player in the military-industrial complex (and member of the 9/11 Commission). 1995, Gerald James, 'In the Public Interest', p. 179: "Lehman's own book makes clear his Intelligence connections, and I discovered too that he was a close friend of Lord Chalfont. Chalfont is himself Intelligence connected, listing among his credits 'various... intelligence appointments'." Chairman second neoconservative Jonathan conference. The second Jonathan Conference on international terrorism, organized in 1984, was opened by a keynote speech of secretary of state George P. Shultz (Bechtel; Pilgrims Society), who was a key organizer of the meeting with Douglas Feith and Benjamin Netanyahu. He claimed that "pre- emptive actions by Western democracies may be necessary to counter the Soviet Union and other nations that... have banded together in an international "league of terror."" This was the real birth of the War on Terror and a policy of pre-emptive strikes, which became standard almost 20 years later after 9/11. Caspar Weinberger (Bechtel; Pilgrims) suggested that the United Nations might be called upon to deal with terrorism. Jeane Kirkpatrick, U.N. Ambassador at the time and still a very influential neoconservative, disagreed with that last notion and said it would be better to create a whole new organization to deal with international terrorism and "the power behind it, the Soviet Union". Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan (worked for Averell Harriman in the 1950s; important United Nations official in the 1970s; important DLC operative; chairman of the 1997 Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy, which shed a little bit of light on the inner workings of the Black and Deep Black Programs, the latter officially known as Unacknowledged Special Access Programs; friend of the Rothschild family) and Yitzhak Rabin (Labour prime minister) supported Kirkpatrick. Senator Alan Cranston (D-Calif.), a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, "told the conference that Iraq is shopping for a new nuclear reactor and is fortifying the atomic plant site bombed by Israel in 1981. He said he also has information that "unwitting" American firms provided Iraq with several components for chemical weapons used against Iran in the 44-month war between the two countries." Among the other participants were Israel's Minister of Defense Moshe Arens; Senators Alan Cranston (president of the World Federalist Society), Alfonse D'Amato (leading figure in Iran-Contra investigation), and Paul Laxalt (lieutenant governor Nevada 1962-1966; general chairman National Republican Party 1983-1987; chair of Ronald Reagan for President in 1976, 1980, and 1984; co-chairman George Bush for President in 1988 and 1992); Rep. Jack Kemp; William Webster (director FBI 1978-1987; director CIA 1987-1991; partner Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McCloy since 1991; director Anhauser-Busch); presidential counselor Edwin Meese (Heritage Foundation); Michael Ledeen (CIA connected Zionist extremist); Arthur Goldberg; Eugene Rostow; columnist George Will and television newsmen David Brinkley. Number 5, 1985-1986, The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia, 'International Terrorism, Recent Developments and Implications for Australia': "The possibility of democratic states taking extra-legal action in response to political terrorism was more clearly spelt out by Lord Chalfont when he chaired the Second Conference on International Terrorism hosted by the Jonathan Institute in Washington in June 1984. In his closing remarks Lord Chalfont made the following observations: 'If our intelligence services detect preparations for a terrorist attack on our countries, or on our embassies, or on our citizens, the most draconian action should be taken to prevent that taking place. If that means clandestine operations to eliminate the terrorists before they can kill us, then they should not be ruled out. And if a terrorist attack can be prevented then those who sponsor it, or shelter its perpetrators will not be immune from a terrible retribution.'" April 1987, Issue 13, Lobster Magazine, Book review of the Jonathan Institute's 'Terrorism: how the West can win': "This book is mostly junk, mere propaganda. I had it with me to read on the train when I visited Colin Wallace. I showed him the list of contributors and mentioned the Jonathan Institute. "Oh, a Mossad front, you mean", he said, and put it down. A Mossad front? I don't know. But misinformation at worst, wilfully partial at best, this sort of crude propaganda can only do the Israeli state harm in the long run." An internet piece, listing Executive Intelligence Review as its source, wrote: "Britain's role in promoting the Afghan experiment was crucial, although now it is often overlooked. Almost immediately after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan Lord Nicholas Bethell, a career British Intelligence agent, formed Radio Free Kabul as a voice for the mujahedin. Bethell had been involved with Russian and Mid-East operations his entire career, and he was a close friend of British spy Kim Philby. Other members of Radio Free Kabul included Winston Churchill III, former Foreign Secretary Baron Chalfont, Lord Morrison of Lambeth the former head of the Foreign Office, and British Intelligence official Ray Whitney." Chalfont was a big supporter of Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative, or Star Wars. November 19, 1986, The Wellsboro Gazette, '"Star Wars" could do more harm than good, experts say': "Lord Alun Chalfont of the British House of Lords, however, supports SDI as an alternative to nuclear escalation. "I feel those scientists who say it can't be done have a strange attitude toward research," he stated. "I have never believed that the idea of mutually-assured destruction is a useful policy. The consequences are devastating, terrible and unthinkable. For that reason, I think we need to look into a workable, non-nuclear defense."

Director of Computer Sciences Corporation in the 1990s.

Channon, Paul

Source(s): 1993, Alan Clark, 'Diaries', p. 369-374; June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour'

Born in 1935. Member of the aristocratic Guinness family from Ireland. Lived with the Astors during WWII. Conservative member of parliament for Southend West until 1997 at which time, he stood down and was created a Life Peer. On 7 July 1972, Mac Stíofáin (one of the more violent leaders of the IRA) led an IRA delegation to a secret meeting with members of the British government, led by Secretary of State for Northern Ireland William Whitelaw, at Cheyne Walk in London. This was the Chelsea home of Paul Channon. Other IRA leaders in attendance were Dáithí Ó Conaill, Martin McGuinness, Gerry Adams, Seamus Twomey and Ivor Bell. Very much in charge, Mac Stíofáin spelled out the three basis demands of the Provisionals: (1) The future of Ireland to be decided by the people of Ireland acting as a unit; (2) a British government Declaration of Intent to withdraw from Ireland by January 1975 and (3) the unconditional release of all political prisoners. Member of the Other Club since 1973, together with the 7th Marquess of Salisbury (Le Cercle), the Duke of Devonshire (Cavendish), Lord Carrington (Pilgrims Society president), Lord Richardson of Duntisbourne (major Pilgrims Society member), Lord Rothschild, Lord Rees-Mogg, Lord Julian Amery (former Cercle chairman), Prince Charles, Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Sir Edward Heath, Sir Denis Thatcher, and Winston S. Churchill. Channon's daughter Olivia was found dead in 1986 after a heroin overdose in the bed of Count Gottfried von Bismarck, a German nobleman living and partying in London. Von Bismarck has been described as: "... looking a bit strange. Pale, thin and sweating a lot but full, as ever, of brilliant and obscure conversation. He knows an awful lot about 19th and 20th century German and English history - much more than most English - but he definitely came across as a darkly complex man." (update: in the mean time, in October 2007, Count von Bismarck shot himself chock full of cocaine and jumped off his balcony. October 11, 2007, The Daily Mail: "It was from the roof terrace of this penthouse apartment [where the Count was found] that a partygoer plunged 60ft to his death last August after a gay orgy hosted by the homosexual von Bismarck... A pathologist told the hearing the 44-year-old's body contained the highestlevel of the drug he had ever seen... [The Count's friend] said: 'Gottfried had been up since Wednesday morning until early Fridaymorning. When he collapsed after a binge of partying it wasn't unlike him to sleep for 24 or 36 hours.' Tests on his body revealed that the levels of cocaine and heroin in his blood were both 'in the fatal range', the inquest heard. According to toxicologists, just 0.99mg of cocaine per litre of bloodis enough to kill, but von Bismarck's level was almost five times that amount. Pathologist Professor Sebastian Lucas said Bismarck had advanced liver disease caused by years of alcohol abuse as well as HIV and hepatitis B and C."). President of the Board of Trade and Secretary of State for Trade and Industry 1986-1987. Secretary of State for Transport 1987-1989. Sir Richard Loose, Sir Adam Butler and Paul Channon had been at university together and they were the ministers of state at the foreign office, the defence ministry and the department of trade during the same time. Seems to be a willing servant of the Lockerbie coverup. During his time as trade minister he allowed a chlorine plant to be sold secretly to Iraq by the British company Uhde Ltd, in the knowledge that it was likely to be used to make mustard and nerve gas, which was used in the war with Iran. Channon also instructed the export credit guarantee department (ECGD) to keep details of the deal secret from the public. Attended the 1990 Pinay meeting in Oman. Present at the memorial service of former Cercle president Julian Amery. Created a life peer as Baron Kelvedon. The Duke of Kent is a good friend of his and they shared their birthday parties at the home of Paul Channon in October 2005. The Queen attended the party. Prince Charles and Camilla, and the widow of the Duke of Devonshire (Cavendish) were expected by the Daily Mail to attend the party.

Who's Who: 2nd Lieut Royal Horse Guards (The Blues), 1955–56. Pres. of Oxford Univ. Conservative Association, 1958. MP (C) Southend W, Jan. 1959–1997; PPS, to Minister of Power, 1959–60, to Home Sec., 1960–62, to First Sec. of State, 1962–63, to the Foreign Sec., 1963–64; Opposition Spokesman on Arts and Amenities, 1967–70; Parly Sec., Min. of Housing and Local Govt, June-Oct. 1970; Parly Under-Sec. of State, DoE, 1970–72; Minister of State, Northern Ireland Office, March-Nov. 1972; Minister for Housing and Construction, DoE, 1972–74; Opposition Spokesman on: Prices and Consumer Protection, March-Sept. 1974; environmental affairs, Oct. 1974–Feb. 1975; Minister of State, CSD, 1979–81; Minister for the Arts, 1981–83; Minister for Trade, 1983–86; Sec. of State for Trade and Industry, 1986–87; Sec. of State for Transport, 1987–89. Chairman: Finance and Services Cttee, H of C, 1992–97; Transport Select Cttee, 1993–97. Dep. Leader, Cons. Delegn to WEU and Council of Europe, 1976–79. Chm., British Assoc. for Central and Eastern Europe, 1992–97. Mem., Gen. Adv. Council to ITA, 1964–66. President: Southend West Cons. Assoc.; Brentwood and Ongar Cons. Assoc.; Old Etonian Assoc., 1999–2000. PC 1980.

Churchill, Winston Spencer, II

Source(s): Atlantic Circle website (existed from October 2000 to June 2002; one simple html page, 350 words; for 90% based on information already published in books or exposed in news articles): "Le Cercle, in the past, has been honored to hear the views of such notables as Richard Nixon, Henry Kissinger, David Rockefeller, William Casey, Franz Josef Strauss, Jeanne Kirkpatrick, Zbigniew Brzezinski, General Norma Schwartzkopf, the Sultan of Oman, Otto von Hapsburg, Winston Churchill II, Charles Pasqua, Anton Rupert, King Hussein of Jordan and President Ion lliescu of Romania."

Born in 1940. Son of the late Randolph Churchill (son of the famous prime minister) and later Mrs. Averell Harriman (Pamela Harriman). The marriage between these only lasted from 1939 to 1945. Pamela would have numerous affairs with rich men during and after her divorce, including Edward R. Murrow and John Hay Whitney (Pilgrims; close to Brian Crozier of the Cercle), Prince Aly Khan, Alfonso de Portago, Gianni Agnelli, and Baron Elie de Rothschild. Her later husband, Averell Harriman, a very elitist Pilgrims Society member, had many OSS/CIA connections. Pamela became very active in the Democratic Party and eventually under Clinton she became the US Ambassador to France (1993–1997).

MA from Oxford, Eton College. War correspondent in Yemen, Congo and Angola, 1963; Correspondent: Borneo and Vietnam, 1966; Middle East, 1967; Chicago, Czechoslovakia, 1968; Nigeria, Biafra and Middle East, for The Times, 1969–70; Special Correspondent: China, for The Observer, 1972; Portugal, for The Daily Telegraph, 1975. Presenter, This Time of Day, BBC Radio, 1964–65. Lecture tours of the US and Canada, 1965–2005. Contested Gorton Div. of Manchester, Nov. 1967. MP (C) Stretford, 1970–83, Davyhulme, Manchester, 1983–97. PPS to Minister of Housing and Construction, 1970–72, to Minister of State, FCO, 1972–73; Sec., Cons. Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Cttee, 1973–76; Conservative Party front-bench spokesman on Defence, 1976–78. Member: Select Cttee on Defence, 1983–97; Select Cttee on H of C (Services), 1985–86. Vice-Chm., Cons. Defence Cttee, 1979–83; Cons. Party Co-ordinator for Defence and Multilateral Disarmament, 1982–84; Mem. Exec., 1922 Cttee, 1979–85, Treas., 1987–88. Sponsored Motor Vehicles (Passenger Insce) Act 1972, Crown Proceedings (Armed Forces) Act 1987. Pres., Trafford Park Indust. Council, 1971–97. Member, Council: Consumers’ Assoc., 1990–93; British Kidney Patients Assoc., 1990–2004. President: Friends of Airborne Forces, 1996–2004; War Memls Trust (formerly Friends of War Memls), 1997–; Chairman: Nat. Benevolent Fund for the Aged, 1994– (Trustee, 1974–); Winston Churchill Meml Trust, 2002– (Trustee, 1965–); Trustee, Sandy Gall’s Afghanistan Appeal, 1995–. Governor, English-Speaking Union, 1975–80; Vice-Pres., British Technion Soc., 1976–. Hon. Fellow, Churchill Coll., Cambridge, 1969. Member of the Other Club, together with Lord Rees-Mogg, the Duke of Devonshire (Cavendish), Lord Carrington (Pilgrims president), Lord Rothschild and Prince Charles. Here they dine together with such individuals as Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Sir Edward Heath, and Sir Denis Thatcher (husband of). Lord Richardson of Duntisbourne (J. Henry Schroder; Bank of England; Morgan Stanley; BIS; Chemical Bank; Chase Manhattan; Rolls Royce; Ditchley; Group of Thirty; presided over G-10 meetings; Privy Council; Order of the Garter; Pilgrims Society) and Cercle participants Baron Kelvedon, Lord Julian Amery and the 7th Marquess of Salisbury (Cecil). White's. Buck's.

Cicconi, James W.

Source(s): 2014, Johannes Grossmann, p. 552 (visited in the early 1990s)

Born in 1952. University of Austin 1970-1977. General counsel to the secretary of state of Texas 1980-1981. Special assistant to White House chief of staff James Baker 1981-1985. Transition staff secretary of state James Baker and president-elect George H. W. Bush 1988-1989. White House staff secretary 1989-1990. Partner Akin, Gump, Strauss & Feld early 1990s-1998. Joined AT&T's legal staff in 1998. Director American Council on Germany. Trustee Brookings Institution 2000-. George W. Bush transition staff 2000-2001. Vice president George Bush Presidential Library. Bush-Cheney '04. John McCain 2008. New Republican Majority Fund. Fund for a Responsible Future. Director U.S. Chamber of Commerce. General counsel and executive vice president for law and government affairs AT&T anno 2015.

Clark, Alan

Sources: 1993, Alan Clark, 'Diaries', p. 369-374; June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour'; April 6, 2003, The Observer, 'So, Norman, any regrets this time?'

Who's Who: Foreign Office, 1958; HM Forces, 1960–62; FO 1962; served Tehran, 1964–66; Jedda, 1966–68; Second Sec. (Economic), later First Sec., Paris, 1969–71; FCO, 1972–76; Dep. Hd of Mission, Freetown, 1976–80; FCO, 1980–84; secondment (with rank of Counsellor) to Vickers Shipbuilding and Engineering Ltd, 1984–86; Counsellor and Head of Chancery, Bucharest, 1986–89; Consul-Gen., Montreal, 1990–93; Sen. Overseas Inspector, FCO, 1994–96. Vice-Chm., Thanet Community Housing Assoc., 1999–2003. Complaint Convenor, Kent and Medway HA, 2002–05; Perf. Assessor, GMC, 2002–. Non-exec. Dir, E Kent Hosps NHS Trust, 2003–; Interim Chm., Shepway PCT, 2004–05. Trustee, Michael Yoakley’s Charity, 2000– (Chm. of Trustees, 2005–). Minister of Trade, 1986-1989, and Minister of State, Minister of Defence, 1989-1992.

Studied law. He did not practice however, and instead became a military historian. Controversial, irreverent, charming and vain, Alan Clark was one of the most colourful British politicians during the 1980s and 90s. Clark entered Parliament as MP for Plymouth Sutton in 1974 and served in various junior ministerial posts at the departments of Employment, Trade and Defence during the Thatcher governments of the 1980s. He attended the 1990 Pinay meeting in Oman. Clark was involved in the Arms-for-Iraq scandal, which eventually caused a landslide towards Tony Blair. At the same time he has cited in a divorce case in South Africa where it was revealed he slept with both the wife and her two daughters. He temporarily left politics, but he returned to Parliament as member for Kensington and Chelsea in the election of 1997. He died in 1999 of a brain tumor, a year before his book 'Diaries' was published, in which talked about the Pinay Circle being funded by the CIA. To date he is the only Member of Parliament to be accused of being drunk at the despatch box. To journalist Frank Johnson, Alan Clark is supposed to have said that: "Yes, I told him, I was a Nazi; I really believed it to be the ideal system, and that it was a disaster for the Anglo-Saxon races and for the world that it was extinguished. Oh yes, I told him, I was completely committed to the whole philosophy. The blood and violence was an essential ingredient of its strength, the heroic tradition of cruelty every bit as powerful and a thousand times more ancient than the Judaeo-Christian ethic."

September 15, 2009, The Independent, 'Dominic Lawson: Alan Clark was not 'wonderful'. He was sleazy and cruel - The diarist and Tory minister made his wife wretchedly miserable': "Alan Clark was not wonderful. He was sleazy, vindictive, greedy, callous and cruel. He was also a thorough-going admirer of Adolf Hitler, although his sycophants persisted in thinking that his expressions of reverence for the Fuhrer were not meant seriously. They absolutely were. ... One MP had the courage to offer an honest view of his late colleague: David Heathcoat-Amory – who had the genuine article's ability to see through Clark's phoney imitation of the upper-class Englishman. Heathcoat-Amory told the BBC that "he wasn't a particularly nice man. He could be very cruel with colleagues. ... The truth was that Clark had been content to see the men locked up on the basis of his perjurious evidence – for which he should have been prosecuted – and only came clean when the forced disclosure of documents he had connived in suppressing had put him on the spot. It turned out that Clark had earlier explained his motives for clearing the exports to Saddam: "The interests of the West were well served by Iran and Iraq fighting each other, the longer the better." He was indeed a notable historian of wars, one of his most acclaimed works being Barbarossa, an account of the Eastern Front in the Second World War. He was intent on proving Hitler's talent as a military leader, but over the years it became clear that there was more to it than mere technical admiration of Hitler the war strategist. In 1981 his diary records: "I told Frank Johnson that I was a Nazi; I really believed it to be the ideal system, and that it was a disaster for the Anglo-Saxon races and for the world that it was extinguished." Johnson, who was then on the staff of The Times, gulps and tells Clark that he can't really mean it. Clark really did mean it. But even when he complains in his diary that Johnson "takes refuge in the convention that Alan-doesn't-really-mean-it", his readers continue to believe that this is all an uproarious joke. Yet, and this is to his credit as a diarist, he does not attempt to mislead his readers about his true opinions: at one point he records his thoughts of defecting to the National Front, and when two NF emissaries come to visit him he writes, "How good they were and how brave [those] who keep alive the tribal essence." All this filth has been submerged by the tidal wave of obsession with Clark's sexual exploits. On that score Trewin's biography will not disappoint. We knew that the 30-year-old Clark married the 16-year-old Jane Beuttler in 1958. Yet Trewin has unearthed the following diary entry, written when Clark's wife-to-be was just 14: "This is very exciting. She [Jane] is the perfect victim, but whether or not it will be possible to succeed I can't tell at present." He did succeed in the endeavour of making this child a "perfect victim": in the course of their marriage he made her wretchedly miserable with his continuous betrayals. Sickest of all, perhaps, was the way in which on his death-bed he made this much younger woman promise him that she would never remarry. Naturally his "perfect victim" consented. Again, the reading public seems to find Clark's frenzied extra-marital rutting merely amusing: or perhaps it is just that they appreciate his lack of hypocrisy in admitting all to his diary. They should consider what it was like to be in receipt of his unwanted attentions. Some years ago the (married) journalist Minette Marrin recorded her own experience of it. They had both been invited to a "political" dinner at a private house. He instantly pressed himself on her in a most unsubtle way, demanding that she leave their hosts, join him for a private dinner and then... Marrin recalled: "He thought 'no' was a form of flirting ... When at last he came to believe that I was impervious to his charms and would not rush off with him into the night, he turned to me with a particularly vicious look. And this is what this self-styled gentleman, this intellectual, this flower of our civilisation, then said: "Well, fuck you then. Fuck off. I'm not talking to you any more." I think it would be better if we heard no more about the "wonderful" Alan Clark."

Clark, William P., Jr.

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (second Cercle meeting in 1985)

American politician, served under President Ronald Reagan as the Deputy Secretary of State from 1981 to 1982, United States National Security Advisor from 1982 to 1983, and the Secretary of the Interior from 1983 until 1985.

A devout Catholic, former seminary student, rancher, lawyer, and aide to Reagan in the California gubernatorial years, Clark served as a justice of the California Supreme Court prior to his Washington appointment, and was known to long to return to California. Interestingly, despite his later great personal and professional successes, the Los Angeles Times has noted that Clark initially "flunked out of law school" and "had to repeat the bar test",[1] evidently as a result of failing it at first; perseverance definitely paid off in his legal career. Clark attended Stanford University and Loyola Law School. He served in the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps. Clark was a judge for the Superior Court of California from 1969 to 1971 and an associate justice on the California State Supreme Court from 1973 to 1981. His five children, born to wife Johanna "Joan" Brauner (died April 2009), are Monica, Peter (nicknamed Pete), Nina, Colin, and Paul. In Washington, people called him "the judge" in deference to his previous court position. He reached the apex of his power when appointed National Security Advisor and temporarily became preeminent among presidential aides. A longtime rancher friend of Reagan, according to Edmund Morris's Dutch, Clark would walk into Reagan's office unannounced, an unheard-of practice for even the most senior officials. Clark even suggested to the president in light of foreign policy troubles bedeviling the US in the mid-1980s that Reagan consider not running for reelection in 1984. By that time however, George Shultz had surpassed Clark in influence, and Reagan apparently gave Clark's suggestion no thought. Morris writes that Clark resigned in late 1983 when he tired of the "unceasing hostility of [Michael] Deaver, [George] Shultz, and Nancy Reagan." Morris described Clark as "the only man who ever got within a furlong of intimacy" with the notoriously distant Reagan, and his ability to relate to Reagan inspired jealousy, at the same time that Clark's taciturn nature made him unlikely to build allies. On September 21, 1983 Secretary of the Interior James G. Watt embarrassed the administration by yet again making bigoted remarks to the media, causing him to resign on November 8, and Clark requested and received an appointment to replace Watt, disgusting environmentalists. He returned to California after his stint serving the administration and pursued a variety of law firm and other business interests. His wife, Joan, died in April 2009. In July 2011, Clark became a member of the United States Energy Security Council, which seeks to diminish oil's monopoly over the US transportation sector and is sponsored by the Institute for the Analysis of Global Security (IAGS). He currently lives in the rural community of Shandon, California where he built a small chapel in the hills of his ranch.

Clement, Marcel

Source(s): 1986 Bihay gendarmerie document: "Marcel Clement: principal leader of the Pinay Committee."

Seemingly the following person:

Marcel Clement (died April 8, 2005) is a philosopher, writer, scholar, journalist, editor and French teacher. He is the brother of Andrew Clement, founder of the Faculté Libre de Philosophie Comparée in Paris. He is the father of Pascal Clement, politician and former minister of justice in the cabinet of prime minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin and uncle of Francis Xavier Clément, philosopher, diocesan director of Catholic Education of the Loire. Among the books he wrote was the 1960 book 'Le Communisme face à Dieu: Marx, Mao, Marcuse.'

Professor of philosophy. Specialist in the social doctrine of the Church. Editor of the Catholic newspaper L'Homme Nouveau 1962-1998. Promoter of Ultramontanism and said to have influenced a generation of Catholics.

News article: "In his inaugural address, the new President of the Departmental Assembly said he was "particularly excited and proud" to succeed Pascal Clement, Lucien Neuwirth and Antoine Pinay."

Close, General Robert "Bob"

Source(s): 1982 Wildbad Kreuth participants list; Cercle lists: 1982 Wildbad Kreuth; 1983 Bonn; 1984 Bonn

NATO commander who continually warned for Soviet agression. Resigned from military service in 1980 when Belgium refused the deployment of cruise missiles. Vice president Mouvement d'Action pour l'Union de l'Europe (MAUE) since 1980. Co-founder European Institute for Security in 1981. Co-founder l'Institut Européen pour la Paix et la Sécurité with Jacques Jonet, Paul Vankerkhoven (WACL) and Nicolas de Kerchove in 1983. Jean Gol was a director of this institute. President WACL 1983-84 and West European vice president after that. President Western Goals Belgium. PRL senator 1981-1987. Frequent Resistence International signatory.

January 16, 1977, Xinhua General News Service, 'West European countries should keep vigilance against soviet surprise attack, notes belgian journal': "The article quotes belgian General Robert Close's book "the europe without defence?" as saying, "the growing imbalance of the forces stationed in europe might incite the soviets to try a lightning opertion.""

May 10, 1977, Xinhua General News Service, 'Feature from brussels: situation in western Europe is undergoing changes': "If anyone asks what is the best seller in brussels this spring? People here will tell you without hesitation: it is a book entitled "Europe Without Defence?" written by belgian General Robert Close, commander of the 16th armoured division of nato and former vice-president of Defence College of Nato."

December 7, 1979, The Globe and Mail, 'Closing NATO gap may ease pressure': "Most European NATO members support the SALT II agreement awaiting endorsement in Washington, even though it is realized its enactment might mean less assurance that the United States would risk a strike in defence of its European allies. The SALT II agreement in practical terms only covers the employment of long-range nuclear systems between the Soviet Union and the United States. European NATO members do not have medium- or long-range nuclear systems capable of reaching Soviet cities. ... The recent claim by Major-General Robert Close, a Belgian NATO commander, that the Soviet Union could easily overrun the existing NATO defences within 48 hours with a surprise attack, is widely discounted. In purely tactical military terms the General's appreciation could be accurate. But the view is that, so long as the capacity for instant NATO nuclear retaliation is maintained, the old men of the Kremlin would never risk their comfortable situations, particularly with millions of Chinese troops at their back door."

January 21, 1982, , BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (TASS), 'Retired Belgian General's Proposal for ''European Intervention Force''': "Washington has found in Western Europe a new advocate of its militarist policy aimed at undermining detente and reviving the cold war, in the person of retired Belgian General Robert Close, who is now a senator. The general was one of the directors of a special school training officer personnel for NATO headquarters in Brussels. This time he decided to lecture the peoples and governments of Western Europe. With this end in view the general gave a lengthy inter- view to the Right-wing French 'Figaro Magazine'. The interview consists of the standard array of arguments which the US administration, in particular, constantly adduces to justify its course of an upward spiralling of the arms race and heightening international tension. But the retired general would have been a bad servant of the US strategists if he did not mention what they regard as the main thing now - the ''need'' to attach Western Europe more fully and without demur to Washington's adventurist policy in the inter- national arena. His proposal to set up the so-called European Intervention Force after the pattern of the notorious US ''Rapid Deployment Forces'' has become the apex of the pro-Atlantic zeal of Robert Close. In other words, the general is pressing for Britain, France, Italy, and other countries to join in the preparations being conducted in the USA for new interventions abroad. Coming forward with bellicose calls to please Washington, Robert Close obviously underestimates the sentiments of the population of the European continent. ''The arms race worries broad sections of the public,'' the French newspaper 'L'Humanite' says. ''This is why the participants in the struggle for peace include not only communists but also members of other parties and religious circles. The mass demonstrations which took place in Paris and other European capitals not so long ago manifested, in particular, the peoples' striving for peace.''"

April 8, 1984, Central News Agency - Taiwan, 'WACL meeting to be held in Belgium April 9-11': "Dr. Ku and General Robert Close, Belgian Senator and chairman of the WACL Council..."

July 24, 1990, Central News Agency - Taiwan, 'WACL changes name to WLFD, but principles unchanged': "General Robert CLose, president of the European League for Freedom and Democracy..."

January 22, 2003, Central News Agency - Taiwan, 'WLFD Annual Congress Opens in Taitung': "The World League for Freedom and Democracy (WLFD) convened its annual congress in the eastern county of Taitung Wednesday, with the participation of 46 delegates from 26 countries. ... General Robert Close of Belgium said that Taiwan must be allowed to join the United Nations and expressed his hope that mainland China will follow Taiwan in becoming a democratic country."

Catena: Italiaans voor ‘ketting’. Codenaam voor een parallel stay-behindnetwerk in België waar rijkswachters, militairen en een aantal extreem rechtse figuren deel van uitmaakten. Based in Charleroi.

November 14, 1990, Le Soir, 'GLADIO ETAIT UN RESEAU DORMANT,MAIS CATENA? POUR MOI GLADIO EXISTAIT DEJA EN 1948 DE LA RESISTANCE A DES DERIVES?': "Selon lui, le «Gladio» italien a sans doute vu naître des «frères» et reçu une structure internationale officielle en 1952. Mais, en Belgique comme dans d'autres pays, il est sans doute toujours resté «dormant». Cette «passivité» serait d'ailleurs, toujours selon Moyen, à l'origine de l'émergence d'une dissidence, au début des années cinquante, le réseau «Catena» qui, lui, ne serait pas resté inactif dans sa lutte anticommuniste. ... Elles on été démantelées quand on a dissous l'équipe action du SDRA... en même temps que «Gladio» était dissous en France d'ailleurs. «Catena» en revanche a participé à de nombreuses actions anticommunistes en Europe. C'est une organisation «dissidente» née au sein de «Gladio» au début des années cinquante, à l'initiative de ses membres avides d'action. Des gens que j'ai connus soupçonnaient l'Opus Dei, le Vatican, Otto De Habsbourg, les Coudenhove-Kalergi d'y être mêlés."

Georges Marnette: "De naam van dit netwerk heette volgens mij Catena. Hooggeplaatste militairen zoals generaal Close, de kolonels Militis en Mayerus en majoor Bougerol maakten er deel van uit. Mogelijk hebben zij extreem rechts gebruikt om bepaalde spionageopdrachten uit te voeren."

Colby, William E.

Source(s): November 1988 – Issue 17, Lobster Magazine, 'Brian Crozier, the Pinay Circle and James Goldsmith' (quoting from the Langemann papers) - went to the December 1, 1979 meeting; October 1989 – Issue 18, Lobster Magazine, 'The Pinay Circle and Destabilisation in Europe'; 1997, Robert Hutchinson, 'Their Kingdom Come – Inside the Secret World of Opus Dei', pp. 153-158; June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour' (named as a regular)

William E. Colby, the son of an army officer, was born in St. Paul, Minnesota, on 4th January, 1920. He attended Princeton University and graduated in 1940. In 1941 Colby joined the United States Army and in 1943 the Office of Strategic Services (OSS). The OSS trained him for special missions, and he served behind enemy lines in France and on one occupation helped to destroy a German communication centre in Norway. After the war Colby obtained a law degree from Columbia University in 1947. After working for a short time in a law firm, Colby joined the CIA. He served in Stockholm (1951-1953) and then in Rome (1953-1958), where he helped to arrange the defeat of the Communist Party in the Italian general election. Colby is said to have become both a member of Opus Dei and the Knights of Malta during his intelligence days and is known to have been a staunch Roman Catholic. In his 1978 autobiography, Honorable Men, Colby explains that he was sent to Scandinavia by Gerry Miller, chief of the CIA Western Europe desk, to build the Stay-Behind networks in Scandinavia. Some of his own words: "[After WWII there was] undertaken a major program of building, throughout those Western European countries that seemed likely targets for Soviet attack, what in the parlance of the intelligence trade were known as 'stay-behind nets', clandestine infrastructures of leaders and equipment trained and ready to be called into action as sabotage and espionage forces when the time came... [This was carried out] with the utmost secrecy... Therefore I was instructed to limit access to information about what I was doing to the smallest possible coterie of the most reliable people, in Washington, in NATO, and in Scandinavia." 2005, Daniele Ganser, 'Nato Secret Armies', p. 169-170: "'Berlingske Tidende can reveal that Absalon is the Danish branch of the international Gladio network. This has been confirmed by a member of Absalon to Berlingske Tidende who wishes at present to remain unnamed', a Danish daily newspaper sensationally headlined its discoveries in 1990. (6 [November 25, 1990, Danish daily Berlingske Tidende, 'Ogsa Danmark havde hemmelig haer efter anden verdenskrig']) The source, named Q by the newspaper, confirmed what Colby had revealed in his book. 'Colby's story is absolutely correct. Absalon was created in the early 1950s', the source Q related... 'Colby was a member of the world spanning laymen catholic organization Opus Dei, which, using a modern term, could be called right-wing. Opus Dei played a central in the setting up of Gladio in the whole of Europe and also in Denmark', Q claimed. 'The leader of Gladio was Harder who was probably not a Catholic. But there are not many Catholics in Denmark and the basic elements making up the Danish Gladio were former [World War II] resistance people...(7 [Ibid])'... When another group of Danish journalist insisted to be given at least the name of a Danish CIA contact person, Colby revealed that 'his Danish contact person' for the Gladio net had been Ebbe Munck, a central figure of the Danish secret service and a former member of the resistance movement who later had entered diplomacy [immediately after WWII] to become an advisor to the Danish Queen Margarethe [II]. (10 [November 26, 1990, Danish daily Information, 'Mere mystik om dansk Gladio'])" Colby was CIA station chief in Saigon from 1959 to 1962 and headed the agency's Far East division from 1962 to 1967. In 1968, while preparing to take up the post of Chief of the Soviet Bloc Division of the Agency, President Johnson instead sent Colby back to Vietnam as Deputy to Robert Komer, who had been charged with streamlining the civilian side of the American efforts against the Communists. Shortly after arriving Colby succeeded Komer as head of the U.S./South Vietnamese rural pacification effort. This was an attempt to quell the Communist insurgency in South Vietnam. Part of the effort was the controversial Phoenix Program, an initiative designed to identify and attack the "Viet Cong Infrastructure". From 1968 to 1971 he directed the Phoenix program during the Vietnam War. It is estimated that as many 60,000 supporters of the National Liberation Front were killed during the Phoenix program, although Colby put the number at 20,587. Colby also maintained that the deaths arose in combat and were not the result of a criminal assassination program, as critics of Project Phoenix labeled it. Attorney of the Nugan Hand Bank, a money laundering center of heroin profits, mainly from the Golden Triangle, and run by different US intelligence agencies. After Nugan Hand's cover was blown and the operation abandoned, the CIA redirected many of the Nugan Hand operations to another Pacific financial institution based in Hawaii, named Bishop, Baldwin, Rewald, Dillingham and Wong (BBRDW). By the end of 1980, BBRDW started setting up offices in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Indonesia, Singapore, and Australia, all former Nugan Hand locations, staffing the offices with some of the same personnel. On 4 September 1973 President Richard Nixon appointed Colby director of the CIA. In 1973, he was questioned at a Senate hearing about the 40 Committee he was a member of. Here he admitted that Henry Kissinger was its chairman at that moment. When in 1975 both houses of Congress set up inquiries into the activities of the intelligence community, Colby handed over to the Senate committee chaired by Frank Church details of the CIA's recent operations against the left-leaning government in Chile. The agency's attempts to sabotage the Chilean economy had contributed to the downfall of South America's oldest democracy and to the installation of a military dictatorship. His testimony resulted in his predecessor, Richard Helms, being indicted for perjury. Colby was attacked by right-wing figures such as Barry Goldwater for supplying this information to Frank Church and on 30 January 1976 president Gerald Ford replaced him with Admiral Stansfield Turner. In retirement Colby published his memoirs Honorable Men. This resulted in him being accused of making unauthorized disclosures, and was forced to pay a $10,000 fine in an out-of-court settlement. In 1996 (age 76), after reportedly going out canoeing in the middle of the night, Colby died under suspicious circumstances near his home in Rock Point, Maryland. He did not mention any canoeing plans to his wife, which he usually did, nor was it normal for him to go boating at night at a rain swollen river while leaving his computer on, dinner at the table, and the door unlocked. Colby was found with no lifejacket, which he always wore when on the water, according to his wife. Some people claim that Colby was preparing to leak sensitive information to them. Steven Greer of the Disclosure Project and Kay Griggs of Colonel George Griggs were among those who claimed that. Also, Colby had lent his name to a small right-wing magazine called Strategic Investment, which blamed everything from Oklahoma and Iran Contra drug imports to the death of Vince Foster solely on Clinton. The editors of this magazine suggested that Colby was murdered for giving the magazine credence and because Colby was going to give them information on a conspiracy between Vince Foster and Clinton. However, Colby reported to his friend Senator John DeCamp that he should not believe one word he, or anyone else, wrote in Strategic Investment. Sen. John DeCamp, 'The Franklin Cover-Up,' second edition, p.387-388: "At the time of his death, Bill was working with Britain's Lord William Rees-Mogg, and his American sidekick, James Dale Davidson, publishing a series of newsletters, on international events, financial opportunities, and politics [Strategic Investment]. In fact, he was working on an article for one of those newsletters when he died. Rees-Mogg and Davidson are strange birds... After all, he [Rees-Mogg] used to write that in the coming age of society, an elite of 5% of the total population would rule over the other 95% as virtual slaves. But Rees-Mogg is not just nasty-- he represents great power... On several occasions, when I saw Bill or spoke with him during the last year of his life, I'd ask him whether I should subscribe to his newsletter, or, whether he'd just give me a few copies to look over. He always told me not to waste my money. "Ask me about any situation your interested in, and I'll give you as thorough a briefing as I possibly can. But don't believe a word you read in that newsletter I'm writing for." Strange. But, then again, Bill Colby spent his entire adult life in the shadow world of spies and counter-spies. Maybe his involvement with Rees-Mogg was more complicated than I ever speculated... And I recall another incident... Together with Rees-Mogg, the most savage press hound attacking Clinton was one Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, a Briton... [he] once called me, urgently demanding a meeting. I had never heard of him before, and so I asked Bill if he had ever heard of this fellow.... Bill answered, rather ominously, as I now look back, "His name is Ambrose Evans-Pritchard. And," he said, "be very careful." Colby advised Sen. DeCamp to drop his investigation into the Franklin child abuse and satanism case, because he would certainly be silenced. Instead, Colby recommended that DeCamp write a book and let the world know what he came across. Rees-Mogg, by the way, is a member of the extremely elite Roxburghe Club, together with the Cecils, Howards, Cavendishes, Rothschilds, Oppenheimers, and formerly Paul Mellon. According to Steven Greer, Colby received access to extraterrestrial material, together with a black budget of about $50 million. In the mid 1990s, Colby, of the opinion that the covert projects were out of control, decided to transfer a large sum and a revolutionary energy device to Greer's CSETI. But before he was able to do that, he was assassinated. The colonel who was the go-between between Colby and CSETI, and one of Colby's best friends, soon died of cancer. Greer and one of his closest associates also contracted cancer in that time period. Greer was the only one to survive.

Relationship with the Pike Committee was extremely bad. He undermined it, together with Shackley and Henry Kissinger.

Copel, General Etienne

Source(s): Cercle's 1985 Washington D.C. meeting lists; Adrian Hanni (went to the other 1985 Cercle meeting)

March 24, 1984, The Economist, ' French nuclear weapons; New Maginot line?': "For an argumentative people, the French have shown remarkable agreement in accepting the burden of nuclear weapons. President Mitterrand's support for the deployment of Euromissiles had widespread approval; the French unilateralist disarmament movement is tiny; French bishops have given their blessing to France's nuclear force de frappe; the Communist party has voted for construction of a new nuclear-armed submarine. An unexpected critic has now ruffled the surface. General Etienne Copel, who was one of France's fastest rising officers, has resigned as deputy chief of the air force general staff and published a book which says that France's dependence on nuclear arms could lead to catastrophe.* * "Vaincre la guerre". Editions Lieu commun. General Copel challenges France's "big bang" theory of nuclear defence, shared by the right and the left since it was laid down by General de Gaulle. According to this strategy, tactical nuclear weapons based in eastern France would be fired in one burst as a final warning to an advancing enemy. If the advance continued, France's long-range nuclear weapons would be used, again all at once, mainly against Russian cities. France's threat to unleash its strategic nuclear arsenal in one throw is believed to be a more effective deterrent than the threat of step-by-step nuclear retaliation. General Copel, argues that a Russian attack on western Europe would be non-nuclear: as the Soviet Army streamed across West Germany towards the Rhine, France would not in fact use its nuclear weapons on Russian cities. No French president would risk Russian nuclear retaliation. "Nuclear deters only nuclear," the general writes. In his view, the force de frappe is today's Maginot line. The general's criticisms are timely because French defence planners are putting more emphasis on nuclear than on conventional weapons. A rapid-deployment conventional force is being organised but this seems to be better adapted for more distant trouble spots than for use in Europe. This apart, new money is mainly being spent on enlarging the strategic nuclear force and in developing a medium-range nuclear-armed missile. General Copel's remedy is not for the faint-hearted, and may give pause to those tempted to agree with his criticisms. He thinks that French defence should concentrate on chemical warfare and on the neutron bomb. He wants French troops to be better protected against Soviet chemical weapons, and thinks France should develop its own. Low-blast, high-radiation neutron weapons, on his plan, would help to stop an enemy at France's borders. The general's unorthodoxy has had an icy welcome from the French defence establishment. General Pierre Gallois, France's leading nuclear strategist, says the book ignores France's allies, takes the Russians for imbeciles and will do more harm than good. A leading left-wing Socialist, Mr Jean-Pierre ChevAenement, defended nuclear weapons and said General Copel was recklessly exaggerating. In premature retirement, the general is unrepentant. Once freed from their preoccupation with long-range nuclear defence, he believes the French will reveal once more their martial qualities: "We can fight and resist", he says, "we are not cattle". No doubt. But is General Copel's defence as good as his attack?"

May 31, 1990, The Independent, 'Towards a new balance with no fear of the Bundeswehr': "That would be the result of any important modification of Germany's role in Nato. The latest Soviet version - that Germany should adopt the French solution, inside the political structure but not in the integrated military command - was warmly welcomed by General Etienne Copel, the former chief of France's air force, but by almost nobody else. It was rejected, in particular, by the West German Defence Minister, Gerhard Stoltenberg. For the Germans, there is little difference between this idea and the long-standing Soviet ambition to neutralise Germany. German forces are the largest Nato contingent and the most closely integrated. The entire Bundeswehr is assigned to Nato, comes under Nato command and has no general staff of its own. Removing the Bundeswehr would leave a large hole in Nato contingency planning which the Nato of today could not accept and the Germans of today do not want. It is not a particularly logical thing for the Soviet Union to want. The conventional wisdom that Nato's present arrangements keep Germany from threatening European peace logically suggest that the Soviet Union, too, is safer with Germany in Nato."

Costick, Miles

Source(s): Cercle's 1982 Wildbad Kreuth list

January 15, 1981, Christian Science Monitor, 'Reagan may block US firms from aiding on key Soviet pipeline project': "If the Soviet Union thought it could count on US help in building a natural gas pipeline from Siberia to West Germany, it probably cannot now. As part of its appreciably sterner policy toward Moscow, the Reagan administration is expected to prevent two major US firms from participating in the massive engineering project, according to Dr. Miles Costick, president of the Institute on Strategic Trade here. The two firms -- Caterpillar Tractor and International Harvester -- hope to sell millions of dollars worth of equipment to the Soviet Union for the Western-financed and -built pipeline, which would carry natural gas from the Yamal Penninsula in northwestern Siberia to West Germany. Here it would link up with a European pipeline network conveying gas to france, Italy, Belgium, and the Netherlands, among other countries. Last December, US Commerce Secretary Philip Klutznick issued export licenses to Caterpillar Tractor for 200 pipe-laying bulldozers and to International Harvester for compressor station components. The licenses were issued against the objections of Defense Department officials, who contended that the sale could make Western Europe more vulnerable to Soviet diplomatic pressure as it comes to rely, to a small degree at least, on Soviet energy. Dr. Costick, who strenuously opposes US participation in the pipeline project on the grounds that it would be needlessly assisting an implacable enemy, says that after conversations with Reagan transition officials, he is "strongly inclined to believe" that the export licenses will be revoked. Asked to comment on such an eventuality, a Commerce Department transition source "close to the trade situation" declares: "It would be my recommendation to the secretary that he carefully review these licenses." ... In a report published by the Institute on Strategic Trade, entitled "The Soviet Gas Deal and its Threat to the West," Costick and Marc Dean Millot, an institute research associate, declare that the "rush" by the West and Japan to build the Soviet pipeline -- thereby boosting Soviet energy production and at the same time creating "a hazardous dependency" on the Soviet Union for their own energy requirements -- seems "an extraordinary folly.""

Cradock, Sir Percy

Source(s): June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour'

Who's Who: Pres., Cambridge Union, 1950. Called to the Bar, Middle Temple, 1953. Served Foreign Office, 1954–57; First Sec., Kuala Lumpur, 1957–61, Hong Kong, 1961, Peking, 1962; Foreign Office, 1963–66; Counsellor and Head of Chancery, Peking, 1966–68; Chargé d’Affaires, Peking, 1968–69; Head of Planning Staff, FCO, 1969–71; Under-Sec., Cabinet Office, 1971–75; Ambassador to German Democratic Republic, 1976–78; Leader, UK Delegn to Comprehensive Test Ban Discussions at Geneva, 1977–78; Ambassador to People’s Republic of China, 1978–83; Leader of UK team in negotiations over Hong Kong, 1982–83; Dep. Under Sec. of State, FCO, supervising Hong Kong negotiations, 1984; Chm., Jt Intelligence Cttee, 1985–92. the Prime Minister’s Foreign Policy Adviser, 1984–92.

Born in 1923. Studied Law at Cambridge. Joined the British Foreign Office in 1954. Counsellor in Beijing. Charge d'Affairs in Beijing 1966-1969. Head of the Assessments Staff in the Cabinet Office. Ambassador in Beijing 1978-1984. In this position he opened and headed the Sino-British negotiations of 1984, which led to the agreement that the socialist system of the Chinese Republic would not be practiced in Hong Kong for 50 years, starting in 1997 when Hong Kong would have to be given back to China. Hong Kong would keep its capitalist system and its way of life. Foreign Policy Adviser (especially on British-Soviet relations) to Margaret Thatcher 1984-1992. Said to have believed that the slow collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989-1990 was a deliberate Communist hoax. Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC), the coordinating board between the intelligence agencies (MI5, MI6, GCHQ, Defense Intelligence Staff) and politicians 1985-1992. According to the former City banker and ASTRA chairman Gerald James, a person named David Hart, a member of Thatcher's inner circle and close friend of William Casey, was especially close to Sir Percy Cradock. Hart at some point boasted: "Thatcher told me so much. I could blow her out of the water in five minutes.", which was a reference to a possible smear campaign if Thatcher at some point would not go along with the City-Intelligence Services cabal. Not a whole lot has been written about the inner workings of the Joint Intelligence Committee. 1995, Gerald James, 'In the Public Interest', p. 128-130: "Stephen Dorril tells us that when, in July 1961, Cabinet Secretary Norman Brook failed to pass to the Prime Minister information about War Minister John Profumo's affair with Christine Keeler (a friend of KGB officer Eugene Ivanov), 'Harold Wilson stumbled on a crucial secret, namely the fact that the Cabinet Office, not the Prime Minister's office, had overall control of the security service and, crucially, the overall flow of information': putting the real power into the hands of permanent government rather than elected government. Intelligence about arms comes from intercepted communications, MI6 agents and informers, embassy officials, and arms dealers. Robin Robison, former administrative officer for the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) responsible for disseminating that information, has put on record that GCHQ [British NSA] arms-deal information goes via JIC to the Bank of England, the DTI, FCO, MoD and ECGD, but is rarely passed into the parliamentary arena. Robinson's job was to sift through transcripts of bugged telephone calls and other intercepted material for inclusion in JIC's 'Red Book' before its distribution. 'Although the Director-General [MI5] has a right to direct access to the Prime Minister, he does not lightly go over the heads of permanent under-secretaries for fear of creating future problems,' writes one former intelligence officer. Ex-Deputy Chief of MI6, George Kennedy Young [whom Gerald James knew well], admitted that, when it comes keeping the Prime Minister informed, the Cabinet Secretary may conveniently fail to find an 'oppertune moment' to pass the baton of power from permanent to elected government. Dorril and Ramsay quote another security source saying that the Home Secretary 'hasn't got a clue what is going on. If he comes around, you lock away any sensitive files and set up a display file specifically for him to look at - a spoof file on some imaginary subversive with lots of exciting material in it. He's not going to know any better.'... Again, every week the Queen receives JIC reports while our own ministers remain relatively in the dark. We are told that Her Majesty makes useful comments on these, and it may be that her comments are more useful than those that might be forthcoming from ministers, but I believe that many ordinary people, brainwashed by the tabloids into thinking that the purpose of the Royal Family is to offer entertainment along the lines of soap opera, would be surprised to learn about this system of disbursement of vital information to government... If most Prime Ministers take up office without much or indeed any knowledge of the security services, in Thatcher's case she was briefed by people associated with Brian Crozier's [former head of Le Cercle] Institute for the Study of Conflict even as leader of the Opposition during Jim Callaghan's government... she was the first Prime Minister to insist that she sit in on the highly secret Joint Intelligence Committee meetings." June 26, 1991, The Times: "Sir Percy Cradock, the prime minister's top intelligence adviser, has become a fondly regarded face in the Pentagon... There is a more prosaic reason for defence secretary Richard Cheney's interest in the man who directs British intelligence traffic through the corridors of Downing Street: Mr Cheney is conducting a bureaucratic battle to control his own spies, and on the strategies necessary for inter-service fighting, Sir Percy is considered a modest master." Made a secret mission to Peking to lay the ground for John Major's visit in 1991, the first by a major Western leader after the Tiananmen Square massacre. The purpose of this visit was to clear the differences of opinion over Hong Kong. Retired from government service in 1992. Member of the Privy Council since 1993. Member of the Order of Saint Michael and Saint George. Honorary Fellow of St. John's College, University of Cambridge. The most prominent critic of the liberalising policies of Lord Christopher Patten (Pilgrims Society), the last Governor of Hong Kong. His argument was that Patten, fully backed by the John Major government, caused unnecessary trouble by fiddling with plans to create a more representative government in Hong Kong. According to Sir Percy, if the old line had been adhered to, Hong Kong would be enjoying a smoother transition in 1997. Spoke at the Cercle in 1997.

Critchfield, James H.

Source(s): 1985 Cercle particpants list, Washington D.C.

President Tetra Tech International, a subsidiary of Honeywell (officially invited in this function).

March 26, 1985, New York Times, 'Ex-intelligence agents are said to have major roles in Oman': "Among the foreign advisers who have played a major role in the Persian Gulf nation of Oman is a former senior Central Intelligence Agency official who heads an American corporation that manages the country's most strategic region. The corporation, Tetra Tech International, has a contract with the Government of Oman to manage the development of the Masandam Peninsula that sits astride the Strait of Hormuz, which separates the area from Iran and through which travels a significant amount of the West's oil. For other Americans, even such official visitors as Congressional staff members, the sensitive Masandam region is off-limits, according to two American officials who recently visited Oman and were not allowed to tour the area. The parent of Tetra Tech International is Tetra Tech, which is based in Pasadena, Calif., and specializes in providing products and services in the areas of water and energy resources. It is a subsidiary of Honeywell Inc., a leading United States military contractor with headquarters in Minneapolis. Tetra Tech International helps manage several key Omani Government agencies in addition to Masandam Province, and the company and its parent work for both commercial and government customers in several other Middle Eastern countries, including Saudi Arabia, as well as in the United States. The president of Tetra Tech International and the man who helped to get its contract in Oman is James H. Critchfield, who, before joining the company in 1975, had an interest in Oman, working for the C.I.A. both as head of the Middle East desk and later as the chief intelligence official for energy, according to former intelligence officials and public documents. Mr. Critchfield is among about 20 American, British and Arab advisers to the country's ruler, Sultan Qabus bin Said, who have helped shape the country's foreign and domestic policies. Like Mr. Critchfield, many of the advisers have intelligence backgrounds. In an interview late last year, Mr. Critchfield acknowledged that he is one of the closest American advisers to Oman's ruler, and he said he no longer had anything to do with the C.I.A. Yet there is a widespread perception in Oman that Mr. Critchfield and others with intelligence backgrounds retain ties to their former employers. As a result, Western and Omani officials said, the role of Westerners in Oman has become a subject of dispute."

February 29, 2004, Washington Times, 'Soviet deception, recruiting an enemy': "In fairness to Gehlen, Hitler and his subordinates regularly denigrated Soviet military capabilities and ignored even good intelligence. And, in due course, Mr. Stephan concludes, Gehlen's "organization produced the best results of any German intelligence organization during the war." In any event, U.S. intelligence regarded Gehlen's recruitment as a coup. He ultimately became the responsibility of Jim Critchfield, first as a young Army colonel, then as an early officer of the CIA. [Critchfield served the CIA for more than 20 years as an operations officer; he died in April 2003.] Critchfield aptly describes West Germany as an "intelligence jungle" in the late 1940s and 1950s, with Western agencies competing against one another with almost as much energy as was directed against the Soviets. Early on he recognized Gehlen's value, and he spent considerable time fending off bureaucratic rivals. The CIA contingent and families settled into the Gehlen organization's compound in the village of Pullach and avoided contact with outsiders. Critchfield worked under the name "Kent James Marshall," and he writes that daughter Ann "many years later . . . humorously observed that until she was fourteen years old she thought all children had two names." Critchfield carried out another mission perhaps even more important than caring for Gehlen - the shaping of the intelligence and military structure of a democratic federal republic that took its place in NATO. That a CIA officer played such a seminal diplomatic role has escaped the attention of historians. Indeed, I skimmed the indexes of several biographies of Konrad Adenauer, the first chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, without finding mention of the CIA, much less "Kent James Marshall." Critchfield at once tells a good intelligence story and gives insight into how "diplomacy" functioned during the Cold War."

July 2004 - August 2004, Foreign Affairs, 'Berlin to Baghdad': "Partners at the Creation focuses on Critchfield's mentoring of two of Hitler's former generals, the controversial Reinhard Gehlen and the lesser-known Adolf Heusinger, both of whom would ultimately play large roles in West Germany's national security community. During the war, Gehlen directed the German army's intelligence organization on the eastern front, the Fremde Heere Ost, while Heusinger was wartime chief of the operations division of the German army general staff. Heusinger participated in the resistance movement against Hitler and was jailed for it in 1944; Gehlen did not. ... So, in 1947, the newly created CIA was brought into the picture, and by 1948 the agency was Gehlen's sole sponsor, with Critchfield in charge as the man on the ground. Heusinger ran Gehlen's postwar analytical branch and was more pro-U.S. than his colleague. From 1948 on, he believed that Western Europe could not defend itself alone and that any future West German military would have to be closely tied to NATO. (He would go on to become chairman of NATO's military committee in the 1960s.) "Germany's transition from an enemy to an ally of the United States and the West was probably destined by broader forces," Critchfield writes. "But the ultimate success of this pivotal moment in history should be credited in no small part to Reinhard Gehlen and the small circle of former German Army General Staff officers at the center of the Gehlen Organization.""

March 18, 2001, Washington Post, 'CIA Declassifies Its Records On Dealings With Ex-Nazis': "When [Carl] Oglesby got only a smattering of documents from the Army and the CIA, he sued in 1987, emphasizing meetings that Gehlen held in the summer of 1945 with U.S. officials at Fort Hunt, Va. He and some other researchers believe that the post-war hunt for Nazi war criminals was severely compromised by American intelligence demands for help in meeting the new Soviet menace. A retired CIA official who dealt with Gehlen's organization for seven years says those suspicions have been exaggerated into conspiratorial nonsense and that Gehlen and his top aides came out of the German army general staff that tried, several times, to overthrow Adolf Hitler. But he, too, expressed frustration that so much of the true story remains classified. "I've lived with this for 50 years," said James H. Critchfield, the CIA officer assigned to the Gehlen organization from 1949 to 1956. "Almost everything negative that has been written about Gehlen, in which he has been described as an ardent ex-Nazi, one of Hitler's war criminals -- this is all far from the fact." Critchfield said CIA records may turn up the names of six to 10 veterans of the SD, Gestapo chief Heinrich Himmler's intelligence service, who joined Gehlen's network in 1950. But he said Gehlen took them on reluctantly, under pressure from German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer to deal with "the avalanche of subversion hitting them from East Germany." By contrast, Critchfield said, Gehlen's top command consisted of 30 to 40 young staff officers trained under Gen. Ludwig Beck, who was executed in 1944 for conspiring to assassinate Hitler, and Gen. Franz Halder, who was imprisoned until the war ended. "They weren't really a bunch of Nazis," he said."

April 25, 2003, Associated Press, 'James Critchfield, CIA official who recruited Nazis, Iraqi Baathists, dies at 86': "James H. Critchfield, a powerful CIA insider during the Cold War whose anti-Soviet missions included recruiting former Third Reich operatives and supporting the Iraqi political party that put Saddam Hussein in power, has died. He was 86. Critchfield, a highly decorated U.S. Army colonel who led an assault battalion during World War II, died Tuesday from pancreatic cancer in Williamsburg, Va., his family said. Critchfield was born near Hunter, N.D., grew up in Fessenden and Fargo, and graduated from North Dakota State University. During a 26-year-old CIA career, Critchfield worked with the Dalai Lama of Tibet in a guerrilla war against Communist China and headed a CIA task force during the Cuban missile crisis. He also ran regional agency operations when the two superpowers raced to secure satellites first in Eastern Europe, then in the Middle East. Timothy Naftali, an intelligence historian, said Critchfield's talents as a spymaster, soldier and diplomat put him at the heart of a half century of historic moments. He described Critchfield's role in the CIA as analogous to that of a general commanding the most crucial missions. "What happened in Jim's lifetime was staggering," Naftali said. "Fighting the Nazis, then seeing a new global conflict emerge and fighting in that, then seeing that conflict move to the Third World and becoming a general in that." Critchfield was best known in intelligence circles as the CIA's liaison to the Gehlen Organization, a group of former Third Reich intelligence and military officials recruited by the Army because of their purported knowledge of the Soviet Union. That group turned out to be tainted with fabricators, double agents and war criminals, though Critchfield said it was instrumental in building a defense and intelligence network for West Germany. Critchfield himself drew parallels between the moral compromises made at the end of World War II with his recommendation in the early 1960s that the United States support the Baath Party, which staged a 1963 coup against the Iraqi government that the CIA believed was falling under Soviet influence. "We knew perhaps six months beforehand that it was going to happen," he said during an interview with The Associated Press last month. Critchfield described Saddam Hussein as a minor and peripheral figure in the Baath Party at the time. Saddam did not become a force in the party until the late 1960s and seized full power in 1979. "You have to understand the context of the time and the scope of the threat we were facing," Critchfield said. "That's what I say to people who say, 'You guys in the CIA created Saddam Hussein."' Critchfield joined the Army and became one of the youngest colonels of World War II. He led the 2nd Battalion of the 141st Infantry of the 36th Division into France, Germany and finally Austria, and won the Silver Star, Purple Heart and Bronze Star, among other decorations. He joined the CIA in 1948 and had long stints as chief of the Eastern European Division, and the Near East and South Asia Division. "I covered everything from Greece to Burma," he said of the latter post. With the growing political importance of Middle East oil, he became the CIA's national intelligence officer for energy in the late 1960s and early 1970s, then an energy policy planner at the White House. He also fronted a dummy CIA corporation in the Middle East known as Basic Resources, which was used to gather OPEC-related intelligence for the Nixon administration. The work of the Gehlen Organization resonates to this day. It has been the focus of a task force created to oversee the 1999 Nazi War Crimes Disclosure Act, which has resulted in the biggest declassification of U.S. intelligence records in history. The task force is delving into the degree to which U.S. intelligence gave war crimes suspects jobs. For his part, Critchfield argued that the benefits outweighed the moral compromises. Critchfield said the Gehlen group, along with former German military officers he handled, helped create a defense and intelligence network for West Germany that was folded into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 1955. Reinhard Gehlen, Nazi Germany's chief of anti-Soviet espionage, subsequently became West Germany's intelligence chief. A general Critchfield recruited became head of West Germany's military. After retiring from the CIA in 1974, Critchfield became a consultant, corporate president and adviser to the Sultan of Oman. Just before his death, he completed a memoir called "Partners at the Creation: The Men Behind Postwar Germany's Defense and Intelligence Establishments," to be published later this year."

November 21, 2004, Bismarck Tribune (North Dakota), 'One N.D. man who did much for his country': "The key operative of the CIA for a number of the major operations of the United States was from North Dakota. James H. Critchfield, in his 26 years with the CIA, recruited former Nazi intelligence and military officials to help gather and interpret information about the former Soviet Union; worked with the Dalai Lama of Tibet in a guerrilla war against Communist China; and supported the Baath party in Iraq in the 1963 and 1968 coups against the Iraqi government that helped bring Saddam Hussein to power. His work may appear to be highly controversial, but he always strove to do what appeared, at the time, to be in the best interests of this country. He was also remarkably effective. James Hardesty Critchfield, the son of a doctor and a schoolteacher, was born in 1917 in Hunter, N.D. He attended North Dakota Agricultural College, now North Dakota State University, taking part in the ROTC program. After graduation in 1939, he went into the military. During World War II, he quickly rose through the ranks, becoming one of the youngest colonels in the military serving in North Africa and Europe. Active in military intelligence at the close of the war, Critchfield joined the CIA in 1948. At the time, our country was in the grips of the Cold War and we were desperate to find out information about the Soviet Union. When challenged with finding a solution for this, Critchfield believed the best source would be the former Nazis who had conducted intensive surveillance during World War II. His first major contact involved Gen. Reinhard Gehlen. Gehlen had been the head of Foreign Armies in the East, but was fired by Hitler in April 1945. Knowing he had fallen out of favor with Hitler, Gehlen began microfilming all of the information he had on the Soviet Union prior to his firing. After the surrender of Germany, he turned himself in to the Allies in May. Gehlen was later flown to the U.S. where CIA officials debriefed him. Since he had been Hitler's master spy on the Eastern Front, the U.S. believed it was necessary to use him to their advantage. The CIA had him turn over his files on Russia and employed his former agents who were scattered across Europe. The man put in charge of this operation for the CIA was Critchfield. Critchfield was transferred to Gehlen's compound in Pullach, Germany. Through the efforts of Gehlen, more than 5,000 anti-Communist agents were trained and sent into Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union to act as spies and to become involved in sabotage efforts behind the Iron Curtain. Critchfield's involvement with Gehlen ended in 1956 and his operations in Europe terminated in 1959. On the use of ex-Nazis in the assistance of the CIA, Critchfield always contended that the "benefits outweighed the moral compromises." In 1959 Allen Dulles, the director of the CIA, asked Critchfield to take over operations in the Middle East with a particular emphasis on Iraq. In that year the monarchy in Iraq, established by Great Britain, had been deposed. According to Critchfield, "The Soviet effort in the Middle East tried to penetrate the Fertile Crescent from Damascus, to Baghdad, toward the Gulf, and through Egypt and the Suez Cannel to the Red Sea. So it was equally important for them (the Soviet Union) to get control in Baghdad." To keep the Soviets from doing this, it was Critchfield's responsibility to keep Iraq out of Russia's hands. He saw the Baath party as the key because he believed that Baaths were opposed to Soviet Communism. At that time, the Baaths were relatively moderate and the leadership was made up of intellectuals within Iraq. Karim Kassem ruled Iraq and he was leaning more to the Soviet Union. The U.S. became alarmed and began devising plots to have Kassem assassinated. The killing of Kassem needed to be carried out by an Iraqi, but the CIA was willing to supply the conspirators with lists of people who had to be eliminated immediately after a successful coup to ensure success. In 1963, Kassem was shot to death during a military coup. With Kassem and his followers out of the way, the U.S. was pleased. Months later a counter-coup occurred and, for the next five years, governments changed frequently. Within the Baath party the moderates were replaced by a more radical element. In 1968, again with the assistance of the CIA, a nearly bloodless military coup restored the Baath party to power. Following a series of military coups, Saddam Hussein took power later that year. Hussein was strongly anti-Communist and, in the early years, he was considered an important ally in the Middle East. When Critchfield retired from the CIA in 1974, it appeared the U.S. and the CIA had made a wise decision by helping prop-up Hussein in Iraq. Critchfield then became corporate president of Tetra Tech International, a subsidiary of Honeywell, which managed oil, gas and water projects in the Mideast. He also became a primary adviser to the sultan of Oman, focusing on Middle East energy resources. He then retired to his home in Williamsburg, Va., and died on April 22, 2003."

CRITCHFIELD'S ROLE IN IRAQ

In early 1963, Saddam had more important things to worry about than his outstanding bill at the Andiana Cafe. On February 8, a military coup in Baghdad, in which the Baath Party played a leading role, overthrew Qassim. Support for the conspirators was limited. In the first hours of fighting, they had only nine tanks under their control. The Baath Party had just 850 active members. But Qassim ignored warnings about the impending coup. What tipped the balance against him was the involvement of the United States. He had taken Iraq out of the anti-Soviet Baghdad Pact. In 1961, he threatened to occupy Kuwait and nationalized part of the Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC), the foreign oil consortium that exploited Iraq's oil. In retrospect, it was the ClAs favorite coup. "We really had the ts crossed on what was happening," James Critchfield, then head of the CIA in the Middle East, told us. "We regarded it as a great victory." Iraqi participants later confirmed American involvement. "We came to power on a CIA train," admitted Ali Saleh Sa'adi, the Baath Party secretary general who was about to institute an unprecedented reign of terror.

Crozier, Brian Rossiter

Sources: November 1988 – Issue 17, Lobster Magazine, 'Brian Crozier, the Pinay Circle and James Goldsmith' (quoting the Langemann papers); 1993, Brian Crozier, 'Free Agent', pages 186, 191-193, and 241; June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour'; Cercle lists: 1982 Wildbad Kreuth; 1983 Bonn; 1984 South Africa;

Worked as a journalist for many different papers since 1936. Great supporter of the Truman Doctrine of Containment, which was first introduced in 1947 by George Kennan for the CFR's Foreign Affairs. Didn't think the Truman Doctrine went far enough and was of the opinion that this policy did not take into account Soviet clandestine subversion in the West. Reporter in Saigon and Singapore in 1952 and 1953, covering the French Indochina War and the Malayan Emergency for Reuters and the Australian Associated Press. Here he made his first intelligence contacts with the British and French. Joined the Economist in 1954 and became editor of the Economist Foreign Report in 1958. Used his intelligence contacts for background info and scoops while writing for The Economist until 1964, the Sunday Times, and the BBC. Invited into John Hay "Jock" Whitney's circle of dining friends at the Connaught Hotel, when this person was ambassador to Great Britain from 1957 to 1961. Also invited at Whitney's residence in the London area. Whitney was a Rockefeller-associate, a friend of the British royal family, a CIA cooperator, and in a 1973 membership list of the Pilgrims Society, he appears as a vice president of this club, together with David K.E. Bruce (head of the Bruce family, of Robert the Bruce) and Winthrop W. Aldrich, an uncle of the Rockefeller brothers. Crozier became an anti-communist activist in 1958, working with the CIA, MI6, and IRD (Information Research Department; secret anti-communist intelligence organization of the Foreign Office 1946-1977) on projects he supported. Got his own office at the IRD after some time. In their book on the IRD, Lashmar and Oliver note that "the vast IRD enterprise had one sole aim: To spread its ceaseless propaganda output (i.e. a mixture of outright lies and distorted facts) among top-ranking journalists who worked for major agencies, papers and magazines, including Reuters and the BBC, as well as every other available channel. It worked abroad to discredit communist parties in Western Europe which might gain a share of power by entirely democratic means, and at home to discredit the British Left". Also began to work with the intelligence agencies of France, Germany, Holland, Belgium, Morocco, Iran, Argentina, Chile, and Taiwan. Invited to Antoine Bonnemaison's (a French colonel and SDECE agent specialized in psychological warfare) Centre de Recherche du Bien Politique in 1959, which initially was a secret discussion group involving intelligence officers, academics, businessmen, a few politicians, and trade union leaders of France, Germany, and the Netherlands. Besides countering communist subversion the "colloques" were aimed at Franco-German rapprochement. Crozier was a member of Interdoc, a European anti-communist subversion group in which the Dutch BVD officers who attended the "colloques" (and likely Le Cercle) played an important role. When Bonnemaison's Centre de Recherche was killed by de Gaulle in 1963, Bonnemaison set up the Centre d'Observation du Mouvement des Idées, this time financed by French corporations. The group lost its international character, and only Crozier remained a regular participant from outside France. In 1964, soon after he left the Economist, Crozier became an official consultant to the IRD and was approached by the CIA's Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) to reconstruct, commercialize, and take over their features services. Crozier turned down the offer, because he was writing for dozens of international newspapers, was giving lectures, and was working on a book. Some time later he did accept an offer to travel to South America and prepare a report on the CCF's Spanish-language services. Didn't know much about the CCF at the time, besides that it had been described to him as "very rum". Worried about Salvador Allende in Chile at the time, who described as a communist-oriented demagogue. Allende would be overthrown by the US in the 1970s. In 1965, Crozier was notified that his recommendations of professionalizing the Spanish-language services were accepted by the CCF. Therefore the CIA's CCF had attracted John Hay Whitney to gather the necessary funds to accomplish this. Brian Crozier now accepted the part-time job to reconstruct Forum Service (funded by the CCF), made it Forum World Features (FWF), and became its president until the early 1970s. Crozier wasn't to happy that John Hay Whitney had changed most of the terms that were orally accepted to, but nevertheless accepted the position. Whitney bought FWF in 1966. Richard Mellon Scaife bought FWF in 1973, until he quickly dissolved it in 1975, just before Time out magazine exposed the role of FWF as a counter to communist propaganda. The International Herald Tribune (IHT) did a follow up article, which Crozier, as he would later do with Lobster's articles on Le Cercle, described as a "curious mixture of fact and fantasy." And of course, the author, Bernard Nossiter, turned out to be a KGB asset. In 1967 Crozier published his biography on Franco, for which he had lived a year in Madrid. July 10, 1967, Brian Crozier in The Times, 'Can the personal system of government survive?': "Today, the killing of the rich and the burning of churches must have lost much of their old appeal. In fact, more Spaniards than ever before now have a stake in prosperity and progress. Why, then, are so many Spaniards indifferent or hostile to the regime that has brought them stability and a taste of affluence?" October 28, 1967, The Times, 'Franco: the passion to survive' (review of Crozier's book): "[Franco] was never an orator like Hitler or Mussolini, or a theorist like de Gaulle; nor is he, despite the propaganda of the Left, a "fascist dictator". Rather, as Mr. Crozier points out, it was Franco who smashed Spanish fascism- something the Republic failed to achieve. In his main purpose - to improve the material conditions of all Spaniards - Franco believed implicitly in Order and Discipline as the essential prerequisites of progress; and it is as the enemy of Order that he fears Communism - of which, Mr. Crozier reveals, he began to make a careful study as early as 1928... [Franco's] regime, despite its faults - it is vastly less oppressive than those of eastern Europe - has given his people the longest period of peace, stability, and progress in modern Spanish history. If it was not for love of him that they voted overwhelmingly in his favour in last year's Referendum, it was certainly for fear of what might take his place." December 21, 1973, Brian Crozier for The Times, 'Prime Minister's assassination may push Spain even farther to the right': "General Franco is still a hate-symbol of the international left, which has never forgiven him his victory..." November 2, 1982, The Times, 'Is democracy such a good thing?': "We all have our intellectual assumptions, and the prevailing assumption in the West is that party democracy is necessarily good and dictatorship necessarily bad... The cause of relief was that the fragile flower of Spanish democracy was being saved - the important thing being the salvation of party democracy, not whether party democracy is necessarily good for Spain or will necessarily solve Spain's problems, which is at least open to doubt if hard facts mean anything. Since Franco died in 1975, inflation and unemployment have soared in Spain. So have terrorism and non-political crime. Moreover, the politicians have saddled their country with an unworkable constitution... No doubt one should make allowances after a dictatorship of 40 years, but the assumption that democracy is going to work in Spain does, I think, remain to be proved. Within a year of Franco's death, more than 500 political groups had registered... In France, a big majority voted against [Cercle associate] President Giscard d'Estaing's desire to extend his own mandate - and landed the French people with a socialist-communist coalition they did not want. In Germany, Herr Helmut Kohl [funded by fringe Vatican interests] came to power by a constitutional device which leaves him dependent on the support of Herr Schmidt's former coalition partners, the Liberals, who will probably be wiped out at the general elections next March. Against this dismal record, it might be a sound principle to value freedom and good government rather than party democracy..." May 2, 1985, The Times, Spain's Soldiers waiting for their orders: "Contrary to received opinion, the attempted coup four years ago was not to be a coup d'état but rather a coup de force. The army had no intention of taking over the government, but rather of forcing King Juan Carlos to suspend constitutial rule with army backing, for a limited period, so that various problems, especially terrorism, could be brought under control without allowing the civilian politicians to continue, as the plotters saw it, to make a mess of things. In other words, it was to be a temporary takeover on the Turkish model..." In 1970, after consulting with Leonard B. Schapiro, an intelligence-connected anti-communist London School of Economics professor, Crozier set up the Institute for the Study of Conflict (ISC). The main object of the institute was to expose Soviet subversion worldwide. Page 96 of Crozier biography: "Throughout my period as Director, the Institute for the Study of Conflict was involved in exposing the fallacies of 'détente' and warning the West of the dangers inherent a policy of illusion." Tried to get initial funding by John Hay Whitney (through this person's financial advisor, John Train, a very close associate of Sir James Goldsmith), the CIA, the IRD, and MI6, but failed. Received some initial, but very limited funding from BP and Shell. Soon thereafter, through his CIA contacts, he met with the now quite controversial Richard Mellon Scaife, who granted $100,000 a year to Crozier's ISC. Scaife was part heir to the Mellon fortune, a major shareholder in Gulf Oil, and the person who took over Crozier's FWF in the early 1970s. When the ISC took off, Crozier developed a closer relationship with the CIA and met with its representatives about 4 times a year in Langley. In 1975, Crozier helped set up a Washington Institute for the Study of Conflict (WISC). George Ball, a close friend of Jean Monnet and next to David Rockefeller a long time permanent attendee of Bilderberg, became chairman of the WISC. On the US Committee of the ISC/WISC sat Robert Komer (set up the Phoenix Program in Vietnam), Kermit Roosevelt (high level CIA officer and coup plotter whose family has Pilgrims ties), Zbigniew Brzezinski (Pilgrims), George W. Ball (Pilgrims, Bilderberg), Frank Barnett (president NSIC), John S. McCain Jr. (ASC), John Diebold (of Diebold Corp. and the new digital voting machines that became controversial during the elections of George W. Bush). Approached by Jean Violet in 1971, after this person had read a March 1971 interview with Crozier that appeared in the US News and World Report. Violet, a member of Opus Dei, and French, German, and Vatican intelligence, was funded and supported by Carlo II Pesenti, a person whose business empire was sponsored by the Vatican, and Otto von Habsburg, head of the Paneuropa Society and a member of Opus Dei and the Knights of Malta. Francois Duchene, one of Jean Monnet's closest associates; Crozier's former Economist colleague; and head of the elite International Institute for Strategic Studies, which describes itself as "the world's leading authority on political-military conflict," introduced Violet to Crozier as a person who represented "a powerful consortium of French business interests." (Crozier, 'Free Agent', p. 97) According to Crozier, it took many years before he would find out that Violet worked as a Special Advocate for French intelligence involved in psychological warfare for French interests. Involved with the Pinay Circle between 1971 and 1985. The ISC received assignments from the "Pinay Committee". In 1980 Violet asked him to take over the presidency of Le Cercle. In 1981 the Cercle-linked Heritage Foundation was funding Brian Crozier's International Freedom Fund. In 1985 Julian Amery became the new president of Le Cercle, at the recommendation of Crozier. In 1976, Brian Crozier set up a covert advisory committee called 'Shield', in order to secretly brief Margaret Thatcher and her closest colleagues on security and intelligence. The idea came from Sir Stephen Hastings, a Conservative member of parliament who had been a SAS soldier and SOE agent during WWII, before being recruited in MI6. Shield was composed of Crozier; Hastings; Conservative backbencher and WWII MI6 agent Nicholas Elliott; and Harry Sporborg of Hambros Bank, who was a deputy head of the SOE during WWII. Lord Carrington (Order of the Garter, Privy Council, president Pilgrims Society, chairman Bilderberg; Kissinger Associates) was among the very few officials that were briefed, but opposed almost everything that Crozier's group wrote down. Crozier adopted Jean Violet's 'Psychological Action' programme, which was a technique to find quick, short answers to three basic questions: What do People want? What do they Fear? And what do they feel strongly about? After reading Crozier's short answers to these questions, she said to him: "From now on, Brian, these are my ideas." According to Hastings obituary in the Daily Telegraph of January 11, 2005: "Hastings's background in MI6 gave him a certain mystique, and he was often embroiled in controversy concerning Communist infiltration. In 1977 he raised a storm of protest by alleging that five prominent trades union officials were agents for Communist countries. This information was culled from tape recordings made by the Czech former spy and defector Joseph Frolik. The following year, before Mrs Thatcher came into office, Hastings and Brian Crozier wrote her a paper setting out "the diabolical nature of the Communist conspiracy" against Britain. Mrs Thatcher was appalled: "Stephen," she said, "I've read every word and I'm shattered. What should we do?... In 1986 Hastings successfully sued the Observer for libel following allegations that he had been one of two Conservative MPs involved in an MI5 plot to oust Harold Wilson.""Thatcher subsequently was elected in 1979, 1983, and 1987. Council member of the Foreign Affairs Research Institute (FARI), together with Julian Amery (later Cercle head), Lord Chalfont (Jonathan Institute; anti-communist associate of the Cercle and Crozier), Robert Moss (Le Cercle), founder Geoffrey Stewart-Smith (Conservatice MP; adventures were allegedly sponsored by MI5; leading member of the Conservative Monday Club; chairman of its foreign affairs study group of the Monday Club in 1966; editor of East West Digest, an anti-communist magazine sent free to all MPs at the time), Sir Frederic Mackarness Bennett (son of a politician who was an appeaser to Hitler and member of the Anglo-German Society; owned a Rolls-Royce and four homes, one of them in the Cayman Islands; director Kleinwort Benson Europe (his mother was a Kleinwort); long time Lloyds underwriter; influential member of Parliament from the 1950s to the 1980s; member Monday Club; always warning people about the KGB threat and supported every regime that opposed the USSR; chair FARI in 1978; vice-president of the European-Atlantic Group; leading official in the private group Council of Europe in the late 1970s and 1980s; honorary director of the BCCI in Hong Kong until 1986; Member of the Privy Council since 1985; ridiculed his party's (Conservatives) for their Euroscepticism after his retirement in 1987; supported Pinochet; Freeman of the City of London; has been to Bilderberg), and air vice marshal Stuart Menual. Edgar O'Ballance of the International Institute for Strategic Studies was a scholar at FARI. FARI was said to have strong links to the CIA (which, of course, it had), and besides receiving money from the pro-apartheid government in South-Africa, reportedly also received funds from Lockheed. March 20, 2004, Daily Telegraph, Obituary of Geoffrey Stewart-Smith: "In 1974 he had sought to distance his Foreign Affairs Circle from the World Anti-Communist League because of the WACL's strong anti-Semitic element, saying: "We wouldn't touch them with a barge pole." However, he later admitted that another of his organisations, the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, had been mainly funded by the apartheid government in South Africa. The admission came in 1987 when Stewart-Smith appeared at the London Bankruptcy Court, disclosing debts of pounds 150,388 and no assets." In 1980, FARI began organising an annual 'balance of power' conference in Britain, which attracted people like Edwin Feulner (president of the Heritage Foundation; member Le Cercle; Knight of Malta), Ray S. Cline (OSS 1943-1946 and worked in the Far-East with Paul Helliwell and Gen. Singlaub; good friend of Chiang Kai-shek's son; set up the Asian People's Anti-Communist League (APACL) in Taiwan and South Korea in 1955-1956; CIA station chief in Taiwan 1958-1962; deputy director CIA 1962-1966; CIA station chief in Bonn 1966-1969 where he oversaw the local Gladio forces; confirmed the authenticity of FM 30-31A & B, instruction manuals of the DIA which included false flag terrorist actions that were to be blamed on the USSR; director Department of State's Bureau Intelligence and Research 1969-1973; director world power studies at Georgetown's CSIS 1973-1986; co-founder of the WACL with Gen. Singlaub; representative of CAUSA, founded by Moonie Col. Bo Hi Pak; the Jonathan Institute; founder of the US Global Strategy Council in 1981 and headed it from 1986 to 1994; great supporter of non-lethal weapons), Frank Barnett (founder National Strategy Information Center in Washington in 1976, a think tank dedicated to the preservation of containment militarism; member Committee on Present Danger), and General Daniel O. Graham (Republican Roman Catholic; deputy CIA director to William Colby in 1972-1974; director DIA 1974-1976; consultant American Security Council 1978-1981; founding chair High Frontier, Inc. 1981-1995, an organization intended to promote Star Wars; member USGSC under Ray Cline; member advisory board CAUSA; member of the Moon-linked American Freedom Coalition; director National Religious Broadcasters, together with Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson). In June 1978, FARI co-sponsored a conference in Brighton, England with Crozier's Institute for the Study of Conflict. Richard Mellon Scaife and William Casey (Cercle member) were among the participants. FARI in the late 1970s reported that the Navy of the USSR had shifted its focus from anti-carrier to anti-submarine warfare. It reported that the communists were trying to recruit men in the US Army, mainly blacks and Puerto Ricans. It also warned for the vulnerability of the West to a meltdown of the computer grid. August 15, 1978, Chronicle Telegram, 'U.S. vulnerable in computer war': "The United States, moreover, has been far too eager to supply the Soviet Union with sophisticated computer technology and training, Baron believes. "Computer companies in the West fall over each other in their enthusiasm to compete for the favors of the Soviet buying agencies,", writes Baron. "The western businessman's sheer naivete in dealing with the astute Soviet negotiators is quite depressing."" Following is an article from an author of the FARI group. It shows how Crozier and associates imply that the Soviet Union was behind terrorism worldwide. January 13, 1982, The Frederick Post, 'Terrorism a world war': "(The following commentary is by Col. Ronald Waring, author of five books on politico-military subjects and two novels. He has published numerous articles in professional military journals. He currently serves as a governor of the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, London.)... Looking back, the year 1981 should go down in history as The Year of the Terrorist. It started with the attempted murder and serious wounding of President Reagan, to be followed shortly afterward by the attempted assassination of Pope John Paul II. In early October there was the brutal murder of President Sadat of Egypt. Finally, on Dec. 17, U. S. Army Brigadier General James Dozier was kidnapped by the Italian Red Brigade in Verona, Italy. While acts of violence against world leaders have made banner headlines, the deaths by terrorism of literally hundreds of men and women all over the world go almost unnoticed. In Northern Ireland thousands have died by bomb and bullet, in Spain and in Italy more are shot down. Virtually all over Europe, terrorists' bombs bring death and destruction. In Lebanon, terrorism has escalated into civil war, while in the bloody arena of Central America trucks go round collecting the corpses of those murdered by terrorist gangs. Only a few years ago we would have been sickened and horrified by all this, but today we have come to accept it as almost routine. Almost every country has its terrorist organizations and they are proliferating like dragons' teeth. In West Germany there is the Red Army Faction, which recently attempted to assassinate the Commander of the U. S. Army in Europe and has attacked other U. S. Military personnel in Germany. They are loosely linked with the remnants of the Baader Meinhoff Gang and are well organized and deadly. In Germany, too, there is the Grey Wolves Organization among the Turkish "guest workers" there. At first it was thought that it was they who had launched Ali Agca, the Turkish gunman who attempted to kill the Pope. Now it is generally believed that Agca was manipulated by a far deeper and more complicated plot, directed from Moscow. Italy has become the home of terrorism and kidnapping. The notorious Red Brigades are only one of many Italian terrorist organizations, one of which planted a bomb at the Bologna railway station a year ago that killed 85 people. In Spain, the Basque separatists and militant Marxist ETA carry out a systematic campaign of murder, kidnapping and bombings. In Ireland the objectives of the IRA and the Provisional IRA are roughly the same; that is, the expulsion of the British from Ireland and the unification of Ireland as a Marxist socialist state. The political objective of most terrorist organizations is the imposition of some form of extreme left-wing government. Some terrorism is attributable to far-right groups, but Left and Right become meaningless political terms, and we find ideologically left wing groups cooperating with rightists in a common objective, the destruction of organized society and civilization. Throughout the Middle East, various guerrilla and terrorist organizations operate generally under the Palestine Liberation Organization, and, operating from bases in Lebanon and Jordan, make attacks on Israeli territory. Earlier this year, a Pakistani group organized by the son of Ali Bhutto, the former President of Pakistan, carried out a spectacular skyjacking. This organization calls itself Al Zulfikar and is run from Kabul in Afghanistan by Murtaza Bhutto. It is, of course, ideologically on the far left. Polisario is operating on the borders of Morocco, armed, supplied and trained largely by Libya's Col. Gadaffi. This has now become a formidable military force which has inflicted defeats on Moroccan regular army units, occupied towns and large tracts of country. Again largely Marxist-oriented, their ultimate aim is to topple the King of Morocco. In the Americas there are numerous Marxist terrorist organizations. In Guatemala more than 4,000 leftist guerrillas are trying to overthrow the government. In El Salvador five identified groups, which have formed the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front, are fighting a guerrilla war. They are largely financed, armed and supplied by Cuba. On the other side rightist "death squads" have killed some 3,000 people in the past two years. In Brazil, in Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Bolivia and the Argentine, terrorist organizations exist on a greater or smaller scale. In Puerto Rico there are at least five groups which have carried out terrorist attacks in Puerto Rico, and in the United States. These groups demand independence for Puerto Rico: in 1979 they attacked and ambushed a U. S. Navy vehicle and killed two servicemen, and in 1975 they set off a bomb in a New York restaurant, killing four people. The CIA reported 760 acts of international terrorism in 1980, and the Associated Press in a worldwide survey identified some 50 major terrorist groups. The numbers of assassins, bombers, kidnappers, skyjackers and terrorist killers now runs not just into battalions, but into divisions and armies. They are to be found everywhere in almost every country. The idea that murder for a political motive, if not quite respectable, is somehow more a misdemeanor than a crime is pernicious nonsense. An attack is being mounted against our society, no less deadly than a war for those that it touches. In fact it is a form of warfare, and we should combat it to the limit of our power." In February of 1977, Crozier created The 61, together with Nicholas Elliott, general Vernon Walters (Graduated from Stonyhurst College, a 400-year-old Jesuit secondary school in Lancashire, England, without going to University; Still managed to become fluent in 8 languages, including Russian and Chinese; Knight of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta; lifelong bachelor and did not drink alcohol; Protege of Fritz Kraemer; aide to Pilgrims Averell Harriman and Henry Kissinger; co-founder and deputy chief of staff of SHAPE; BOSS (South-African intelligence) supposedly attributed the JFK murder to him; Military Attaché in Rome in 1963, which is generally overlooked in his biographies; deputy director CIA 1972-1976; Sent all over the world on to confidential missions by Ronald Reagan, together with co-SMOM member and Pilgrim Alexander Haig; Acted as a replacement of DCI William Casey for some time, making at least a dozen undercover missions to the Vatican; CFR) and "a leading figure in a major City of London bank" [p. 135]. Sir Peter Tennant is likely to have been the anonymous host, "a leading figure in the bank", that chaired Crozier's "very secret" Sunday morning , February 13, 1977 meeting at the executive suite of the anonymous "leading City of London bank", that established the private sector intelligence group The 61. The meeting was attended by three British (Crozier, Elliott, and the anonymous banker), four Americans (Gen. Walters; a Viennese born American who represented a big Belgian corporation; and two Congressional staffers), and one German (a member of the Bundestag and anti-Soviet author, probably Cercle member Count Hans Huyn). Jean Violet could not attend because of ill health. Crozier proposed the creation of a "Private Sector Operational Intelligence agency, beholden to no government, but at the disposal of allied or friendly governments for certain tasks which, for one reason or another, they were no longer able to tackle." Its main purpose would be to circumvent national legislation, avoid possible political embarrassments, and to conduct more effective non-violent counter-subversion operations. All members agreed on the fact that this organization should be created and that it should be kept very secret to any outsiders. The target figure for The 61 became $5 million a year, although it isn't known how these funds were gathered. The 61 supplied secret intelligence about the Communist empire (and its subversion) to specific people in the White House, the British government, the French government, and the Vatican. March 13, 2006, The Daily Mail, 'A very British coup': "Brian Crozier, the security expert who had made a study of communist insurgency in Britain and would later advise Margaret Thatcher, was twice invited to address officers at the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst. 'I took it upon myself to make them understand the problems of communism and that they might, at some time, have to intervene to destroy this danger,' he says. 'There was absolute silence as I explained how the trades unions were very heavily penetrated by communists and their sympathisers and were exerting a dangerous influence on the Labour Party, which largely depended on them. They wanted to hear every word I said.' After his speech, he received a number of private phone calls from very senior serving officers. 'I have never named them and I never will,' declares Crozier. 'They were standing ready to act if necessary. There were no "buts" about it. If things had gone on as they were, they would have moved... [article gives many details about the plot]." It was exposed in 1982 by the Langemann Papers. Crozier wrote 'The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire'. Claims he was a good friend of Richard "Prince of Darkness" Perle and general Richard Stilwell, the latter was a known Cercle participant and an expert in guerilla warfare. Brian Crozier and his protege Robert Moss were participants in the 1979 conference on international terrorism of the Jonathan Institute, a think tank set up in memory of Lt. Col. Jonathan Netanyahu, brother of Benjamin Netanyahu of the Likud party. Netanyahu helped organize the private, Israeli-based institute whose public board included people like Shimon Peres (Labour prime minister) and Menachem Begin (Likud prime minister). May 6, 1980, The Gleaner, 'Soviets and terrorism': "The Jonathan Institute of Jerusalem, Israel, has published a pamphlet on "International Terrorism: The Soviet Connection". The pamphlet consists of a number of presentations made at the Jerusalem Conference on International Terrorism held July 2-5 last year... The first contributor, professor Richard Pipes [associate of Brian Crozier] of Harvard, ... stated "The Soviet Union has enjoyed great success with terror and profited from it in many ways... We must expose its support of terrorism as widely as possible, and make the public aware of Soviet complicity... Brian Crozier, Director of the Institute for the Study of Conflict in London [and still chairman of Le Cercle], discussed the direct support that the Soviet Union has given to terrorist movements... Mr Crozier declared that the Soviets have provided training for terrorists within the USSR. He goes on to note the use of proxies by the Soviets Libya for example benefited from one of the biggest arms deals in history, an estimated $12 billion worth of arms were sold here by the Soviets in 1976... The other contributors, Ray S. Cline [former deputy director CIA; member WACL; founder of the US Global Strategy Council in 1981 and headed it from 1986 to 1994], Executive Director of the Centre for Strategic Studies at Georgetown University, Robert Moss [le Cercle], Editor of the Economist Foreign Report, Congressman Jack Kemp, Major General George J. Keegan [chief Air Force Intelligence at the 7th Air Force in Vietnam, 1967-1969; head Air Force Intelligence 1971-1977; retired in 1977; directly after his retirement claimed that the USSR was working on charged-particle beam weapons; vice chair Coalition for Peace through Strength 1980-1993], and Senator Henry Jackson [neocon pro-zionist democrat; the Henry Jackson Society, founded in 2005, is named after him] also look closely at Soviet involvement in terrorism." Some other participants in the 1979 conference were former CIA director George Bush, journalists George Will, Rome-based journalist Claire Sterling (recruit of James Angleton and associate of William Colby and Michael Ledeen. Published the book Terror Network in 1980, which claimed the IRA, ETA, PLO, and Red Brigade were all controlled by the USSR), Jacques Soustelle (allegedly responsible for the transfer of nuclear technology to Israel; founder of OAS that tried to destabilize Algeria and assassinate de Gaulle), and Lord Alun Chalfont (minister in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office 1964-1970; Privy Council since 1964; Pilgrims Society executive since 1979; Conservative Monday Club; pro-apartheid; director pro-junta British-Chilean Council; council member of FARI with Cercle members/presidents Brian Crozier, Julian Amery, and Robert Moss, just as the aristocrat Sir Frederic M. Bennett; chair Institute for the Study of Terrorism, a clone of Crozier's anti-communist Institute for the Study of Conflict; member Committee for a Free Britain, which spent more than Pounds 200,000 on press advertisements attacking Labour during the 1987 election; member Committee for a Free World, an American neo-conservative group; member Media Monitoring Unit, which attempted to "expose" left-wing bias in television news and current affairs programmes; consultant to private security firm Zeus Security Consultants (did high level government contract work), owned by Major Peter Hamilton, a close friend of Stephan Kock, the MI5, MI6, SAS agent who allegedly once headed a government assassination team, Group 13; director at the security firm Securipol; close friend of the extremely influential neoconservative John Lehman, apparently a top player in the military-industrial complex; chairman second neoconservative Jonathan conference; deputy chairman of the Independent Broadcasting Authority). Jacques Soustelle later became a board member, just as George Shultz. The second Jonathan Conference on international terrorism, organized in 1984, was opened by a keynote speech of secretary of state George P. Shultz (Bechtel; Pilgrims), who was a key organizer of the meeting with Douglas Feith and Benjamin Netanyahu. He claimed that "pre- emptive actions by Western democracies may be necessary to counter the Soviet Union and other nations that... have banded together in an international "league of terror."" This was the real birth of the War on Terror and a policy of pre-emptive strikes, which became standard almost 20 years later after 9/11. Caspar Weinberger (Bechtel; Pilgrims) suggested that the United Nations might be called upon to deal with terrorism. Jeane Kirkpatrick, U.N. Ambassador at the time and still a very influential neoconservative, disagreed with that last notion and said it would be better to create a whole new organization to deal with international terrorism and "the power behind it, the Soviet Union". Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan (worked for Averell Harriman in the 1950s; important United Nations official in the 1970s; important DLC operative; chairman of the 1997 Commission on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy, which shed a little bit of light on the inner workings of the Black and Deep Black Programs, the latter officially known as Unacknowledged Special Access Programs; friend of the Rothschild family) and Yitzhak Rabin (Labour prime minister) supported Kirkpatrick. Senator Alan Cranston (D-Calif.), a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, "told the conference that Iraq is shopping for a new nuclear reactor and is fortifying the atomic plant site bombed by Israel in 1981. He said he also has information that "unwitting" American firms provided Iraq with several components for chemical weapons used against Iran in the 44-month war between the two countries." Among the other participants were Israel's Minister of Defense Moshe Arens; Senators Alan Cranston (president of the World Federalist Society), Alfonse D'Amato (leading figure in Iran-Contra investigation), and Paul Laxalt (lieutenant governor Nevada 1962-1966; general chairman National Republican Party 1983-1987; chair of Ronald Reagan for President in 1976, 1980, and 1984; co-chairman George Bush for President in 1988 and 1992); Rep. Jack Kemp; William Webster (director FBI 1978-1987; director CIA 1987-1991; partner Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McCloy since 1991; director Anhauser-Busch); presidential counselor Edwin Meese (Heritage Foundation); Michael Ledeen (CIA connected Zionist extremist); Arthur Goldberg; Eugene Rostow; columnist George Will and television newsmen David Brinkley. July 31, 1993, The US Economist, 'Free Agent' book review: "The trouble is that all extremists see the world through distorting glasses. Brian Crozier's squint so far right that one can ask how much of what he saw was in his own head... He believes its Labour Party in the 1970s had "largely been taken over by the subversive left"; that in the nation "the dominant role, increasingly, was played by extreme-left Labour MPs and constituency managers"; that subversion would be Mrs Thatcher's "greatest problem" in power. And so on. "Bonkers," one (rightish) Labour MP wrote to him of such views; "a radical incomprehension of the Labour movement . . . contradicted by manifest facts."... Be grateful it has gone no further. For Mr Crozier, 1975-78 was a "critical" time, when Britain, via the then-ruling Labour Party, risked far-left takeover. He several times lectured army officers on their response. One bunch gave him a five-minute ovation... Should a journalist feed secret services? Or, like Mr Crozier, visit the Elysee "ostensibly to gather material for an article"; in fact to spy on de Gaulle? Should western spooks run "press" agencies? Mr Crozier's agency did not lie; that is, put out crude invention. But here is a man who calls even IRD analyses "rigorously accurate". Judge that by his account of Chile before the CIA/Pinochet coup of 1973. It is as if a puritan's account of Soho were offered as a guide to London." Crozier was among those intelligence and army officers, supported by Lord Mountbatten (husband of Queen Elizabeth II; founder 1001 Club; lifelong associate of Sir Evelyn de Rothschild), general Walter Walker (counter subversion specialist in countries like Burma and Malaya; NATO commander-in-chief; like some others in Le Cercle, he believed the Soviet collapse was not the end of Soviet subversion of the West), and colonel David Stirling (founder of the SAS; founder GB75, which was intended to intervene against "communist" labor unions in the event of widespread strikes, and basically to shove Harold Wilson's government aside; associate of James Goldsmith, Tiny Rowland, and Lord Robert Cecil, all members or associate members of Le Cercle). Scholar at the Heritage Foundation 1983-1995. August 21, 1991, The Times, 'On guard: world security in the wake of Moscow coup': "Sir, The amazing thing about the fall of President Gorbachev is not that he has fallen but that he lasted as long as he did. He had tried to square an ideological circle: declaring his allegiance to Lenin while attempting to undo the system Lenin created, and keeping the Leninist party in power. As his removal by the hardliners confirms, the system was unreformable. It was absurd to suppose that it could be reformed, and folly on the West's part to help a deeply unpopular and unelected leader to keep Lenin's party in power. With the hardliners (appointed by him) in charge in the Kremlin, the cold war will now be resumed. The only hope for a break with the past lies with Boris Yeltsin, Eduard Shevardnadze and others who broke with the party. But the obstacles they face are daunting: the army, the KGB and the interior forces. Perhaps, by now, President Bush may be regretting his parting words after his visit to Moscow: "God bless the USSR."" Gorbachev fought to preserve a socialist government and the unity of the Soviet Union, while Shevardnadze advocated further political and economic liberalisation. He feared the nationalists. Shevardnadze returned briefly as Soviet Foreign Minister in November 1991 but resigned with Gorbachev the following month when the Soviet Union was formally dissolved. Yeltsin rose to power. In the aftermath of Iran-Contra and the BCCI scandal, in which leading members of the US establishment were (mostly behind the scenes) exposed as the largest drug traffickers on earth, Crozier decided to do blame the communists of doing the same thing, without mentioning the revelations about the much bigger scale trade of his US buddies. January 28, 1990, Sunday Times, 'How the Colombian cocaine chain leads to Fidel Castro'. "Estevez revealed that Cuba had built up a multi-million-dollar drug trafficking network, with thousands of agents in the United States. He said Fidel Castro was personally involved in drug trafficking, with the aim of promoting violent crime, addiction and corruption in North America, while simultaneously financing terrorism in Latin America: a perfect definition of ``narco-terrorism''... By then the drug trade was bringing Castro's regime an estimated $10m a month. Another beneficiary was the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. It emerged for the first time that the leading role in the drug traffic was played by Pablo Escobar Gaviria, now the most wanted of the Medellin cartel fugitives in Colombia. Escobar was living in Cuba with the full assistance of Fidel Castro. Another fugitive, the American financier Robert Vesco, was believed to be Escobar's number two. The American authorities had tried unsuccessfully to extradite Vesco from Costa Rica and the Bahamas... On February 10, 1988, Blandon [Medellin cartel baron] testified before a Senate sub-committee that Castro and Noriega were working together to promote ``drug-financed guerrilla movements throughout Latin America''. He saw Castro himself brokering an agreement in Havana to end a $5m ``misunderstanding'' between the Medellin cartel and Panama... There is little reason to doubt that Ochoa a friend of Fidel's brother and defence minister, Raul Castro was indeed involved in drug smuggling. But this was not the issue. His sin, in Castro's eyes, was that he was bypassing the mechanism controlled by the Castro brothers. Moreover, he had unwisely emulated the Castro brothers in the dispensation of patronage to friends and aides. This is the view of Arturo Cruz Jr, the son of a former Nicaraguan contra leader, and one-time friend of the glamorous Fawn Hall, former secretary to Colonel Oliver North. Not only did the execution of Ochoa remove a potential rival, it also enabled Castro, at no cost to himself, to improve his image at a time when continuing financial and military assistance from the Soviet Union may be in doubt, and when Castro's relations with Mikhail Gorbachev are notoriously under strain." November 23, 1991, The Times, Brian Crozier: "Sir, The outcry against a single European currency is puzzling. It would (will?) make travelling much easier: no more hurried reference to pocket calculators, no more middlemen's high percentage profits... All Europeans would welcome a responsibly and impartially governed central bank where an ecu (if that is to be its name) would be worth the same in 2001 as in 1991." Wikipedia quoted Brian Crozier, seemingly as someone with an "objective" look at Opus Dei: "Another historian, Brian Crozier, states that Opus Dei "is not, as its enemies either think or want others to think, a political party; nor is it a political pressure group...Opus Dei was not a group to be conciliated by being given a share in power, as the Monarchists were, or the Falange, or the Army." Distinguished visiting fellow Hoover Institute, Stanford, California, 1996-2001. Member of the International Advisory Council of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, whose leadership is involved with the Moonies. Cercle member Edwin Feulner sits on the National Advisory Council of the VCMF, and Cercle participant Zbigniew Brzezinski used to. According to Crozier, "neo-colonialism" is a term invented by the communists.

Music and art critic, London, 1936–39; reporter-sub-editor, Stoke-on-Trent, Stockport, London, 1940–41; aeronautical inspection, 1941–43; sub-editor: Reuters, 1943–44; News Chronicle, 1944–48; and writer, Sydney Morning Herald, 1948–51; corresp., Reuters-AAP, 1951–52; features editor, Straits Times, 1952–53; leader writer, corresp. and editor, Foreign Report, Economist, 1954–64; commentator, BBC English, French and Spanish overseas services, 1954–66; Chm., Forum World Features, 1965–74; Columnist: Nat. Review, NY, 1978–95; Now!, 1979–81; The Times, 1982–83; Freedom Today (formerly The Free Nation), 1982–89. Co-founder, Inst. for the Study of Conflict, 1970 (Dir, 1970–79). Adjunct Scholar, Heritage Foundn, Washington, 1984–95

Crozier was continually featured in American newspapers in the 1960s and 1970s. Vietnam and the domino theory. Franco. January 25, 1968, Brian Crozier for the Los Angeles Times, 'Topical Comment: A British View: The U.S. must NOT leave Vietnam'.

December 16, 1990, The Observer, 'Special Report: Top companies funded smears through charity': "A CHARITY supported by leading industrial companies funded a printing press used to publish British Briefing, an extreme right-wing newsletter smearing writers, lawyers and Labour MPs as 'Communists'. The charity, the Industrial Trust, is now under investigation by the Charity Commissioners for possible breaches of the regulations governing charities' political activity. The trust's most recent published accounts, for 1988-9, reveal donations of pounds 5,000 to pounds 10,000 each from companies including Boots, Unilever, Bass, BP, Hanson Trust, Courage, GKN, Allied Lyons, ICI and United Newspapers who own the Daily Express and Sunday Express. Yesterday the companies denied all knowledge of British Briefing, which is edited by a former senior MI5 officer, saying any support they had provided for the publication had been unwitting. ... The trust secretary, John Arkell, a former Boots director, said he and the trustees and council of the charity were also unaware of British Briefing, claiming the trust was 'primarily a training organisation'. Its accounts filed with the Charity Commissioners state openly that since 1985 it gave nearly pounds 500,000 to Industrial Research Information Services (Iris), publishers of another monthly newsletter, Iris News, directed at trade unionists and containing detailed information on union elections and criticism of left-wing 'militant' candidates. The accounts also show the trust gave donations of pounds 5,000 a year to Common Cause, another right-wing group. Trustees of the Industrial Trust include Lord McAlpine, whose building firm is one of the biggest sources of Tory Party funds, and Lord Boyd-Carpenter, former chairman of backbench Tory peers. The trust also has a council, whose members include Sir Austin Bide, of Glaxo, Peter Cazalet (BP) and Sir Derek Palmar (Bass and United Newspapers). Last week The Observer disclosed that British Briefing was edited by Charles Elwell, the former head of MI5's 'F' branch, dealing with domestic subversion. Our investigation, made independently but in parallel with a Granada TV World in Action programme shown last Monday, revealed that Mr Elwell received regular payments totalling pounds 40,000 a year from David Hart, a close aide to Margaret Thatcher during most of her premiership. In turn, Mr Hart's publishing and political activity was funded by media magnate Rupert Murdoch. Mr Murdoch admitted he knew Mr Hart was backing British Briefing and said he had received copies. Further inquiries by The Observer have established that Mr Elwell began to edit British Briefing more than 10 years ago, soon after retiring from MI5. Before the appearance of Mr Hart, its main supporter was Brian Crozier..."

December 23, 1990, The Observer, 'Murdoch funded Kinnock smears': "Further inquiries have established that Mr Hart took over British Briefing in 1988. Earlier, its publisher was Brian Crozier, an old friend of Mr Murdoch, who supported the journal under the slightly different title of Background Briefing on Subversion."

January 12, 1995, The Guardian, 'MI6 'Alongsider' Crozier first named five'; Michael White and Richard Norton-Taylor on how MP and spywriter Rupert Allason sought a scoop by recycling names of MPs with left leanings listed in Cold War book': "Mr Crozier whom Mr Allason described to the Guardian this week as "an unidentified MI6 officer", though he was never on the payroll, merely what the agency calls an "alongsider". ... Mr Allason said this week that the "MI6 officer" had a "serious bust-up" with Sir Robin Butler, after the Cabinet Secretary and MI6 tried to stop a book he was writing - not because it mentioned the Labour Five, but because it revealed embarrassing details of Mr Crozier's and other rightwingers' secret and close relations with MI6 and the CIA."

December 23, 2003, The Guardian, 'Comment and Letters: The Carter-Ruck chill: The man who created the modern libel industry was a dedicated liar and a reactionary with a lust for cash': "The libel lawyer Peter Carter-Ruck, who died on Friday, had a chilling effect on the media. He was a chancer, out for the maximum fee. And he did for freedom of speech what the Boston Strangler did for door-to-door salesmen. Until Carter-Ruck got his teeth into the libel law, actions were infrequent and inexpensive. But from the 1950s, Carter-Ruck became the leading libel lawyer and clients sought him out. ... Libel was good to him: four homes, a Rolls-Royce and a string of yachts called Fair Judgement. ... In his memoirs he praised the rightwing financier Sir James Goldsmith for alleviating the injustice of the lack of legal aid with money from a foundation. ... The beneficiaries [of the foundation] tended not to be widows and orphans but rightwing politicos such as Neil Hamilton, who trousered £20,000 from the BBC for a Panorama programme - Carter-Ruck's bill was £240,000. The Goldsmith Foundation's other beneficiaries included Brian Crozier..."

MURDOCH-ROTHSCHILD-GOLDSMITH:

Lord Rothschild knows Rupert Murdoch well, having been friends since the Australian newspaper proprietor first came to the UK in the 1960s.

September 19, 1993, The Independent, 'Kicking up gold dust': "ON 23 APRIL, six months after his $ 10bn attack on the pound and three months before the rout of the franc, George Soros placed a small bet on gold. He announced he was paying Sir James Goldsmith and Lord Rothschild $ 400m for 13 per cent in Newmont Mining, a US gold-mining group. Goldsmith said he was putting some of the proceeds into gold options."

November 4, 2003, The Independent, 'Rothschild brought on board at sky as SOP to anti-Murdoch camp': "Lord Rothschild, the financier, was last night named deputy chairman at BSkyB, a new position, to try to counter the expected furore over the appointment of James Murdoch as chief executive."

November 9, 2003, Finance News (Daily), 'The FN profile: Rothschild steps into the light': "[Lord Jacob Rothschild] is the new deputy chairman of BSkyB, where Rupert Murdoch's son, James, has just been elected chief executive, and he was rumoured to be the trustee of shares in Yukos owned by the jailed Russian oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky - reputedly Russia's richest man. What is so extraordinary is that Lord Rothschild, a rather quiet, highly cultured grandee who has always shunned the public spotlight in his business affairs, should choose now to tread the boards. Since 1980, when he so famously left the family bank, NM Rothschild, following a row over strategy with his cousin, Sir Evelyn Rothschild, he has pursued a relatively quiet career steering clear of the oxygen of publicity by keeping his interests unquoted. Until BSkyB, Rothschild has sat on the board of only one listed company. Instead, he spent the past two decades building a series of highly successful companies in insurance, banking and investment including Five Arrows, St James's Place Capital ... The great exception to his pursuit of the quiet life came in early 1989, when, with Sir James Goldsmith and Kerry Packer, he created Hoylake to bid for BAT, the tobacco group. ... Close friends are equally mystified. Perhaps he likes to surprise, to do the unpredictable, just as he has done through his friendship with the jailed Khodorkovsky, whose political ambitions are said to have troubled President Putin and led to his arrest. There are a few clues. He knows Rupert Murdoch well, having been friends since the Australian newspaper proprietor first came to the UK in the 1960s. The job is clearly a challenge the 67-year-old finds irresistible, one made all the more fascinating simply because of all the fuss kicked up by investors furious at what they considered Murdoch's blatant nepotism in pushing through his son's appointment. ... Meanwhile, Rothschild's links with Russia's Khodorkovsky, until last week head of the Yukos oil company, go back three to four years and stem from their shared love of the arts and philanthropy. Rothschild met Khodorkovsky through their patronage of the Hermitage Rooms at London's Somerset House but the two struck up friendship when the Russian businessman invited Rothschild to become a trustee of the Open Russia Foundation that he opened in London to promote educational and cultural ties between Russia and the West. But the true extent of their relationship became muddied last week after reports that Khodorkovsky, who was jailed last week for fraud and tax evasion, had transferred his share stake in the event of arrest to Rothschild, who would act as a trustee. However, Menatep, the Gibraltar-based holding parent company of Yukos, has consistently denied that Rothschild had any rights or links to the shares or that he was a shareholder himself. Menatep's Yury Kotler has said Rothschild had no involvement but that the shares were held in trust by Leonid Nevzlin, himself a big Yukos investor, now in exile in Israel. Rumours have been swirling in Russia for months that Rothschild might even become chairman of Yukos, but these have all been dismissed. Rothschild's London office maintains a Soviet-style silence on the issue, refusing to make any comments on the share stake, other than to report that "Khodorkovsky is a progressive businessman who is devoted to Russia'. ... He is chairman of Yad Hanadiv, the Rothschild foundation, which built and gave the Knesset government buildings and the Supreme Court to Israel, and chairs the Jewish Policy Research, dedicated to promoting issues affecting Jews worldwide."

November 21, 2010, Israel Business Arena, 'Murdoch, Lord Rothschild invest in Israeli shale oil': "Lord Jacob Rothschild and Rupert Murdoch have invested in an Israeli venture to produce oil from bituminous-bearing rock (shale) in the Elah Valley in the Judean foothills."

July 8, 1991, Toronto Star, 'Black ponders bid for Australian papers': "Australian billionaire Kerry Packer has been named as a possible partner in Black's bid for Fairfax. Packer owns Australian Consolidated Press, publishers of a number of Australian magazines, and the Channel Nine television network. The Sydney Telegraph-Mirror reported this week that Black has strong links to Packer through Hollinger board members Sir James Goldsmith and Lord Rothschild. Goldsmith and Lord Rothschild are long-time Packer associates and were partners with him in an aborted bid for English tobacco giant BAT Industries."

Damman, Florimond

Source(s): 1986 Bihay Report on Opus Dei: "Also a member of Cercle Pinay." (an action paper written by Damman to the Pinay Committee was also included in the report)

Worked as secretary for the Paneuropa Union's Belgian chapter in the early 1960s. Chairman of the International Events Committee on the Central Council of the Paneuropa Union since 1966 (changed name to Mouvement d'Action pourl' Union Européenne (MAUE) in 1969). Leading member Cercle des Nations. In April 1970 Damman and Vankerkhoven would organize a Cercle des Nations reception in honour of the Greek colonels. Involved in the Ligue Internationale de la Liberté (LIL), the Belgian branch of the World Anti-Communist League, founded by Vankerkhoven. Another collaborative venture for Damman and Vankerkhoven was the joint organization of the 1970 Brussels Congress of the Anti-Bolshevik Block of Nations (ABN), an anti-communist group of mainly Ukrainian exiles financed by the CIA and the BND. Participated in the Wilton Park meetings with Jacques Jonet and others. Member Charlemagne dinners. After an initial contact in late 1968, [the fascist] Guérin-Sérac came to Brussels in January 1969 as Damman's guest to develop contacts amongst the elite conservative circles Damman frequented. Damman started by inviting Guérin-Sérac to the AESP's XIIth Grand Charlemagne Dinner on 27th January, 1969. Amongst the illustrious guests were Habsburg and Belgian Prime Minister Gaston Eyskens; one of Guérin-Sérac's dinner companions at table G was the Belgian neo-fascist Emile Lecerf, later to become notorious in connection with rumours of a planned coup in 1973 and a strategy of tension in Belgium in the 1980s. Damman and Guerin-Serac were working to set up a new group, CREC. Secretary for life AESP, which he largely founded for Habsburg and Jean Violet in 1969. Involved with Le Monde Moderne. Co-founer in 1977 of the Hongary Committee 1956-76 (Comite Hongrie 1956-76) with Ernest Tottosy, Francis Dessert, Emile Lecerf, Jacques Borst, Bernard Mercier en Victor de Stankovich (located at CEPIC and PIO headquarters, later also MAUE headquarters, while the building was part of Baron de Bonvoisin PDG firm). The Hungary Comittee's official purpose was to commemorate the Hungarian Uprising against the communists in 1956. However, Tottosy and de Stankovich were members of the P-7 Lodge, a smaller, parallel lodge to the P-2. The P-7 Lodge consisted of about 30 members who laundered CIA money for covert operations. Friend of Guerin Serac. Died in 1979. De Bonvoisin worked with Damman both as a member of one of the study Groups within the AESP and as a Board Member of MAUE; a 1981 report by the Surete de l'Etat, Belgium's internal security agency, makes it clear that de Bonvoisin took over MAUE after Florimond Damman died in July 1979.

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1975 saw the Academy dealing withsoviet subversion, as Florimond Damman described in April 1975 in his note No 167: 'The Soviet Union gains no advantage in provoking a war, because under the cloak of detente, it continues to wage a war of subversion, and is winning everywhere. The West puts up noopposition to this war of subversion, and encourages it through its weakness due to both splits in the domestic policy field and clashes on foreign policy between European countries and also countries within the Atlantic Alliance. I propose a meeting of an urgent braintrust which should establish: 1 the effects of the war of subversion in each of the countries of the Atlantic Alliance, in Europe as well as in the United States; 2 the effects of the war of subversion throughout the world; Korea, Vietnam, Middle East, Portugal, trade routes of raw materials; 3 the means that the Western block can use toinitiate effective subversive action both within Warsaw Pact countriesand in the contaminated countrics around the world; 4 how to encourage NATO countries to take immediate steps to define appropriate and officsive ideological tactics, which is the only way to win this war of subversion. The free movement of persons and ideas is one offensive tactic; we must find others. 5 Consider setting upanactioncentre for offensive tactics in the US or Canada.

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Portuguese opposition party CDS, Freitas do Amaral. Amaral also had close links to the Pinay Circle, as a letter from Archduke Otto to Damman of 29 August 1975 shows. "I sent replies to your previous letters via Pocking (the Archduke's residence) becauseof my trip toPortugal during which

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At the time Damman and Violet met, Damman was already planning a new group, CREC, together with Yves Guerin- Serac, leader of the fascist terror group Aginter Press, founded in September 1966. The propaganda put out by Aginter Press had already been distributed for several years by LIL's newspaper, Damocles, but Guerin-Serac's purpose in visiting Brusscls in January 1969 was to make more contacts. His guide was Damman, and Damman started by inviting Guerin-Serac to the AESP's 12th "Charlemagne Dinner" on 27 January 1969. Amongst the illustrious guests were Archduke Otto and Belgian Prime Minister, Gaston Eyskens; Guerin-Serac's dinner companions at table G included the Prince and Princess de Merode and Emile Lecerf, later implicated in rumours of a planned coup in 1973 and a strategy of tension in the 1980s. Guerin-Serac and Damman concluded an "agreement in principle" to found a group, CREC, which would try and reconcile two conflicting positions: the traditional right, anti-communist but not anti-parliamentarian, and the revolutionary extreme right represented by Guerin-Serac. Guerin-Serac and Damman then met at least twice more, as detailed in a progress report written by Guerin-Serac on 19 May 1969: "We should take stock of the progress made in our effort to set up CREC. I must admit that little progress has been made since the beginning of the year, ie since the agreement in principle on the two syntheses ... the major reasons for this delay are: - the difficulties suffered by the group of our Italian friends as a result of the chaotic and revolutionary situation in their country; - the centrifugal tendencies of the French group, whose conversion has not yet been completed. ... We should not however give up. In a Franco-Belgian preparatory meeting held in Brussels in March, we agreed on the following work programme: A -Definition of basic political positions with regard to European union. B - Definition of goals and strategy. C - Organisation of a structurc for CREC: bases and statutes. D - Preparation of a political plan and a psychological plan to be implemented by CREC. E - Organisation of a financial committee. In the meeting in Vienna at the beginning of thismonth, it wassuggested wedrew up a questionnaire so as to facilitate the definition, classification and alignment of the political ideas held by the various groups active on the subject of European ~ n i o n . " ~ It is intriguing that Guerin-Serac mentions a meeting with Damman in Vienna in May 1969; as we have heard above, Damman met Violet in Vienna the same month - could this be a Violet/Damman/Guerin- Serac meeting? There is no indication that Damman was aware of Aginter Press' real role, but with his excellent intelligence contacts, it would be surprising if Violet did not know of Guerin-Serac's activities.

Participated in the Wilton Park meeting in Madrid. "The economic future of Europe and inflation". Belgian delegation: Mr and Mrs de Limelette, General Vivario, Mr Damman, Mr Jonet, Miss Verlaine, Mrs Bauduin.

Aginter Press had been founded by Yves Guerin-Serac, a close associate of Otto Skorzeny and Stefano Delle Chiaie, two major players in the fascist underground of Europe. Serac had been one of the founders of the terrorist OAS, which had tried to assassinate De Gaulle and prevent the independence of Algeria (remember Calmette of FJ, WNP and Wackenhut, who had begun his career in the OAS?).

Crozier, 'Free Agent', p. 99: "Another of Violet's initiatives at that time was undertaken from Brussels. The operator Violet had chosen was an eccentric man, with the delectable name of Florimond Damman. Having made a small fortune from property deals, he ran a tiny business outfit with the grandiloquent name of Académie Européenne des Sciences Politiques. The three of us - Damman, Violet and I - drafted an appeal for 'Peace without Frontiers', in which we defined our concept of a true détente."

Lobster Magazine, No. 26: "On 6 November 1973, Le Monde Moderne organised a threeday restricted "braintrust" meeting on South Africa, attended by Jean Violet [Cercle], Francois Vallet [Le Cercle], Florimond Damman [Cercle], Brian Crozier [Cercle] and Mr Burger, South African Ambassador to France [Cercle members Strauss and Sanchez Bella were also involved in Le Monde Moderne]. The Ambassador presented a two-page report drawn up personally by Prime Minister Vorster, Information Minister Connie Mulder, his deputy Dr Eschel Rhoodie and General Hendrik van der Bergh, head of BOSS. Then a discussion was held as to how the ISC, the Academy and Le Monde Moderne could assist the secret propaganda campaign that the South African government was conducting through such Pretoria-funded publications as To The Point, a newspaper with which Le Monde Moderne worked. The meeting decided to launch several campaigns in favour of South Africa. One targeted Members of Parliament."

Dalsen, Hans van

Source(s): Cercle's 1984 South Africa meeting lists

South Africa's foreign affairs secretary 1982-85.

De Decker, Armand

Source(s): 1984 Bonn participants list

PRL congressman 1981-95. MR senator since 1995. Chair Council of Brussels 1995-99. Chair Senate 1999-2004 and 2007-10. Member l'Institut Européen pour la Paix et la Sécurité.

January 13, 2001, Het Belang Van Limburg, 'Vanden Boeynants met nationale eer begraven': "Met nationale eer is zaterdag voormalig minister van Staat Paul Vanden Boeynants begraven. De uitvaartplechtigheid in de Brusselse Sint-Michiels en Sint-Goedelekathedraal duurde ruim twee uur en werd bijgewoond door 800 à 900 mensen. Ook veel ministers en oud-ministers kwamen afscheid nemen van Paul Vanden Boeynants. Het was een serene uitvaart met toespraken waarin zowel familieleden als politici vooral de menselijke kant van VDB in herinnering brachten. Naast premier Guy Verhofstadt, vice-premier Louis Michel en defensieminister André Flahaut waren onder andere ook Kamervoorzitter Herman De Croo, Senaatsvoorzitter Armand de Decker, Brussels minister Jos Chabert, de oud-premiers Jean-Luc Dehaene en Leo Tindemans en oud-ministers Leo Delcroix, Willy Claes, Willy Declerq en Ferdinand Nothomb in de kathedraal aanwezig. Zowel de priester in zijn homilie als alle politici die aan het woord kwamen, noemden Vanden Boeynants een man die "trouw bleef aan het gegeven woord." Jos Chabert sprak over VDB als over het "groot oratorisch, politiek en menselijk talent zoals er maar weinig worden geboren." Leo Tindemans, minister van Staat, noemde VDB een groot staatsman die "zin voor nationaal belang had". Verder had Tindemans het nog over het karakter en doorzettingsvermogen van VDB."

Hij [VDB] leefde in een jachtig tempo, maar streefde altijd naar een evenwicht tussen lichaam en geest. Zo deed hij elke dag gymnastiek, vaak in het gezelschap van zijn vriend Henri Simonet, in een sportzaal op het Vossenplein in de Marollen of speelde hij tennis met Jules Everaert, een van zijn trouwe medewerkers, die militair bevelhebber werd van het Paleis der Natie.

Deniau, Jean-Francois

Source(s): 1983 Cercle list, Bonn; Adrian Hanni (1985 Cercle meeting)

Member of Giscard d'Estaing's UDF (Union for French Democracy; Union pour la Démocratie Française) until 1998. In 1958, he became the director of Foreign Relations for the European Commission. He was the author of the foreword of the Treaty of Rome. In 1963, he was named French ambassador to Mauritania and in 1967 he was appointed as one of the French European Commissioners, as a member of the Rey Commission, in 1970 followed by his membership of the Malfatti Commission. He was responsible for the accession negotiations of Great Britain, the Republic of Ireland, Denmark and Norway, and for assistance to developing countries. In 1973, he entered the government of Pierre Messmer as Secretary of State for Coopération, and was then named Secretary of State to the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development in the government formed by Jacques Chirac after the election of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing to the presidency of the French Republic in 1974. In 1976, J.F. Deniau became France's ambassador to Madrid, on the request of the new king Juan Carlos, with whom he had begun a friendship during regattas. Deniau would play an active advisory role to the king and the government during Spain's democratic transition following the death of general Franco. In September 1977, Jean-François Deniau was named Secretary of State to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the government of Raymond Barre (Opus Dei supporter), then Minister of Foreign Commerce (1978), and finally Minister of Administrative Reform in Raymond Barre's last government (1981). From 1978 to 1981 and from 1986 to 1997 he was a member of the French parliament. Supporter of the Wilton Park meetings.

January 25, 2007, AP, 'Jean-Francois Deniau, former French minister and diplomat, dies at 78': "Born in 1928 in Paris, Deniau grew up with dreams of being an explorer. He was a graduate of the prestigious Ecole Nationale d'Administration, took an active role in European affairs and helped write the European Union's founding Treaty of Rome of 1957. He went on to be an ambassador, notably in Spain. He was sent there soon after the 1975 death of the dictator Gen. Francisco Franco and was close to King Juan Carlos. He helped Spanish leaders through their transition to democracy. An international champion of human rights, Deniau specialized in risky expeditions. In 1985, following up on a journalist's arrest, he entered secretly into Soviet-occupied Afghanistan and spent nine days there at a time when most Westerners were barred from the country. When Deniau visited Lebanon in 1986 as a member of the French National Assembly, the U.N. helicopter he was flying in was assaulted with machine-gun and anti-aircraft fire. No one was hurt, but fire tore through the fuel tank, forcing the aircraft to make an emergency landing at a soccer stadium. As a politician with the centrist UDF party, Deniau served in six ministerial posts, from agriculture to foreign minister. He was the founder of the annual Sakharov human rights prize, named after the Soviet dissident scientist Andrei Sakharov and awarded by the European Parliament. French President Jacques Chirac said he "embodied a noble French spirit made up of courage, panache and the taste for adventure." Deniau was a member of the Academie Francaise, the gathering of France's literary heavyweights. His novel "Un Hero Tres Discret" (A Very Discreet Hero) told of an ordinary man who reinvented himself as a hero of the World War II Resistance. The book was adapted into a movie by director Jacques Audiard and given the English-language title "A Self Made Hero.""

June 3, 2005, Intelligence Online, 'Francois-Xavier Deniau': "Director of strategy at the French foreign intelligence agency Direction Generale de la Securite Exterieure (DGSE) for the past four years, Francois-Xavier Deniau is due to shortly leave his job on the Boulevard Mortier in Paris. For some weeks he had been tipped for the post of permanent French representative at the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in Vienna. But he is close to Dominique de Villepin who has just been named French prime minister and that could open new job prospects for him, perhaps on the staff of a senior minister. Aged 50 and a graduate of both the Polytechnique institute and ENA, Deniau spent most of his earlier career with the French foreign ministry, working on post in Rome, Brussels, Tunis and the Dominican Republic. He was also diplomatic adviser to the Gaullist equipment minister Bernard Pons and deputy chief-of-staff to a centrist foreign minister, Herve de Charrette. Deniau is the nephew of former center-right minister Jean-Francois Deniau and son of the ex Gaullist legislator, Xavier Deniau. The post of strategy director at DGSE traditionally goes to a diplomat but it seems the Quai d'Orsay has not yet come forward with a candidate to succeed Deniau. Elsewhere, Deniau's deputy at DGSE, Vincent Nibourel, will return to the agency's intelligence directorate to take charge of its External Relations service (which manages Totem relations) following the departure of Michele Ledirat, who has retired."

May 17, 1989, The Oregonian (Portland, Oregon), 'If only the guns were as silent as the rest of us are': "Jean-Francois Deniau, who was sent to Lebanon on a presidential mission to see what France could do, was disavowed by his own government for saying publicly that it was Syrian artillery pounding the Christians, and mentioning French press dispatches that annual drug exports from Lebanon, particularly the Syrian-controlled Bekaa Valley, now amount to $1 billion a year. That is said to be more than the total annual Arab contribution to the PLO. It is too late for such discretion. The Sovi- ets, evidently embarrassed by their Syrian allies now; the Saudis, who bankroll Damascus; the Europeans, with France as their main spokesman; the Vatican, and the United States can and should now join to demand an end to the fighting, troop withdrawals and real negotiations. If the United States is too inured to care about the stake of Lebanon in the Middle East, it does care about drugs. The silence is also deadening."

Dietrich, Paul

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (visited Le Cercle in 1987 with his wife)

Born in 1949. BA, Webster University, 1972. Postgrad., University Missouri Law School, 1980. JD, No. Virginia Law School, 1989. President, Meridian Emerging Markets, Ltd., Alexandria, Virginia, 1995— Producer, KETC-TV, St. Louis, 1970-71 Atty., of counsel, Squire Sanders & Dempsey, Washington, 1992-96 Attorney, Jones, Day, Reavis & Pogue, Washington, 1991-92 Pub., president, Eton Court Pubs., Washington, New York City, 1986-89 Pub., editor-in-chief, Saturday Review Magazine, Washington, New York City, 1984-88 President, Citizens for Reagan, Washington, 1980-84 State legis., Missouri General Assembly, St. Louis, 1976-80 Producer, chief executive officer, Dietrich International TV, St. Louis, New York City, 1976 Producer, CBS-TV, St. Louis, 1971-74. President National Center Legis. Research, Washington, 1976-88, John Davis Lodge Center International Study, 1984-86; board directors Global Media Ltd., Los Angeles, 1986-88. Author, editor: American Foreign Policy and National Defense, 1984, Guide to U.S. Domestic Policy, 1984. Trustee Catholic University Am., Washington, 1986-93, Harvard University Pub. Health-Harvard AIDS Institute, 1990—, Congl. Human Rights Foundation, 1991—, Gorbachev Foundation, 1992—, International Foreign Policy Association, 1992—; board directors Sovereign Military Order of Malta, 1984. Member Virginia Bar Association, Metropolitan Club (Washington), Marlborough Fox Hunt Club (Upper Marlboro, Maryland). Republican. Roman Catholic.

Has been chairman, CEO and president of Foxhall Capital Management, Inc. He is also the principal mutual fund manager of the Shepherd Large Cap Growth Fund, previously known as Dominion Insight Growth Fund (DOIGX). DOIGX participated in some CIA-affiliated companies: Saytam Computer [Long-term CIA front, with operations in India, China, Japan, and much of Asia, owns the biggest fiber optics in Asia, CIA station in Guangzhou], America Movil S.A. de C.V [CIA Operation for eavesdropping in Latin America], Sasol Adr (SSL) [Two current/ex-CIA people in senior level positions], Legg Mason [Major financial powerhouse in Baltimore, MD, historically linked to U.S. State Department], AIG (also CIA linked).

Curious 2006 email letters of an anonymous person who worked for Paul Dietrich: "About a year ago I worked for a man by the name of Paul Dietrich. I had just moved to Leesburg, Virginia, and was looking for work when I saw an ad in the Loudoun Times/Mirror for somebody looking for a driver. I called and arranged to meet with the man. He gave me directions to his house which happened to be in the rolling hills of Loudoun county's horse country five miles north of Middleburg. I took a drive out to what turned out to be a rather large estate which was well known for it's fox-hunting history, lavishness and its previous owners. (Paul later divulged to me that he was merely renting the estate from billionaire Roy Ash, Nixon's head of OMB) I was a little taken aback by the opulence of the estate as we drove up to the front door of Huntland, formerly owned by George Brown, (Kellogg, Brown & Root) and used by LBJ as a "summer Whitehouse." Paul came out and greeted me at my vehicle. He gave us a tour of the house and told us about its rich history, (LBJ had his mistress there, LBJ had a heart attack there, Kennedy visited the estate often, as did Sam Rayburn, etc.) As we were walking around Huntland we started noticing pictures of Mr. Dietrich with heads of state, Pope John Paul II, Mother Theresa, Gorbachev, Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Nixon, Carter, Rumsfeld, Ashcroft, Jack Danforth (Paul was from Missouri, Senator Jack Danforth was his mentor). Mrs. Dietrich was also in several of the pictures. Paul is a lawyer and works as a capital investment adviser and handled accounts for King Juan Carlos of Spain, Gorbachev, Princess Diana and others. I came to find out that while on the planning board for Pan-American Health Organization (World Health Organization) he was involved in subverting tobacco-awareness campaigns in South America for big tobacco companies. He also told me that election-rigging in Loudoun county is de rigeur and pointed to his involvement with the Piedmont Environmental Council. The future of Loudoun county's growth was one of the points of a "First Fridays Lunch" that Mr. Dietrich attended along with chairman of the Broadcasting Board of Governors, Kenneth Tomlinson, another Middleburg resident. Paul's wife, Laura was a former Assistant Secretary of State under Reagan and John Bolton's deputy at USAID. Paul told me that she was one of "Bolton's girls," the gaggle of very attractive female assistants that John Bolton had trailing behind him when he entered Senate hearing chambers on Capitol Hill, etc. Mrs. Dietrich is still in touch with John Bolton and was advising him about the Senate confirmation hearings for his appointment as U.S. ambassador to the U.N. last summer when I was working for Paul. It was while we were sitting in the parlor at Huntland during our initial meeting talking about his wife that he let slip that she was involved in something that he called "spy school". He informed me that she is a crack shot with an AK-47 and that she often brags about "killing" spies before coming home and preparing dinner. A friend of mine was present during these discussions and can confirm this information. Paul hired me to be his driver and I reported back to Huntland the next morning. I didn't really think much of Paul outing his wife to me as a CIA agent that day. Though I did think it a bit odd that he was telling somebody that he had known only twenty minutes that his wife was a high-level intelligence operative. My sister lives in Arlington and her good friend's husband work's for the Agency. I thought, "Well, it's Northern Virginia every other person up here probably works for the CIA," as per this article that I read in the Loudoun Times Mirror. ... This article I found to be a complete joke, because nobody is tight-lipped about their CIA involvement in NoVa [Northern Virgina]. The witches that ran the little New Age shop in Leesburg had worked for CIA: ... The guy who sold Nazi trinkets in the antique shop in Leesburg was CIA: ... I overheard people in line at the local Starbucks talking about their agency involvement. It was everywhere. LOL! I had been working for Mr. Dietrich for a couple of months. It was pretty slack work: drive him from Middleburg to his office in Alexandria, then come back to pick him up every evening. One evening in April I was driving Paul back from a late dinner meeting he had at the Majestic restaurant (owned by Mark Warner) in Alexandria. Paul was a big time name dropper anyway but this evening he was especially loose-lipped. He started telling me about his wife's involvement with the CIA. Paul told me that Laura had been involved in a "fast track" program with the CIA at Georgetown to recruit women in high position roles in the federal government. This was at the begining of the Reagan era and was facilitated by Jeane Kirkpatrick. Condeleezza Rice had also been apart of this program. He told me that the position Laura had held at State, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs was a front for the CIA at the State Department. Which made sense to me when he told me some of the actions in which she played a part. She got "Baby Doc" Duvalier out of Haiti, promised him a U.S. visa which she renegged and got him stuck in France, which made Mrs. Dietrich persona non grata in France. She also got Marcos out of the Philippines. Both of these actions didn't seem particularily "humanitarian" as her job title suggested. Rescuing Third World dictators and despots. She also was involved in El Salvador and the Sanctuary program. Mr. Dietrich went into detail about questions that she had to answer on the polygraph examination. She had purchased the book entitled "Blowing My Cover" by Lindsey Moran because it described the CIA's polygraph procedure she hadn't taken in a long time. He told me information about the CIA's spy school in Reston where Laura reported for work and that several "role playing" excercises were conducted on city streets in and around Northern Virginia. He described an exercise in which she was involved that took place at Camden Yards in Baltimore. Several of "her team" were ex-Navy SEALs. It was one of these SEALs job to transport a very small amount of radioactive material, nothing dangerous, just enough to be detected with measurement instruments. This material was placed in an ordinary box and flown to Yemen where it was placed in a cargo container. The container would make it's way to Marseilles, France, then across the Atlantic to Boston, MA. It was picked up by another team member and taken down the East Coast to Baltimore, where it would be picked up by Paul's wife, Laura. In the meantime she had made an appointment to have a meeting with the general manager of Camden Yards [sports stadium]. She took the box containing the radioactive material to the meeting with her where she would be cleared by security getting into Camden Yards because she is a "petite white woman with long blond hair." Walking to the manager's office she would make an unplanned detour and enter the bleachers area of the stadium, take out the box, reveal the mock device and press a button on it. This was simulating that she had detonated a nuclear device or "dirty bomb." This also marked the end of the exercise at Camden Yards. It was unclear whether or not an event was taking place at the time or if the management of Camden Yards was aware of the exercise. Paul told me that his wife was on an intelligence board and had been hand-picked by Donald Rumsfeld. James Woolsey is also on this Defense Department (?) intelligence board. Paul didn't elaborate any further on this. However I suspected the board was involved with DIA or at least met at Bolling Air Force Base as Laura had DoD stickers on her car that allowed her to enter that base. Paul told me that the counter-terrorism work Laura did involved a team that would go and gather every detail of a terrorist incident world-wide. He told me that Al Queda had been targeting western females, not as recruits, but as unwitting mules. He said that some of the things Laura's counter-terrorism team had uncovered was that terrorists were trying to attract young, often unattractive or "plain looking" girls from places like Ireland. The terrorist operatives would then wine and dine the young naive girls and fly them to resort areas in the Mediterranean. Paul stated that the purpose of this was that the Western girl-friends would have no idea that their new Arab boyfriends were terrorists and that eventually they would fly them someplace and the terrorist boy-friend would have placed a bomb in the girl's luggage without her knowledge. Paul's wife, Laura Dietrich, worked for the CIA and was currently employed training recruits. One of the excercises she was involved in can be seen here: I personally saw Laura Dietrich's tax information and pay stubs, the private military contractors she worked for are: MPRI, Armorgroup, Tessada & Associates, Hamilton Trading Group, Inc. I also heard her refer to what she was doing for the CIA as "spy school" and heard recorded messages from her contact, a woman by the name of "Sharon." ... Paul Dietrich is a member of the Federalist Society. He told me that he believes that privacy is something that is NOT protected by the U.S. Constitution. I am willing to defend what I have to say about the events that occurred March 2005 through August 2005, the time that I worked for Paul. As far as seeinjg his wife's tax returns it was in the capacity of the work I was doing for him. As well as a driver I also performed other duties such as messenger, etc. I'm really not worried about it. I was an undocumented, uninsured, unbonded worker working for him. It's his own damn fault. When he put his ad in the Loudoun Times Mirror I think he expected to get an uneducated undocumented illegal alien to work for him. ... Previously, he was the Founder of Meridian Emerging Markets, Ltd., a leading provider of global emerging markets company financial information. With offices in New York, Boston, London [wife has extended family in England] and Princeton, Meridian collected, compiled, and distributed fundamental financial data on all of the largest publicly traded companies in over 56 emerging markets [specializing in developing intelligence for his wife no doubt]. Mr. Dietrich has also been an investment adviser to a Bermuda-based,offshore investment fund [what CIA assets haven't been]. He is an international corporate attorney and was formerly associated with two Washington, DC law firms, Squire, Sanders & Dempsey, [Strong ties to CIA, including James R. Lilley (former US ambassador to South Korea), and other CIA assets specializing in Latin America, Asia, and China, with significant overlap with Saytam Computer] and Jones, Day, Reavis & Pogue [Major tobacco lobbyist, has fronted for several prior CIA activities in Asia and South America]. Before entering the practice of law, he served as Publisher and Editor in Chief of SATURDAY REVIEW, one of the United States' oldest cultural magazines. [Recognized as a front organization, used as a training ground for propaganda and PSYOPS specialists. Well known to be a mouthpiece for CIA agendas, or positions.] As an attorney, he has been an advisor on privatization and economic development issues to the Czech government, as well as several governments in Asia and the former Soviet Union. [His wife was/is in the CIA Directorate of Operations, and specialized in running spies in Russia and the Czech Republic.] Mr. Dietrich has been a frequent contributor to the editorial pages of the WALL STREET JOURNAL, the LONDON TIMES and the INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE. From 1994 to 1997, he was editor of both the REUTERS EMERGING MARKETS GUIDE and the REUTERS ASIAN STOCK SOURCEBOOK. He is also President of the Institute for International Health and Development (IHD) (founded in 1982 by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, David Morse). [IHD is a known MI6-influenced organization used to advance U.S. and British agendas into poverty stricken countries, primarily Asia and South Africa. Ironically, Mr. Dietrich and his business associates have a history of financially exploiting these populations.] He has served as a member of the Board of Trustees of the Catholic University of America in Washington, DC, was a member of the National Advisory Board of Harvard University's School of Public Health's AIDS Institute, a member of the Advisory Group on International Health Systems Assessment of the New York Academy of Sciences, and is currently a member of the Advisory Board to the John Templeton Foundation. He has also served as a member of the Development Committee of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), and as a member of the Board of Directors of the U.S. Congressional Human Rights Foundation and the American-European Community Association. ... We talked about a lot of things. If he didn't want this information out there then he shouldn't have told me anything. Apparently those involved in the PMC training of CIA agents are mid-level federal government retirees (military, CIA, FBI) so I would imagine those people would be really pissed. I mean the guy blew open the doors and revealed a lot about the training process of CIA operatives. ... "

Dietrich, Laura Jordan

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (visited Le Cercle in 1987 with her husband)

Born in 1952. Student, Stephens College, Columbia, Missouri, 1973. Deputy assistant secretary state [for Human Rights], U.S. Department State, Washington, 1984-87 Special assistant to secretary, Department Interior, Washington, 1983 Deputy director external relations, Agency for International Development, Washington, 1982-83 [USAID; Bolton was general counsel at USAID 1981-1982] Congl. liaison, U.S. Department Labor, Washington, 1981-82 Board directors, National Center for Legis. Research, Washington, 1981-89 Director, National Center for Legis. Research, St. Louis, 1977-81. Director Foundation Management, Inc., Washington, 1982-85. Editor: (monographs) Legislative Policy, 1979, State Anti-Trust Laws, 1979, Public Employee Collective Bargaining, 1979, Nuclear Energy: The Legislative Issues, 1980, The Proposed Washington D.C. Amendment, 1981; author: U.S. Asylum Policy, 1986; contributor editor Saturday Rev., 1984-85. Avocation: fox hunting. Me. Rep. National Committee. Member Foreign Policy Discussion Club, Sovereign Military Order of Malta, Marlborough Hunt Club, Middleburg Hunt. Married Paul George Dietrich, December 5, 1978.

Duncan, Alan

Source(s): June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour'; 18 June 2000, Sunday Telegraph / Lobster Magazine, Issue 40, winter 2000-2001; April 2, 2003, The Guardian, 'War in the Gulf: Billionaire linked to Labour arrested in London: France demands extradition of Iraqi friend of UK politicians'; September 25, 2003, Damien McCrystal, City Editor for The Sun, 'Spooky tale from Salzburg; City Insider': "ACROSS my desk come details of a hush-hush gathering in Salzburg of a spooky collection calling itself Le Cercle. Members come from around the world and seem to be dominated by Right-wingers with an interest in the security services. Britain is represented by, among others, spy writer and former Tory MP Rupert Allason, Tory Deputy Leader Michael Ancram, Shadow Foreign Affairs Minister Alan Duncan, former GEC and Warburg director Sir Ronald Grierson, Lord Lamont, Lt Col Tim Spicer of Aegis Defence Services and Sir Stephen Lander, former head of MI5. Is this a new Bilderberg group in the making?"

Who's Who: Pres., Oxford Union, 1979. With Shell Internat. Petroleum, 1979–81; Kennedy Schol., Harvard Univ., 1981–82; oil trader, Marc Rich & Co., 1982–88; self-employed oil broker, 1988–92. PPS to Min. of State, DoH, 1993–94, to Chm. of Cons. Party, 1995–97; a Vice Chm. of Cons. Party, 1997–98; Parly Political Sec. to Leader of the Opposition, 1997; Opposition spokesman on health, 1998–99, on trade and industry, 1999–2001, on foreign affairs, 2001–03; Shadow Sec. of State for Constitutional Affairs, 2003–04, for Internat. Develt, 2004–05, for Transport, 2005, for Trade and Industry, 2005–07, for Business, Enterprise and Regulatory Reform, 2007–09; Shadow Leader, H of C, 2009; Shadow Jun. Justice Minister for Prisons, 2009–. Mem., Select Cttee on Social Security, 1993–95. Contested (C) Barnsley W and Penistone, 1987. Vis. Parly Fellow, St Antony’s Coll., Oxford, 2002–03. Freeman, City of London, 1980; Liveryman, Merchant Taylors’ Co., 1987. MP (C) Rutland and Melton, since 1992.

Before beginning his political career he became a millionaire as a trader of oil and refined products first with Shell and then with an independent commodity company, but he remained involved in politics as an active member of Battersea Conservative Association. Between the years of 1984 and 1986 he lived in Singapore. Member of Parliament for Rutland and Melton. since 1992. From 1993 to 1995 he sat on the Social Security Select Committee, his first governmental position was as Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Minister of Health, a position he obtained in December 1993 and resigned from in January 1994 after it was revealed that he had made a 50,000 pound profit exploiting right-to-buy legislation to buy his neighbour's council house in Westminster. When co-Le Cercle member and arms dealer Jonathan Aitken sued the Guardian two years ago, Alan Duncan defended Aitken by stating he was a "good and honourable man. I think he has struck a rich vein and good for him for taking a stand. There is not enough courage around and he has shown he's got it" (another Cercle member, Michael Howard, did the same). In July of 1995 he was appointed Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Chairman of the Conservative Party, Dr Brian Mawhinney. In June 1997 he was entrusted with the positions of Vice Chairman of the Conservative Party and Parliamentary Political Secretary to the Party Leader. In June 1999 he was made Shadow Trade and Industry Spokesman. Attended the June 2001 meeting of Le Cercle in Lisbon, Portugal. In September 2001, he was appointed a Frontbench Spokesman for Foreign & Commonwealth Affairs. In November 2003, he became Shadow Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs. In September 2004, he was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for International Development. He now sits on the front bench as Shadow Secretary of State for Transport, a position he has held since May 2005. Described as a libertarian, wishing to minimize the role of the state and abolish laws against drugs. He is on the council of the Conservative Way Forward group. Duncan is a passionate fighter against AIDS. In 2004 he said: "The poor of the world need deeper debt relief, better aid, and freer and fairer trade." Duncan is openly gay since July 2002. Together with Nadhmi Auchi and Prince Andrew he is a member of the Anglo-Arab Organization. Auchi is the chairman. April 2, 2003, The Guardian: "[Auchi's] Le Cercle meetings - originally a cold war group of businessmen and politicians - have brought him into contact with political figures such as Lord Lamont and the Tory MP Alan Duncan, and with intelligence officers such as the former MI6 officer Anthony Cavendish and the former head of MI6's Middle East division, Geoffrey Tantum."

Edwards, Lee

Source(s): 1983 Cercle list; Adrian Hanni (also visited the Cercle in 1987)

Edwards was born in Chicago in 1932. At an early age, he was introduced to conservative values and the importance of the written word by his parents; both of Edwards' parents were anti-communist, and his father was a journalist for the Chicago Tribune.[4] He holds a bachelor's degree in English from Duke University and a doctorate in world politics from Catholic University.[5][3] He also did graduate work at the Sorbonne in Paris.[5]. A distinguished fellow in conservative thought at the B. Kenneth Simon Center for American Studies at The Heritage Foundation. He is considered one of the foremost historians of the conservative movement in America,[1][2] and he has published more than 15 books,[3] including biographies of President Ronald Reagan, Senator Barry Goldwater, Attorney General Edwin Meese III and William F. Buckley, Jr. He is currently the Chairman of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation. Edwards' involvement in the conservative movement began in 1960. He was one of the founding members of Young Americans for Freedom (YAF), and later served as the director of information for the Barry Goldwater presidential campaign in 1964. In 1969, the New York Times dubbed Edwards “the voice of the silent majority.”[4] He has acted as a consultant for the Richard Nixon administration, Senators Strom Thurmond and Bob Dole, the Republican National Committee, YAF, the American Conservative Union, the Committee for a Free China and the American Council for World Freedom.[4] Edwards has written biographies of Ronald Reagan, William F. Buckley, Edwin Meese III and Goldwater,[6][7][8] as well as a number of other books, which include The Conservative Revolution: The Movement That Remade America,[9] The Power of Ideas,[10] a retrospective on the first 25 years of the Heritage Foundation, and a history of the Intercollegiate Studies Institute.[3] He was the initial editor of the Conservative Digest in 1975,[4] and has been a senior editor for The World & I.[11] He has also written for major newspapers including The Boston Globe, Detroit News, Los Angeles Times, The Wall Street Journal and The Washington Times,[12] as well as magazines such as Crisis, National Review, Policy Review and Reader's Digest. He is a frequent commentator on television and radio and has appeared on Fox News Channel's The O'Reilly Factor and Fox and Friends, PBS' The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, C-SPAN's Booknotes and Washington Journal and NPR's The Diane Rehm Show. He has lectured in nearly 20 nations on various aspects of American and world politics.[3] Edwards was the founding director of the Institute on Political Journalism at Georgetown University and a fellow at the Institute of Politics at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.[13] He is a past president of the Philadelphia Society and has been a media fellow at the Hoover Institution.[14][15] He is a distinguished fellow in conservative thought at the B. Kenneth Simon Center for American Studies at The Heritage Foundation,[16] and as of 2011, holds the title of adjunct professor of politics at the Catholic University of America and at the Institute of World Politics.[3][17] In addition, he is chairman of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, an organization dedicated to the creation of an international memorial in Washington to the victims of communism across history and the online Global Museum on Communism.[18] He is a signatory of the Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism.[19] Honors he has been awarded include the Millennium Star of Lithuania, the Cross of Terra Mariana of Estonia, the Friendship Medal of Diplomacy from the Republic of China (Taiwan), the John Ashbrook Award, the Reed Irvine Accuracy in Media Award and the Walter Judd Freedom Award.[17]

Elliot, Ian

Source(s): Cercle's 1983 Bonn meeting list

September 11, 1987, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union in English 0736 gmt 8 Sep 87), 'British Sovietologist's View of USSR Society': ''We are witnessing a serious and in-depth reorganisation in all spheres of life in the USSR,'' Ian Elliot, the leading English Sovietologist, professor at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, the author of a number of books about the foreign policy of the Soviet Union, said in an interview published in 'Komsomolskaya Pravda' today. ''As far as people like myself are concerned, i.e. those who devoted their entire life to the study of the Soviet Union, we view the reorganisation process as a necessary phenomenon, and we feel profoundly gratified with the changes which are taking place in your country. ''The Soviet Union is now being perceived in the West as a dynamic society encountering problems, boldly speaking of problems, and trying to resolve them. Besides, the popularity of the Soviet Leader, his style of leadership and sincere striving to carry the reorganisation through and to secure radical changes in international relations have in many respects influenced people's attitude towards your country. ''Soviet society has become easier to understand: very many people in the West believe that a country which openly speaks of its difficulties, miscalculations and errors cannot pose a threat to other states. We gradually move on from the previous conviction that people have nothing to learn from the Russians to a new perception of the Soviet Union. Both you and we have our problems and achievements. Why not learn from each other?'' Ian Elliot emphasised. ''Over the 70 years of Soviet power, the peoples of your country worthily went through the ordeals of the foreign intervention and the second world war which brought innumerable suffering to Soviet people and resulted in the loss of millions of human lives. But despite all that the Soviet Union successfully developed. Suffice it to have a look at the statistical map of the world economy to see what role the USSR plays in the contemporary world. ''No sober-minded person will deny the successes. The policy of openness, which reveals opportunities for the initiative of all members of society, is an earnest of successful restructuring of the economy. The Soviet Union's strides in economic development raise no doubt. ''The great social experiment which has been under way in your country for 70 years now looks fascinating to me. When I was a student and only began to study the Russian language and Soviet history, I came to the conclusion that your society was notable for one very important feature: humaneness and concern for people,'' Ian Elliot pointed out."

Elliot, Nicholas

Source(s): November 1988 – Issue 17, Lobster Magazine, 'Brian Crozier, the Pinay Circle and James Goldsmith' (quoting the Langemann papers); October 1989 – Issue 18, Lobster Magazine, 'The Pinay Circle and Destabilisation in Europe'; June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour': Cercle meetings: all from 1982-85.

Elliot was an officer in MI6's 'Section D', which was created when WWII broke out. Its purpose was to perform more violent operations than usual, like sabotage and unconventional warfare. In 1962 / 1963, MI5 head Arthur Martin, after having interviewed the Russian defector Anatoli Golitsin, arranged for Kim Philby (MI6 officer - head of Soviet Affairs who turned out to be a communist spy) to be interviewed in Beirut in 1963 by Nicholas Elliot. Due to some of the comments made by Philby during the interview, Elliott got the impression that he had been tipped off to expect a visit from MI5. In turn, this led Arthur Martin to believe there still was a high-level communist spy within MI5. In January 1963, Philby fled to the USSR, a very short time after his interview with Elliot. Elliot also sat on the board of directors of Lonrho. Edward Du Cann, some time chairman of the Conservative Party and, until 1991 chairman of Lonrho, published his autobiography in 1995, 'Two Lives', which received little attention. He wrote: "Yet another dissident was Nicholas Elliot, a director of MI6, the man who botched Commander Crabb's underwater investigation of the Soviet cruiser Ordzhonikidze at the time of Kruschev's visit to the UK in 1956. A former head of station in Beirut, he travelled there in 1963 to obtain the traitor Kim Philby's confession. He succeeded in this, but then allowed his old friend from MI6 to escape to Soviet Russia. On the face of it these were two of the most monumental blunders perpetrated by British Intelligence since the War. Presumably the reality must have been different from the way in which the public perceived these events or he would surely have been dismissed in disgrace. For a while, until the shareholders of Lonrho dismissed him for his disloyalty to Rowland by an overwhelming majority, we were both directors of Lonrho. I never heard him make a single contribution of substance at any of our Board meetings. I always sat as far away from him as possible: he suffered badly from halitosis." May 17, 2002 issue, Jeffrey Steinberg for Executive Intelligence Review, 'Ariel Sharon: Profile of an Unrepentant War Criminal': "On Nov. 15, 1982, a final meeting took place on several real estate purchases, mostly through Arab middle-men, to push the massive expansion of Jewish settlements throughout the West Bank at a handsome profit. Attending the meeting at Sharon's ranch were: Kissinger [Cercle], Lord Harlech (Sir David Ormsby-Gore), Johannes von Thurn und Taxis [1001 Club], Tory Parliamentarian Julian Amery [Cercle], Sir Edmund Peck, and MI-6 Mideast mandarin Nicholas Elliot [Cercle]." Elliott has also been a Council Member of the Wilkinson / McWhirter / Ivens group, the Research Foundation for the Study of Terrorism. Elliot worked closely with co-Le Cercle member Brian Crozier, who included him in Margaret Thatcher's Shield committee and in 'The 61'.

England, Audna

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (visited the Cercle once in 1987)

Vice-president of New York's Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs. On the advisory board of the Free Africa Foundation, an advocacy organisation on African policy with close ties to conservative U.S. think tanks and foundations.

Ermarth, Fritz

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (Nagle visited the Cercle in 1989 and 1990)

Former CIA senior official. Served as Chairman of the National Intelligence Council, National Intelligence Officer for the USSR and East Europe and Director of the Strategic Evaluation Center. Served as Special Assistant to the President during Ronald Reagan's presidency and Senior Director for Soviet and European Affairs in the National Security Council. January 19, 1987, Newsweek, 'Carlucci Cleans Up the Act at the NSC': "To head the NSC's Soviet department, Carlucci selected Fritz Ermarth, a widely respected hard-liner who has worked for Brzezinski, the Rand Corp. and, most recently, the CIA." November 19, 1999, Dinner remarks of Robert Gates at Texas A&M University, 'US Intelligence and the End of the Cold War': "With President Bush's express approval, that fall Brent and I established a top-secret, high-level contingency planning effort to prepare for the possibility of a Soviet collapse. It was chaired by Condi Rice of the NSC and her group included Dennis Ross at State, Fritz Ermarth and Bob Blackwell at CIA, and Paul Wolfowitz and Eric Edelman from the Department of Defense. This was in September of 1989. This group commissioned a number of studies by CIA and used them in reviewing and planning US options. The work was used to good effect when the Soviet Union imploded two years later." Anno 2012 on the advisory board of the Langley Intelligence Group Network with General Michael Hayden (NSA and CIA head), Lord William Rees-Mogg, John Bolton, Otto Reich and Arnaud de Borchgrave. Part-time senior analyst for the Strategies Group at SAIC.

July 27, 2006, Federal News Service, 'Hearing of the United States Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (Helsinki Commission) (As released by the Helsinki Commission)': "Mr. Fritz Ermarth, retired October of '98 as a member of the Senior Intelligence Service of the CIA. He has worked over 40 years in national security affairs and government, academia and commercial institutions specializing in Soviet strategic and regional conflict issues, and currently consults with several organizations working on national security, including nuclear weapons policy and intelligence reform, U.S.-Russian relations and regional security."

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Alleged Anton Surikov links:

Boris, Victor and Anton Surikov all visited Dartmouth. Boris in 1988; Anton and Victor in 1992.

Boris Surikov (likely relative): Russian Major-General in the Air Force. Military advisor to the Russian government in the 1980s about SALT I and the U.S.' SDI project. Described by Jane's Defense Weekly as the Soviet Union's "expert on new types and systems of space-based weapons." Visited the Dartmouth Conference in 1988.

July 14, 1988, Associated Press, 'Soviet says Star Wars could be used to launch attack': "Star Wars anti-missile defenses in orbit could be used as a cover for nuclear weapons capable of hitting targets on earth on five minutes notice, a Soviet general says in a rare interview. Maj. Gen. Boris Surikov said Star Wars devices, which the Soviets call ''space strike weapons,'' could ''in the foreseeable future be used to destroy strategically important targets on earth and in space.'' ''The current technology also gives the opportunity to start cover deployment of space-to-earth strike weapons even now,'' he said in the interview published Wednesday by the British magazine Jane's Defence Weekly. ''Independently of the actual armaments of the U.S. (anti-ballistic missiles) stations, the Soviet Union would assume that they are armed with weapons able to destroy vital ground targets within five minutes of a decision to mount a nuclear attack from space,'' he said. Surikov also outlined steps the Soviets could take to outflank Star Wars, formally known as the Strategic Defense Initiative. Although Soviet civilians and U.S. critics of Star Wars have made points similar to Surikov's, the interview provided unusual detail from a Soviet military source that Jane's described as ''his government's expert on new types and systems of space-based weapons.'' Surikov hinted in the article that the Soviet Union might destroy such stations soon after they were deployed. U.S. officials have denied that Star Wars would use nuclear weapons or that other SDI devices, such as high-energy lasers, would be used against targets on earth. Congress has barred the Reagan administration from spending any money that might violate the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which places strict limits on missile defenses. Surikov acknowledged that the Soviet Union ''is engaged in research and development to improve the limited ABM system'' around Moscow. He said the system was ''fully in compliance with Article VII of the ABM Treaty,'' limiting each side to one ABM site equipped with not more than 100 interceptors. He also confirmed that the Soviet Union is conducting research on new weapons systems ''based on other physical principles,'' such as lasers, at a test site allowed under the ABM pact. The article appeared as the Reagan administration tries to decide whether to declare the Soviet Union in ''material breach'' of the ABM Treaty because it built a radar facility at Krasnoyarsk, deep inside Siberia, instead of near the border as required by the pact. The Soviets say the Krasnoyarsk radar is designed to track vehicles in space, but suspended work on it a year ago before it became operational. Surikov did not directly respond to U.S. allegations about the facility, but said ''all Soviet radars have lower potentials'' than the ceiling set in the ABM treaty, ''and cannot detect or track ballistic missiles automatically or with the necessary accuracy.'' The Soviet general also outlined steps that Moscow could take to foil any strategic defense system built by the United States. The countermeasure s, all of which have been discussed publicly by Western experts, include: -Early destruction or neutralization of orbiting stations by ''anti-ABM spacecraft armed with nuclear or conventional charges,'' ''space mines'' or ''clouds of heavy or lightweight obstacles (like metal balls, sawdust, sand. etc.)'' -''A build-up of offensive arms'' to present SDI with an overwhelming number of intercontinental ballistics missiles (ICBMs) to target; -''Cheap ICBM decoys ... which would greatly overburden the first space layer of the ABM defense'' and other ''imitation devices ... to effectively camouflage the real nuclear warheads.'' -''High acceleration missiles'' designed to release their warheads before the launch vehicle could be destroyed by the first layer of a space-based defense. -''Massive deployment of variously based cruise missiles'' or ''submarine launched ballistic missiles'' for which ''there are no interceptors at present.''"

Victor M. Surikov (father): Deputy director Central Research Institute of Machine Building (TsNIIMash), Russia's ICBM production facility, 1976-1992. TsNiiMash, just to the north-east of Moscow, was headed by Yuri Mozzhorin from 1961 to 1990. Known for his deep involvement in the creation of the Dead Hand system, an automatic nuclear launch system based on various sensors. Under normal circumstances this system is turned off. Assistant to the head of the Central Committee of the Defense Department, the party body responsible for force building, procurement, and arms control. Visited the Dartmouth Conference in 1992, along with his son. Founding head Institute for Defense Studies (INOBIS) in 1992, with help from his son Anton. Both became notorious for the November 1995 Surikov document.

Alternate (likely false) claim about Surikov: Born in Sukhumi, Abkhazia, Georgia, USSR, with the name Mansur Ali-Hadzhi Natkhoev, and later went to Moscow. [seems to be his false name] Unknown: Served in a GRU unit, based in Shindand, West Afghanistan in 1984. As a GRU agent supposedly involved in supporting Basayev in Abkhazia, Georgia, in 1992-1993, together with Ruslan Saidov.

Anton V. Surikov: Son of top Soviet ICBM builder Victor Surikov. Anton Surikov's bio at the Institute of Globalization Studies (accessed: August 18, 2006): "He was born on May 26, 1961 in the Moscow region. In 1984, he graduated from the Moscow Aviation Institute ... as a mechanical engineer. Since the 1980s Surikov has been associated with work on defense projects. In November 1988, Surikov was a candidate of technical sciences, with a thesis on a special topic in the academic council of the military unit 73790 [Did exist: "Military Unit 73790" is referenced as a biographical note in a scientific studie published in 1995 entitled, 'Fractal analysis of fracture in aluminum alloy 01450T'; An impossible to open PDF at www.centralbank.ie reads: "Military Unit 73790 with a degree in experimental engineering..."; fas.org/spp/military/program/track/okno.pdf (translated from Russian): "50th Central Research Institute of videoconferencing - Jubilee p.Podlipki in / h 73790." Podlipki is just north-east of Moscow, in the industrial city of Korolev. Sounds a lot like Central Research Institute of Machine Building TsNiiMash of Surikov's father and was certainly part of this network here. ... Strangely, since about 1996 unit 73790 is named as the place where Russia hit its downed UFOs. Now they claim the unit was part of the Soviet Union's super secret (underground) base Kapustin Yar at Jitkur/Znamensk, just east of Wolgograd, where much of Russia's military space program was operated. Reportedly an UFO crashed here and was retrieved, just like Roswell in 1947. Probably not the correct "h 73790."] In June 1989, he was awarded the Lenin Komsomol Prize [for the best works in science, engineering, literature or art by young authors under 33 years of age] while at military unit 25840. [2000, Asif A. Siddiqi, NASA History Series, 'Challenge to Apollo: The Soviet Union and the Space Race, 1945-1974,' p. 39: "[General Andrey I.] Sokolov and Gaydukov were instrumental in creating the Scientific Research Institute No, 4 (NIl-4) [later known as TsNiiMash of Surikov's father] within the Fourth Directorate to investigate "the development of methods of testing, acceptance, storage and combat application of missile weaponry." Known secretly as "unit 25840" and located at Bolshevo [part of the industrial city of Korolev, where TsNiiMash has also been placed] near Moscow..."]" In 1990 invited by Andrei Kokoshin (Feb. 21, 1985, AP, 'Soviets Threaten Stronger Weapons to Defeat Space Defense': "Tass also quoted Andrei Kokoshin, deputy director of a think tank called the U.S.A.-Canada Institute, as saying international scientists fear a new arms race if the United States develops space weapons." Deputy director of ISKRAN and head of its military-political affairs division. Dartmouth Conferences 1983-2000. First deputy minister of defense in Russia 1992-. Secretary of the Defense Council -1998. Secretary Russian Security Council in 1998 (his predecessor, Ivan Rybkin, was later kidnapped by the FSB, drugged and apparently made to do "revolting, perverse" things without his conscious awareness. Claimed Putin was behind 1999 apartment bombings. Rybkin was forced to stop his presidential campaign and stayed out of Russia. Rybkin's predecessor Alekander Lebed, a fascist, was killed during a helicopter crash). Kokoshin prefers to work with the West, but still wants Russia to be a powerful nation. April 14, 2000, AP, 'Russia Lawmakers OK START II': "The Russian government and centrist lawmakers say the country's nuclear program should shift to developing a smaller arsenal of modern weapons, such as Russia's new Topol-M missile. ``A few modern missiles, capable of breaking through a missile-defense system in a retaliatory strike, would be a much more effective deterrent,'' centrist lawmaker Andrei Kokoshin said." Friend of the elitist Sam Nunn, who was also friends with Rogov (The Twilight of the Bombs, p. 91). Cooperates with the leadership of Harvard's Belfer Center, visited the Trilateral Commission and is pro-West.) to become a military strategist at the Institute for U.S. and Canadian Studies (ISKRAN). Anton Surikov's bio at the Institute of Globalization Studies (accessed: August 18, 2006): "In the summer of 1990, at the invitation of the deputy director of the Institute for U.S. and Canadian Studies ... [Andrei] Kokoshin, he joined this leading research institution, where he worked until September 1996. The work at the Institute for U.S. and Canadian Studies required numerous travels to various countries of the CIS and far abroad." November 29, 2009, Forummsk.info obituary of Anton Surikov: "On November, 23rd at about 6.00 p.m. Anton Viktorovich Surikov - constant author and a member of editorial board of FORUM.msk, bright publicist, one of the most outstanding experts in the field of strategic armaments, defensive industry and local conflicts, died. He was born on May, 26th, 1961 in Moscow Region. ... [states he joined IPROG in the summer of 1990] ... In the first half to the middle of the 90s he repeatedly visited regions of confrontation in the Caucasus (Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, the Chechen Republic), with A. Surikov's explanation: "for the purpose of protecting human rights and renderingen assistance to victims of conflicts". According to the newspaper "Version", in 1992 he ostensibly served under Sultan Sosnaliev's command, Minister of Defence of the Abkhazian Republic ("Sgovor" - "Version", N29, August, 3rd, 1999), operating ostensibly under a name Mansur, was responsible for diversionary activity of the Abkhazian separatists. A.Surikov's reaction in the interview to the newspaper "Tomorrow": "... I visited Abkhazia. I was in Gagry, Gantiadi, Leselidze, in Sukhumi and Tkvarcheli, but the way my actions were described by "Version" during these trips is at its door. The fact of fulfilment of some diversions by me should be confirmed, it couldn't be asserted without substantiation". ("Tomorrow", N22 (391). Under the assertion of the newspaper "RT-TRIBUNE" ("The working Tribune", 20.10.98) he ostensibly delivered arms to Afghanistan, North Africa and also to Nagorno-Karabakh, where he was in contact with the president of unrecognized republic of that time: Robert Kocharyan. In 1994 he was dispatched to Great Britain as an scientific employee of the Department of defensive researches of Royal college of the London University. In 1995 he published in Great Britain two monographs devoted to the Russian defensive policy." Anton Surikov's bio at the Institute of Globalization Studies (accessed: August 18, 2006): "In 1994 A. Surikov was sent to the UK for several months in an outreach program to the scientific officer of the Department of Defence Studies, King's College, University of London [headed at the time by Robert J. O'Neill, also executive director 1982-1987 and chair 1997-2001 of the elitist IISS. O'Neill also became atrustee of the Rhodes Trust and managed various foreign policy centers at Oxford, All Souls]. In 1995, the same city in Britain, he published two of his books on various aspects of Russia's domestic and defense policy." Had also visited the Dartmouth Conference of 1992 with his father, Victor, where he met many leading Americans. In 1993 he wrote a paper together with his father and the establishmentarian Sergei Rogov entitled, 'Is START-II Good for Russia?'. His father became founding chairman of the Institute for Defense Studies (INOBIS) in 1992, which he founded with politician Yuri Maslyukov [defense industry minister in the USSR; as first deputy PM under Yeltsin 1998-1999, Anton Surikov was his spokesperson]. Anton joined in 1995 and by October the notorious Surikov document was released under the auspices of this institute. Entitled 'Conceptual Provisions of a Strategy for Countering the Main External Threats to Russian Federation National Security,' the study was provided to the Russian defense minister and various top generals. It read:

"On the whole, it appears the principal mission of U.S. and Western policy with respect to Russia is to keep it from turning into an economically, politically, and militarily influential force and to transform post-Soviet space into … a raw materials colony of the West. … The United States and its allies … should be considered the principal potential enemies of the Russian federation. … The comprador model of building the economy suggested to Russia by the IMF and World Bank consists of orienting Russia toward exporting raw materials and importing everything else, encouraging default on the debt to Russia by CIS countries, as well as encouraging outflows of capital from Russia to the West and, in parallel, destroying national industry science and agriculture. Attempts at destroying the high-tech potential of national industry, and above all our (Russian) military-industrial complex by not admitting Russia to world markets of arms and of space, missile, aviation and nuclear technologies and nuclear materials are most obvious at the present time. Protectionist measures against Russian exports of fuel for nuclear power stations, opposition to the Russian-Iranian nuclear deal and the hysteria over cryogenic rocket engine deliveries from Russia to India are the examples of such attempts. … It should be noted that in following that line, the West finds support among part of the Russian elite and relies above all on Russian comprader business, which has become especially entrenched in speculative-finance banking structures and export-oriented raw materials sector of the economy. … A so-called strategy of black holes, through which materials and financial resources are being pumped out of the country is being implemented to prevent this. ... The described “black hole strategy”, in the oil and natural gas industry; nonferrous and in part ferrous metallurgy, the timber industry and production of mineral fertilizers is leading to colossal plundering of the country’s national wealth in favor of a narrow group of people – the so-called “new Russians.” [the billionaire oligarchs] … The bulk of these funds settle in foreign bank accounts of “new Russians” or is invested in real estate, stocks, and bonds abroad. But even the receipts from export that return to Russia often go for comprador imports and for importing expensive consumer goods into the country for the “new Russians.” Or they go via the budget to commercial and above all “authorized” banks for “investment.” … various expensive projects of dubious importance. … It is also important to note that all major operations of pumping resources and funds out of the country are being carried out with the involvement of foreign partners … [often] connected with intelligence services of Western countries. … As a result [ of criminal activities], these representatives of the Russian business and political elite are not completely independent in their activities and are extraordinarily vulnerable to the pressure from outside forces who possess compromising information [to which intelligence services have access]. … [complains about western oil deals with Azerbaijan] … Another aspect of the West’s Caspian policy is the attempt to cut Russia off from the Transcaucasus by encouraging separatism in the North Caucasus, above all in Chechnya. … [Explains that eastern European countries are going to be accepted to NATO] … [Explains that the START II treaties aren’t in the best interest of Russia, the U.S. wants to build a shield against nuclear weapons and rebuild faster?...] … Strategy for the neutralization of external threats: …. – rejecting cooperation with the IMF and World Bank; revising results of privatization of state property; imposing elementary order in … foreign trade … banking … exporting sectors. … -extraordinary measures in fighting organized crime and corruption; - expropriation of criminal money and property; - economic integration within the CIS framework."

Anton Surikov's bio at the Institute of Globalization Studies (accessed: August 18, 2006): "In 1995, together with his work for the Institute of USA and Canada, A. Surikov becomes independent advisor to the Institute for Defense Studies [INOBIS]. Then he begins to widely publish their scientific and journalistic material in the central Russian newspapers, primarily in "Pravda-five."" He primarily publishes his views through Pravda. Produced a paper here: A. Surikov, 'Crime in Russia: The International Implications' (Centre for Defence Studies pamphlet 25, London: Brassey's. 1995). Apparently this paper brought him to the attention of Fritz Ermarth. Reportedly said: ""I am personally acquainted with Mr. [Fritz] Ermarth as political scientist since 1996. It’s well known by many people and we never hid this fact."

Surikov remained at ISKRAN until September 1996, when Yuri Maslyukov (communist; First Deputy Defense Industry Minister of the Soviet Union 1979-1982; head Soviet state planning agency; co-founder INOBIS with Surikov's father in 1992. member Committee on Budget Issues and Taxes in the Duma 1996-2010; minister of industry and commerce and first deputy PM under Primakov (who had Duma support, unlike his immediate predecessors) September 1998- May 1999 ), who had been a co-founder of INOBIS with Anton's father in 1992, asks him to become his spokesman. In 1999, together with prime minister Primakov, he was dismissed by Yeltsin's oligarchic circles, after he helped stabilize the economy. Ermarth is of Le Cercle. October 7, 1998, Associated Press, 'Russia Lowers Import Taxes': "Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov went on national television Tuesday to assure Russians there would be no food shortages this winter. To accomplish this, First Deputy Prime Minister Yuri Maslyukov said the government would soon lift import duties on five basic foods, which he did not identify. The government was discussing ``considerably reducing'' import duties on other foods and medicines, his spokesman Anton Surikov told the Interfax news agency." September 8, 1998, Associated Press, 'Yeltsin Mulls Compromise PM Choice': "Boris Yeltsin was considering compromise candidates for prime minister today, including a former Soviet official, while political leaders called for swift action to pull Russia out of an economic nosedive. ... There was speculation in the Duma, the lower chamber of parliament, that Yeltsin may be considering Yuri Maslyukov, a Soviet-era economic official and a member of the Communist Party who resigned last week as trade and industry minister. Communist and centrist leaders praised Maslyukov, saying they would back him for prime minister. ... Maslyukov was not offered any government post today, his press secretary, Anton Surikov, told reporters late in the day, according to Interfax." Primakov was appointed with Maslyukov his deputy. November 6, 1998, Heritage Foundation, 'Who's Who in Primakov's New Russian Government': "Evgeny Primakov, who turned 69 on October 29, is a former senior Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) nomenklatura member with a background in espionage and propaganda--first as Middle East correspondent for the chief Communist daily paper Pravda, and later as director of the Institute of International Economics and International Relations (known by its Russian acronym of IMEMO), a foreign policy think tank closely linked to the CPSU Central Committee's decision-making process. ... As a member of Yeltsin's government, Primakov refrained from openly criticizing free-market reforms. However, his sympathies reflect a quasi-socialist approach to government that advocates the predominance of state-run property and strong government regulation, not limited government and free enterprise. ... Primakov's foreign policy often leans toward supporting rogue regimes in the Middle East, and his political career is linked to that region. In 1990, for example, he was Gorbachev's special envoy to Iraq, charged with trying to avert the Desert Storm operation. Today, he counts among his personal friends such leaders as Saddam Hussein, Hafez-al-Assad, and Yassir Arafat. Primakov is wary of the United States and its Western European allies. He does not hesitate to challenge U.S. leadership by promoting the concept of "multi-polarity" and opposing NATO enlargement. Yet he is too pragmatic to allow Russian-U.S. relations to deteriorate dramatically. He might even pressure the State Duma into ratifying the START II Treaty, believing that such a move is in Russia's own interest. At the same time, however, Russia's flirtation with anti-American regimes across the world can be expected to continue. ... First Deputy Premier Yuri Maslyukov, 61, is the top Deputy Prime Minister and the government's chief economic executive. He represents the old system well. His career was made largely within the huge Soviet military-industrial complex that accounted for between 60 percent and 80 percent of the Soviet Union's GDP. He headed the U.S.S.R.'s State Planning Committee (GOSPLAN), which monopolized all economic planning and management, defining the type, volume, and prices of commodities manufactured at every single plant and factory across 11 time zones. According to the job description issued by the Primakov government, Maslyukov will supervise the Ministries of Economics, Trade, and Privatization; the military-industrial complex; and the arms trade. He is Russia's chief representative for talks with international financial organizations. This in itself is a strange appointment, both because of his Communist record and because he has no experience in negotiating sensitive financial issues. Maslyukov's foreign counterparts are unlikely to give his positions much credence.2 Maslyukov is a classic Soviet apparatchik. It is doubtful that his experience will benefit the Russian economy in the circumstances surrounding the current crisis. His first reported pronouncements favoring an increased money supply and restricted ruble convertibility already have caused concern. These policies would allow him to pour unlimited funds into the military-industrial complex. For example, Maslyukov has called for expanding the production of high-tech Topol-M intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) by 40 units a year and stepping up manufacturing of sea-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) and new strategic nuclear submarines. He harbors the erroneous notion that a revival of the Russian military-industrial complex will lead to a general surge in industrial output. In truth, it will require colossal funding, which will only aggravate the country's economic depression. Maslyukov's anti-reform views on how to lift Russia from its crisis have disturbed many, including Alexander Shokhin, a liberal economist appointed by Primakov as Deputy Premier in charge of financial issues. Shokhin resigned just ten days after assuming his post, apparently in the belief that he could not reconcile his own economic policies with those of Maslyukov, to whom he reported. Finance Minister Mikhail Zadornov of the social democratic Yabloko party also has been highly critical of Maslyukov's economic platform, which the government finally renounced. After little more than one month in office, Maslyukov already is viewed as a top lobbyist for the military-industrial complex, instead of as a politician capable of dealing with Russia's financial crisis. Among Maslyukov's aides are such anti-market economists as Sergei Glaziev, head of the Federation Council3 Analytical Service and a consistent opponent of liberal reforms, and Anton Surikov, an observer for the ultranationalist Zavtra4 weekly paper and a proponent of the restoration of the Soviet empire by force. They can be expected to have an effect on Maslyukov's decisions."

Pravda.info, 'About' (translated from Russian) (accessed: July 23, 2013): "The Editorial Board of "Pravda-info": "Vladimir Filin, Chairman of the Editorial Board, Kiev; Alexei Kondaurov, a member of the Editorial Board, Moscow; Ruslan Saidov, a member of the Editorial Board, Istanbul; Natalia Roeva, a member of the Editorial Board, Izhevsk; Audrius Butkevicius, a member of the Editorial Board, Vilnius; Paul Basanets, a member of the Editorial Board, Shanghai; Heydar Jemal, a member of the Editorial Board, Moscow; Anton Surikov [deceased], Chairman of the Editorial Board (2008-2009)."

Pravda.info biography details: "In the first half - the mid-90's, have repeatedly been in regions of armed conflict in the Caucasus (Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Chechnya), under the version of the Surikov - "to protect human rights and provide assistance to victims of conflict." According to the newspaper "Version", in 1992, allegedly served under Sultan Sosnaliyev, Minister of Defence of the Republic of Abkhazia [1993–1996 and 2005–2007] ("Conspiracy" - "Version", N29, August 3, 1999) and as if, under the name of Mansour, was responsible for the sabotage of the Abkhazian Separatists. The reaction of the Surikov in an interview with "Today": "... I have to visit and see Abkhazia. Was in Gagra Gantiadi, Leselidze in Sukhumi and Tkvarcheli, but as described by my actions during these trips in the newspaper" Version "I will leave on their conscience. A report of a sabotage me any need to prove, not to assert without proof. " ("Tomorrow", N22 (391). According to the newspaper "RT-Tribune" (formerly "working platform", 20.10.98), allegedly involved in supplying arms to Afghanistan, North Africa, and in Nagorno-Karabakh, where contact with the then president of the unrecognized Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh, Robert Kocharian. In 1994 he was seconded to the UK as a research fellow of the Department raised Defence Studies at King's College, University of London. In 1995, the UK issued his two monographs on the Russian defense policy. " Advisor to Nicholas F. Nikitina, general director and deneral designer at MIG aircraft May 1999 - 2000. Head of the State Duma Committee on Industry, Construction and High Technology February to April 2000 (chaired by Yuri Maslyukov). In May 2001, he made a "sensational" statement that appeared in the press, that the high-ranking Russian military engaged smuggle narcotics from Afghanistan to Tajikistan. In July 2002, he retired from public service. Chairman of the editorial board of "Pravdy.info" and member of the editorial board of the site "FORUM.msk." Military rank: colonel.

From February 2001 to September 2003 Surikov wrote articles for Pravda under the pen name Anna Kolchak. Surikov, under whatever name and whatever version of Pravda, never mentioned Primakov for some reason.

In his articles he criticized the oligarchs. Putin was officially elected in May 2000. By late May 2000 Berezovsky, by then a Duma deputy for Putin's party (which he had set up), opposed Putin's anti-democratic reforms. On July 7 he resigned from the Duma, saying he "did not want to be involved in the country's ruin and the restoration of an authoritarian regime." He began to set up rival parties. July 18, 2000, Time magezine, 'Why Putin's Pet Oligarch Is Stirring the Pot': "Indeed, the new president's campaign against some of the other oligarchs — politically powerful billionaires who, like Berezovsky, accumulated their fortunes by questionable means in the Wild West early years of Russian capitalism — and his efforts to centralize power in the Kremlin have gotten Berezovsky so worried that he's announced his intention to quit parliament and launch a rival political party. In an exclusive interview with TIME this week, Berezovsky set out the aims of what he insists will be a loyal opposition. ... He believes the Chechen war is a quagmire. Berezovsky may have backed Putin to the hilt in using his media outlets to spin the war as a vote-winner for candidate Putin, but he now believes Putin is pursuing a disastrous course by seeking to impose Moscow's rule on the Chechens. ... Berezovsky is also concerned with protecting the rights of parliament and other elected bodies from Putin's attempt to centralize power. ... The tycoon's third concern, hardly surprising, is Putin's attack on the oligarchs and the businesses they control. ... Despite his move into opposition, though, Berezovsky is unlikely to find himself in a showdown with the president, to whom he still expresses loyalty. Party politics means comparatively little in Moscow's corridors of power, where the deals that count are often struck far away from the public eye." In August he used his ORT media outlet to criticize Putin's handling of the Kursk affair - how he was responsible for the deaths of the sailors by not allowing foreign help. By September and October 2000 Putin was going after Berezovsky full blast.

September 21, 2001, Anna Kolchak, 'Berezovsky Leaning to the Left': "Disgraced Russian oligarch Boris Berezovksi, who lives now in his villa in Antibes, still has ambitious plans about his leading role in Russian policy. He feels like Russian writer Herzen, exposing the authorities from abroad. Though Berezovski, taking into account his very real financial sources and position in the Russian mass media, as well as his political flair and capability to contract any alliance and readiness to change his colour for pragmatic aims, is not a comical figure. Berezovski is advancing. He is creating political and information projects in order to discredit today's authorities, for example "Novye Izvestia," which reported about the seizing of currency from Russian citizens. At the same time, he is creating a liberal opposition party. Though all these projects are aimed at intellectuals or on more or less well-to-do Russian citizens, Berezovksi would like to involve more wide sections of the population. A good way to acheive this goal is the use of trade unions the labour movement. This Spring, Berezovski is even launching his project to reform a trade union, dividing it into several more mobile sections. Although the events seem to be developing in another way. In August, an association of trade unions of vertically integrated companies workers was created. Its founders consisted of Lukoil and the Yukos [Khodorkovsky] companies heads and some other oligarchs interested in their pocket trade unions. Berezovski also took part in this project, as well as Kremlin administration workers who are genetically connected with the former president's family [Yeltsin]. Now, Berezovski wants to participate in left forces activities in the area of trade unions. According to some reports, recently, in his villa in Antibes, he received a group of politicians closely connected with trade unions and promised to financially support the movement for creating Soviet labour collectives. The movement will probably organize its session this December, and State Duma Deputy Anatoli Chekis, former chairman of the Kuznetsk Basin Trade Union Federation, could be appointed the leader of the movement. This is not the first time that Berezovksi has leaned ⌠to the left." He is still on friendly terms with the Socialist Party's founder, Ivan Rybkin, although this party does not currently exist. Maybe, by rushing sometimes to the right and sometimes to the left, Berezovski seriously intends to shake up Putin's boat."

September 10, 2002, Anna Kolchak (reportedly Anton Surikov) for Pravda, 'Did Berezovsky Buy Off Communists for US Intelligence?': "It seems that everybody already knows about relations between Russian oligarch Boris Berezovsky, the Communist party, and the Russian People's Patriotic Union, as Berezovsky and the communists admit the relations themselves. ... Some people think that relations with the Communist party are not compromising for Berezovsky at all; on the contrary, they look like the trick the bolsheviks played on the German Joint Staff in the WWI: they used German money for their own purposes. ... Being prosecuted for crimes in Russia, Berezovsky lives abroad in exile, but in fact he is a real political emigrant there. Because of the great power in Russia and the very fact that Berezovsky knows state secrets, he immediately drew the close attention of British and American special services. However, Berezovsky isn't given the status of a political emigrant, which would make him more independent in relations with the authorities in the country of residence. Although he has lots of formal reasons, he hasn't been given a residence permit either. Berezovsky could have been given residence permit, as he is a doctor of physics-mathematical sciences and corresponding member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Although no official refusal was issued, the emigrant still has no permit. It certainly exerts some definite pressure on him (Berezovsky is known as a man with an unstable psyche). ... Berezovsky has no life in Great Britain, as he has no long-term reasons for living there. Ex-deputy chairman of the Russian Security Council Boris Berezovsky is also practically of no interest from the point of view of revealing state secrets. He knows just a few strategic and defense secrets of Russia and knows nothing about Russia's intelligence activity. British specialists studied him in this respect since the very first days of his exile in the country, and the study is already over. Berezovsky is much more interesting from the point of view of different manipulations in domestic and partially in foreign political life. For this very purpose, British special services “handed Berezovsky over” to American colleagues. We have information that Fritz Ermarth, former CIA officer and specialist on special operations in the East-European region, is in close contact with the oligarch. Russiagate, the scandal on Russian budgetary finance laundering through BONY in August to September of 1998, was one of his projects. He is in contact with Former CIA Director Woolsey, who has no official job in Washington but is known as a person close to Cheney. It is not ruled out that it was Ermarth who suggested that Berezovsky switch his attention from the weak and unpromising micro-party Liberal Russia to financing and cooperation with the Communist Party. Some time ago, Berezovsky used to say that the threat of communism in Russia was even more dangerous for him than the threat of Putin and the special services. However, he suddenly changes his opinion, and his personal view didn’t change, as he still a staunch anti-communist. However, his new masters think that Berezovsky’s old contacts with communists are much more promising than control over a group of unpopular liberals. To all appearances, the idea to influence Vladimir Putin and his team with the so-called disclosure of their indirect participation in the organization of the tragic apartment bombings in Russia was invented by Berezovsky himself. Then, American specialists joined the process. In any case, the demonstration of the scandalous film about the explosions in Moscow was done professionally. There is information that the research was carried out by a consulting company close to US special services. ... The war against Iraq will begin by winter, which, in its turn, will cause a leap in oil prices. The war will be ended by April, and the USA will establish control over the Iraqi territories and oil prices will drop..." September 21, 1999, Federal News Service, 'Panels II and III of a hearing of the House Banking and Financial Services Committee': "REP. LEACH: The committee will now ask that the second panel will come forward, and I will introduce them. Our second panel is composed of the Honorable James Woolsey, who is the former director of the Central Intelligence Agency. Mr. Fritz Ermarth, who is a former CIA Chief Russian Analyst and National Security Council official. Mr. Paul Sanders, who is the Director of the Nixon Center. And Mr. Vladimir Brovkin, who is a professor at the American University Transnational Crime and Corruption Center."

Died November 23, 2009.

RUSSIAN APARTMENT BOMBINGS:

September 6, 1999, Newsweek, 'The Gangster State The Clinton administration hoped Yeltsin and his reformers would be able to lead Russia toward democracy. Instead, what Russia got was kleptocracy': "The biggest mystery is where all these billions came from. It's too much cash, most investigators agreed, to have flowed only from "traditional" Russian mob pursuits like prostitution, drugs or even arms sales. More likely, authorities believe, the money was looted from IMF loans ... or represents revenues from state assets like oil or aluminum. It might even be legitimate capital fleeing Russia. Whatever the source of the money, it probably originated with some of Russia's leading political and business figures, many of them engaged in what seems to be an unholy alliance with Mogilevich. ... Virtually no one, from the nation's business elite to President Boris Yeltsin to his major political opponents in next year's presidential election, seems untainted any longer by corruption. ... Authorities are fairly convinced that Mogilevich is a kind of lodestone drawing in a vast network of official Russian corruption. One U.S. official familiar with the probe says Mogilevich and other principals in the case have corporate links with both of Russia's main power centers: Boris Berezovsky, the industrialist and media baron who is Yeltsin's main financier; and Systema, a group of companies supporting Yeltsin's main political rival, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov. Indeed, by last weekend both the Yeltsin and Luzhkov camps were hurling charges of corruption at each other based on the case. U.S. intelligence sources tell NEWSWEEK that the CIA, which has long watched Mogilevich, believes he also had business interactions with other members of the political elite, especially former prime minister Viktor Chernomyrdin and former economic czar Anatoly Chubais (both of whom deny wrongdoing). Russia's political and business elite sought out Mogilevich, officials say, because of his money-laundering savvy. Mogilevich has also denied criminal activity, and the FBI official cautioned that, contrary to some reports, there is as yet no direct criminal evidence linking the Bank of New York case to President Yeltsin or his powerful daughter, Tatyana, or to so-called oligarchs like Berezovsky (who like Luzhkov has also said he is guilty of nothing criminal). ... "We probably have been deluding ourselves that reform has taken hold," says Brent Scowcroft, national-security adviser to President Bush. Many investigators and Russia experts now say that the so-called Russian mafia is so tied in with the Russian state that the two are no longer distinguishable."

2002, Jonathan Nitzan and Shimson Bichler, 'The Global Political Economy of Israel,' p. 320: "Seeking legitimacy, illicit money has also penetrated Israeli politics. According to police and media reports, former Prime Minister Netanyahu and his Chief of Staff Lieberman have had contacts with suspected Russian-based criminals… Many of Russia’s new businessmen – including notorious mobsters Eduard Ivankov and Sergei Mikhailov, as as bigger sharks, such as Boris Berezovsky, Roman Abramovitch, Lev Leview and Vladimir Gusinsky – have actually become Israeli citizens, at least according to their passports."

January 24, 2000, Boris Kagarlitsky for Novaya Gazeta, 'We Don’t Talk To Terrorists. But We Help Them? A version of apartment explosions in Russia': "Everything that has been happening in our country for the past few months reminds me of a regular mystery plot. ... Strange questions about Moscow explosions, leakage of information from the special forces, the contradictions in official information, all of the above form certain questions. ... We figured out much, but not everything. It is clear that the war in Chechnya began as agreed; it is clear that commanders on Chechen fields were abandoned; nobody agreed on war with bloody bombings. Generally speaking, it is clear that apartment explosions in Moscow would not have happened if somebody in the Russian political elite did not want them. ... But there is more. ... One by one pieces of puzzle were put together [by various media outlets]. ... Back in summer in the Versiya newspaper there was an article about the meeting of [Alexander] Voloshin [economist and businessman; chief of staff to Yeltsin and Putin March 1999 - October 2003; considered one of the few insiders to Putin's foreign policy strategies; widely regarded as pro-oligarch, pro-Yukos and pro-West, even though he refrained from public comments on the issue, in contrast to Putin; later chairman of corporate giants RAO UES and Norilsk Nickel; in business with oligarch and in 2011 at Berezovsky trial stated that Abramovich "was and still is my friend." Claimed Putin forced Berezovsky to sell his ORT television station to Abramowich after Berezovsky was exploiting the August 2000 Kursk accident for his own political career. Abramovich claimed "Mr Berezovsky was paid for providing political influence and protection from criminal gangs..."; Chairman Norilsk Nickel 2008-2010 and director 2011-2012, soon after which oligarch Vladimir Potanin became executive chairman: Nat Rothschild nominated to join board of Norilsk Nickel, but Potanin's friends blocked this] with Basayev in France. This did not happen in Paris, as some of the newspapers reported later, but on the villa of Adnan Khashoggi, Arabic millionaire, on the Mediterranean. This villa was under the supervision of the French intelligence services, which noticed some unusual actions there. Russiagate had begun and French intelligence organized the leakage of information. When this information appeared in the newspapers, Khashoggi stated that he was being groundlessly accused and he was not even on the villa during the negotiations. But the main participants of the negotiations remained silent. Anton Surikov, the former member of army special forces (if there are former members among them), who earlier had supervised brothers Basayev in Abkhazia, met Voloshin in France. During Primakov’s time, Surikov worked in the staff of RF government. Despite this fact, he developed regular work relations with Voloshin’s people [Voloshin thought Primakov was incompetent in the economics area while Primakov regarded Voloshin as an ally of the corrupt Berezovsky, whom he despised.]. When some of the foreign reporters tried to ask Surikov about the meeting on the Azure seashore, Surikov ironically noted that he had never been abroad, especially in France. This seemed strange because a few months prior the country could see him in Washington, DC in the company of Maslukov and Camdessus. Also, he visited France at least twice: first time in December of 1994, and second in summer of 1999. He left on June 23 on the Aeroflot flight to go to Paris, and came back from Nice on July 21, a month later. ... The head of the president’s administration had a very urgent business he had to discuss with the head of Chechen forces. ... Voloshin was concerned about the situation in Russia and succession of power problem. Luzhkov seemed to be a threat, and his alliance with Primakov was already a decided matter. They had to be stopped, and there was only one way to stop them. The political situation and rules of the game had to be completely changed. In order to do this the conflict with external enemy was needed. ... he war had to remain small, otherwise Chechnya would need something like a real and big army, and Maskhadov would be in charge of it. In other words, a small war, a border conflict [with Dagestan was plotted.] ... Months after maneuvers, marches, and contramarches, attacks and special operations, both sides will announce themselves as the winners. Russians triumphantly get rid of Chechens on their territory, and Chechens will not let the enemy in the middle of Chechnya, and they will sign a declaration of peace. Basayev will be rewarded for his merits. First, attacks on [regions in Dagestan and North Ossetia] will bring him some good results. Second, he could be rewarded by Saudis (if needed, the Jordanian Khattab, who closely cooperates with Saudi Special Forces, will help) for fighting the enemy. The parties had departed pleased with each other. Everything looked spectacular. But they have not thought of just one detail, which happened to be fatal. Along with Voloshin other people participated in implementing of the plan in Russia. It is not a secret that Berezovsky favors Voloshin. Unfortunately, Berezovsky [founded the car dealership LogoVAZ in 1989, at the end of the Cold War; part of the Kremlin circle since 1993, after publishing Yeltsin's memoirs; acquired dual Israeli citizenship in 1993; in 1993 he founded the All-Russia Automobile Alliance with Alexander Voloshin, who for some time had been an ally of him in the automobile market (this was years before Voloshin ended up at the Kremlin); by 1994 held large stakes in Russia's largest media station, ORT, and the 7th largest oil producer, Sibneft; befriended Tatiana, Yeltsin's daughter, early in 1996 on his way back from DAVOS; deputy secretary Security Council 1997; admired Kissinger the most he said; publicly opposed NATO expansion east-ward; accused of financing Chechen warlords Shamil Basayev and Salman Raduyev in the 1996-1998 period, both at the security council and as a private individual, by providing them with hefty ransoms; among the group that wanted these warlords to invade Dagestan in order to subvert Chechnya] could not operate alone in this operation. In order for political and military mechanism to work he had to include other players in the game, such as Roman Abramovich, Anatoly Chubais [deputy prime minister for economic and financial policy 1994-1996; liberalized Russia's economy and provided oligarchs Berezovsky, Khodorkovsky (offered him Yukos) and Vladimir Potatin with extremely lucrative privatization deals; Yeltsin's re-election campaign manager and managed to get Yeltsin from a 3% approval rate to getting re-elected with 54% of the votes (Gusinsky and Berezovsky (NTV and ORT) played important roles in that, as well as a strategic alliance with Gen. Lebed, who ended as the no. 3 candidate)); chief of staff to Yeltsin 1996- March 1997 and again deputy prime minister to Yeltsin 1997- March 1998 [Primakov was foreign minister in this entire period, until September 1998, when Primakov was appointed PM, Maslyukov his deputy, and Surikov became his spokesman in government]; chairman and CEO of the giant RAO UES 1998-2008, with Voloshin on the board of directors; leader of the pro-Western capitalist Union of Right Forces party; survived an assassination attempt in March 2005 involving a roadside bomb attack on his armored car and attackers who shot with AK's. Neither he or his bodyguards were injured. Present at The Russia Forum in 2010; Bilderberg 1998 and 2012], and mainly General Anatoly Kvashnin, the Chief of General Staff [1997-2004]. All of them had a common interest with Berezovsky: to keep Luzhkov and Primakov away from power. But they also had their own interests. And so, being part of the plan, they started their own game. We thought that conflict between Chubais and Berezovsky started in December, after they could not divide fruits of the victory on the parliamentary elections. That was not the case, the fight began long before. Chubais was not satisfied with Berezovsky’s choice of successor. General Lebed was too close to the Moscow oligarchy. Chubais was looking for another individual, more dependent, and more familiar, for example, Vladimir Putin. Putin was also forceful, but from a different team; he did not have his own political and administrative staff, therefore was very dependent on Chubais’ team. In order to take leadership in his hands, Chubais had to break the original scenario and replace it with his own. At this point Kvashnin’s and Chubais’ interests met. For the Chief of General Staff the small war was good, but the big war was even better. He could use real military tactic, all kinds of troops, and conduct grand scale battles. The Voloshin plan was being destroyed. But the participants did not know about it. So, on one hand we have brothers Basayev, Voloshin, and Berezovsky, and on the other Chubais, Kvashnin, and Abramovich, who had joined them [hard to imagine there was a huge ideological split between Voloshin and Chubais. 1999 annual report of RAO UES (all (re-)appointed June 25, 1995): "Anatoly Chubais: Chairman of the Board of Management .... Alexander Stalievich Voloshin: Chairman of the Board of Directors. Aleksei Leonidovich Kudrin: Deputy Chairman of the Board of Directors [and from 2000 to 2011 Russia's finance minister; named as a candidate for Russian PM]. Members of the Board of Directors: Anatoly Chubais. ... Boris Fyodorov [at the World Bank for Reconstruction and Development early 1990s; influential neoliberal reformer, but critical of Chubais' "loans for shares" scheme that brought the oligarchs to power; minister of finance in the mid-1990s who complained that Yeltsin was mainly interested in power and only listened to advise on economic reform in times of crisis; director Gazprom 2000-08 and Sberbank; wanted all his companie to do better bookkeeping]." Angus Roxburgh, '', pp. 19-22: "[Putin's] Patrons were ... known as the Family - President Yeltsin's inner circle of advisers. They included Yeltsin's daughter Tatiana, three successive chiefs of staff - Anatoly Chubais, Valentin Yumashev (later Tatiana's husband) and Alexander Voloshin - and the influential business tycoon Boris Berezovsky... It was [Chubais] who invited the unemployed Kudrin and Putin to work in the Kremlin. ... Putin quickly worked up his way through the ranks... He became deputy chief of staff to President Yeltsin in March 1997, director of the KGB's successor organisation, the FSB, in July 1998 and (simulteneously) head of the national Security Council in March 1999. ... They would soon engineer Putin's appointment as prime minister - with the intention of moving him into the presidency as Yeltsin's successor. They had been impressed by his loyalty [of suppressing any and all criminal investigations into Yeltsin's clique] ... In the summer of 1999 Yeltsin's coterie dispatched Berezovsky to ... offer [Putin] the job of prime minister. ... On 7 august 1999 Basayev and Saudi-born Islamist, Ibn Al-Khattab, launched a well-planned invasion of ... Dagestan. The attack also catapulted Putin to the highest office. The next day Yeltsin appointed [Putin] as prime minister to tackle the problem. ... He was still virtually unknown in the country, and indeed to much of the political elite. [the invasion of Dagestan and the Moscow apartment bombings, supposedly by Basayev Chechnya clique [that extreme aspect likely controlled by the GRU/KGB, changed all that instantly]" p. 24: "Berezovsky threw the entire weight of his ORT channel behind [Putin]... Night after night, Russia's main TV channel [of Berezovsky] harped on about Primakov's old age and infirmity and [Mayor] Luzhkov's alleged corruption [both ran for office against Putin], while glorifying Putin's heroics in Chechnya. ... Primakov [had] as prime minister [Berezovsky's] companies raided and threatened to jail businessmen like him for economic crimes."]. GRU is somewhere in between. In August everything was going according to the plan. The regiment of internal forces, which secured the border with Chechnya, was withdrawn from Dagestan, as local people demanded so. Frontier guards had left. Chechens easily crossed the border. Having disturbed Botlikhsky region, Basayev moved to Novolaksky, where he met some obstacles. Not only the roads to Khasavurt were closed by troops, but Karamakhi was blocked also. This was not a part of the plan. Basayev was mad. Anton Surikov had to go to Dagestan to resolve the problem. Despite that war was everywhere, the meeting went relatively quite. Basayev calmed down, but he did not know the whole truth at the time. General Kvashnin fights very good when he knows enemy plans. The operation in Dagestan went excellent, but he did not manage to stretch the war. At this point of time new events that were not agreed on started to happen. Kvashnin and Chubais had an advantage of not being bound by personal agreements with brothers Basayev. They had not known them as long as Berezovsky, they did not participate in the same operations with them, as Kvashnin did, and did not shake hands with them, as Voloshin did. Kvashnin and Chubais were in business with them, but they were not bound by any obligation. Chubais changed the plan. Stepashin was fired, but instead of Lebed Putin was appointed on the post of Prime Minister. This turn of events was unexpected for Berezovsky and Lebed. In the middle of crisis, Lebed flew from Krasnoyarsk and stayed in Moscow for few days waiting for an appointment. Unfortunately, while Berezovsky and Lebed tried to resolve the current situation, Chubais, Abramovich, and Kvashnin had already picked a different successor for Yeltsin. The new Prime Minister needed a new war, his own war. Unlike Lebed he did not have a reputation, and he wanted to create it in no time. Along with instability on the borders he needed a new terrible threat, which could unite the country around the new leader. Terrorism seemed to fit. During the January battles in Grozny Independent, the London newspaper, published an article, which Western readers found sensational. GRU officer Alexy Galtin was trapped by Chechens and testified that GRU was involved to the explosions of apartments in Moscow. GRU officials stated immediately that these accusations were “provocation, nonsense, garbage.” To tell the truth, GRU did not argue the fact either of Alexy Galtin’s existence or his entrapment by Chechens. This seemed strange. Nobody asked how Chechens trapped and identifies the GRU officer. After all, he was not the commander of Army Special Forces. Apparently, it was easy for brothers Basayev to find the GRU officer. They have been having serious problems with their management colleagues. Shamil had already been accused in the apartment explosions. But he fiercely denied the accusation and was absolutely right. Shamil was not involved in this terrorist action. However, Basayev helped. But it was a different Basayev. Basayev II Shamil Basayev is not only a GRU staff member with a tremendous work experience, but also a Chechen politician, capable of playing his own political games. His brother, Shirvani, is different. In GRU opinion, he is easily influenced. When the original plan was failing, the decisions were being made as an urgent matter. Shirvani was not well informed, and there was no time to check with his brother on every small detail. ... Chubais and Kvashin could have celebrated the victory. Everything looked like a good detective story. It was a zero-sum game. On one hand, all the goals were reached, on the other, all suspicions led to Berezovsky and his people, who had already been seen with Chechen fighters. Berezovsky had to make excuses, but nobody believed him. Shamil Basayev protested, but people had already labeled him as a devil and a murderer of sleeping babies. Shirvani had to keep silence. And during this time Chubais and Kvashnin could quietly play their game. They were not involved into an open conflict with Berezovsky. They continued to have a common interest in fighting against Luzhkov and Primakov. Therefore they had to support each other. Surprisingly, after the Moscow explosions Russian officials immediately blamed Basayev and Khattab, and nobody even mentioned Shirvani. Nobody had brought his name up or requested his extradition. As for Berezovsky, all close to him reporters started to support their boss immediately, insisting that Berezovsky was not a murderer, no matter what we thought of him. Press hostile to Berezovsky insisted that Berezovsky was a murderer. Evidently, such polemics pleased Chubais greatly. No, Boris Abramovich had not request explosions in the apartments. He had requested a war…"

 

9/11:

Putin came to support the U.S. in its incursions in the Middle East against radical Islam, as Russia had similar problems. However, the U.S. began to sponsor democracy all over Russia's border areas. On top of that the Bush administration withdrew from the anti-ABM treaty and began to push for the development of a missile shield. Condoleezza Rice and Sergei Ivanov actually became friends. Putin supported modern economic reform: Alexei Kudrin was happy with him. IMF did not approve of tax cuts and left the country. Inflation went from 20 percent in 2000 to 9 percent in 2006. Taxes began to be paid. Economy grew 6-7% per year. Oil revenues were able to pay off all foreign debt. Bush got along with Putin. Cheney, Rumsfeld, Bolton and others didn't like Russia. Even Powell and Rice were more wary.

Putin responded on a wave of terrorist attacks by increasing police state powers. Announced Russia had become too weak to suppress other ideologies.

Pravda: "The Arab world has nothing to do with it. Whoever is behind the acts of terrorism, the United States use their consequences for setting up a powerful infrastructure of its military presence on the territory of the former Soviet Union. ... I do not think that Osama bin Laden is what the world community represents him to be. Speaking about radical Islamic international terrorism (Basayev and Khattab are bright representatives of that), then it is Saudi Arabia and its special services that sponsor it. Bin Laden is a figure that has been deliberately created, a half-mythical person to take the public attention away from the real organizers of the radical Islamic terrorism."

"During the first Abkhazian war, Shamil Basayev was not closely connected with foreign special services, in particular with the Saudi services. It was not only Basayev but also other commanders of the militant groups like Ruslan Gelayev and others. No one heard about Khattab at that time. This is why they were free to do whatever they wanted, and they basically acted on Abkhazia’s side during the first Georgian-Abkhazian war. ... As far as the current situation is concerned, the Chechen bandit groups exist with the help of the Saudi money; moreover, they are commanded by the Arabs: by Khattab and other citizens of Arab countries. Of course, they execute the orders that they receive from there. Concerning the connection between Saudi Arabia and the US (on the level of special services), I think it is evident."

"Saudi Arabia and America need Chechnya just for that. Chechnya is like a buffer between Russia and the USA’s presence in the Caucasus. However, if Russia stabilizes the situation in Chechnya and liquidates the sources of terrorism there, then it will have freedom of action in the region."

 

 

 

On the board of the moderate, left-wing activist Institute of Globalization Studies (IPROG) since 2004. IPROG website, 'activity' (accessed: May 3, 2006): "It is no secret that Russian left is weak and faces a serious crisis. One of the reasons for this crisis is the domination of nationalism in Russian politics. For most of the 1990s opposition parties represented in the State Duma (parliament) criticized neoliberal reforms not for their capitalist and nature, but exclusively for doing something which contradicts "Russian spirit". In this regard official Communist Party (KPRF) was no different form other parties, showing for years no interest in labor movement, in young people, or ethnic and religious minorities. It kept speaking nostalgically about former greatness of the "empire" making no difference between the tsarist State and the Soviet Union. To the embarrassment of the opposition Russian ruling elite in the early 2000s picked up their nationalist rhetoric without abandoning neoliberal economic dogmas. This led to a massive identity crisis of the opposition. But this new situation also opens up space for a genuine socialist and internationalist left in our country. ... In June 2003, IMEMO (Russia's oldest foreign policy think tank and academic research center) and IPROG (a young, policy-oriented private institute), with support by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, held their first joint conference, "Russia in the Global Center-Periphery Relationship: A Status Quo Power or an Agent of Change?" The conference brought together scholars from a range of research centers and disciplines (political scientists, historians, sociologists, economists, philosophers), as well as activists of transnational movements for global democracy and justice..."

In 2001 Surikov helped embarress Putin's FSB and military clique by talking about its likely involvement in the Afghan drug tade. The CIA's Radio Free Europe helped him spread the word. June 8, 2001, Radio Free Europe, 'Central Asia: Charges Link Russian Military To Drug Trade ': "Prague, 8 June 2001 (RFE/RL) -- Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Central Asia has emerged as a major international drug trafficking route linking some of the world's largest illicit opium producers to the most lucrative markets of Western Europe. Analyst say the amount of drugs moving along the ancient Silk Road has become a major threat to the entire region, and beyond. Figures published last year by the United Nations Drug Control Program, or UNDCP, show that 80 percent of the heroin consumed in Western Europe originated in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and that one-half of these drugs traveled there through Central Asia. The UNDCP estimated that in Afghanistan, some 91,000 hectares of opium poppy were cultivated in 1999. This represented an increase of more than 40 percent compared to the previous year. But last summer, Taliban leader Mullah Omar officially banned opium poppy cultivation in all areas controlled by the militia. UNDCP officials who recently visited Afghanistan say that the Taliban prohibition is nearly total, while opium poppies continue to grow in territory controlled by the Northern Alliance opposition forces. The region's drug trade, however, continues to flourish. Geography, porous borders, organizational chaos, local conflicts, and wide-scale corruption are among the main factors that have contributed to the explosion of drug trafficking. The trafficking, in turn, has helped criminalize Central Asian economies. Some regional experts also believe that the presence of a large Russian military presence in the area has played a significant role in the spread of illicit drug trafficking. In a report published in March 2000, the Washington-based Carnegie Endowment for International Peace think tank cited allegations about Russian soldiers headquartered in the Tajik capital Dushanbe or deployed along the 1,200-km-long Tajik-Afghan border. Carnegie researchers Martha Olcott and Natalia Udalova said that Russian soldiers were suspected of helping drug traffickers by providing them with transport facilities. Yesterday Olcott told our correspondent that as long ago as two years ago she heard stories implicating the Russian military in the regional drug trade when she attended an international seminar in the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek. "We got plenty of hints [then] that the Russian military could be involved. But people were not willing to address the issue of whether this was with the overt participation of senior military officials in place or with the covert participation of them. There is no question in my mind that part of the Russian military has been a corrupting influence in Central Asia from the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Part of the Russian military has been engaged in the illegal sale of their own weapons. And part of the Russian military seems to have actively facilitated the sale of drugs." In an interview published last week (dated 29 May) in the "Moscow News" ("Moskovskie Novosti") weekly, former Russian military intelligence officer Anton Surikov charged that a substantial portion of the drugs produced in Afghanistan had been directly shipped from the Tajik capital Dushanbe on board Russian military planes, helicopters, and trains. Surikov said: "You can come to an arrangement [with custom officials] so that the search of military transport planes remains purely formal. The same goes for train convoys carrying military cargo [to Russia from Tajikistan]." According to his account, Afghan opium producers usually sold drugs to Tajik citizens who smuggled them into Tajikistan with the active complicity of Russian border guards. The drugs were then put on board military planes or trains en route to Russia, where they were sold to local criminal gangs. Surikov, who now is an aide to the chairman of the Duma's committee on industrial policy, said he was posted to Tajikistan in 1993 after the start of the civil war that brought President Imomali Rakhmonov to power. He estimated the number of senior Russian officers involved in the Afghan drug trade to have been between 50 and 100. In the past, similar allegations against Russian officers serving in Tajikistan have appeared in both Russian and Western media. But Surikov is the first former officer -- and the first official, either military or civilian -- to publicly charge collusion between some Russian high military officers and Afghan drug traders. What prompted Surikov to talk to the press now is unclear. "Moscow News" correspondent Sanobar Shermatova specializes in Central Asian affairs. Shermatova told RFE/RL's Tajik Service that she had met in the past with a number of Russian officers, who privately confirmed that some of their peers had been actively involved in the Afghan drug trade. Shermatova says that even though the Russian high command is aware of the situation, it has failed to do anything to prevent corrupt officers from illegally shipping drugs to Russia. "For me, it has always been an enigma. How could you explain that neither the Defense Ministry nor any other official body has ever taken any measure when they have very detailed information on what is going on along the [Tajik-]Afghan border?" UNDCP officials told our correspondent that they were not aware of any possible Russian involvement in the Afghan drug trade and that they could therefore "neither confirm nor deny" Surikov's accusations. In Moscow, Russian authorities have not reacted to Surikov's charges. But a spokesman for the Russian border guards stationed in Tajikistan dismissed the accusations as "groundless." At the same time, a high-ranking Tajik official has added fuel to the controversy by saying that both Russians and Tajiks control drug transportation routes to Western Europe. In an interview with RFE/RL's Tajik Service, the deputy head of Tajikistan's UN-sponsored Drug Control Agency, Sheravliyo Mirzoavliyoyev said: "In the course of the emergency actions that we have conducted, many drug traffickers have been caught. Among them are not only Tajik citizens, but also citizens of other countries -- notably, citizens of Russia -- Russian border guards, Tajik border guards, police officials, and government officials.""

A few months before his death Surikov helped again expose Russia's right-wing security services. October 2, 2009, Financial Times, 'Vexed voyage': "Captain Ivan Boyko is baffled. “The authorities aren’t telling us anything,” says the deputy head of Solchart Arkhangelsk, an offshoot of the Russian-controlled Finnish company that operates the Arctic Sea, a cargo ship that went missing off Portugal two months ago. “Nothing like this has ever happened in living memory.” Secrecy still surrounds the ship nearly seven weeks since the Russian navy intercepted it and arrested eight men, claiming it had foiled an act of piracy. Four of the crew remain on board under heavy military guard, with the ship still at sea after being refused entry to the Canary Islands port of Las Palmas. ... Prosecutors have gagged the 11 members of the crew that have returned home to Arkhangelsk. “No one will speak to you here,” says one local entrepreneur. “Everyone fears for their jobs. Don’t dig too deeply or they will come at you from the side.” Questions surround why the Russian government, after a wait of more than 10 days, sent three battleships and a frigate to hunt down the ship and then brought back the 11 as well as the alleged hijackers in enormous military aircraft normally used for transporting armoured vehicles and troops. The Malta-registered ship was officially carrying only €1.3m ($1.9m, £1.2m) worth of timber. The US and UK governments are believed to have classified information about the incident, which appeared to cause a flurry of diplomatic activity between Israel and Russia. Some suspect the Arctic Sea may have been carrying S-300s, the Russian missile defence system equivalent to the US Patriot, or long-range Kh-55 missiles to Iran. Russia strongly denies the ship was carrying weapons. But even the normally well-connected members of the Russian parliament’s security committee say they do not know what happened. “Only one thing is clear – this is a dark business,” says Lev Gudkov, the committee’s deputy head. “There are too many strange things surrounding this ship, too many conflicting reports,” says Tarmo Kouts, the European Union’s anti-piracy rapporteur. “The fact that Russia will not allow the crew to talk speaks volumes. If this was a simple case of piracy, they would let them talk.” The timing of the incident could hardly be more fraught, as the US seeks an accord with Russia over Iran and missile defence. Information about a rogue shipment could jeopardise the chances of joint action against Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Moscow officials are insistent there was nothing on board apart from timber. “Nothing that could compromise the Russian Federation was found,” the Russian prosecutors’ investigative committee said last week after a search conducted on the open sea. But Anton Surikov, a Russian security expert and former military intelligence officer, advances the theory that smugglers, with the backing of elements in Russia’s security services, may have loaded ammunition and anti-tank missiles bound for Hizbollah in Lebanon, and four Kh-55 cruise missiles to be fitted to Sukhoi-24 bombers for Iran, on to the ship as it underwent repairs in Kaliningrad. Mr Surikov says he believes that when the the ship was boarded in the dead of night on July 24 off Sweden, the attackers found the weapons cache, photographed it as evidence and left. His scenario fits with initial reports conveyed by police in Sweden that the crew reported being attacked by about 10 men posing as Swedish policemen who searched the ship and departed in an inflatable dinghy. The photos were then shown, thinks Mr Surikov, to the UK and US security services – which arranged a second incursion as the Arctic Sea disappeared on August 1. “A behind-the-scenes trade between state powers then began,” he says. "

 

 

'92 - 93 - deputy of the Abkhazian minister of defense, makes friends with Shamil Basaev, commander of the special battalion trained by GRU. '94 - visiting scholar at the Center for Defense Studies, King's College London. '96 - ret. Colonel. Also on IPROG staff.

Anton Surikov was director of shadowy firm East Wast Ltd (co-founded with Kellog, Brown & Root, or KBR Halliburton). Charged with drug trafficking from Afghanistan and the theft and selling of nuclear missiles to Iran and Afghanistan. Also charged with brokering a meeting between Adnan Khashoggi and Russian government officials that led to the 1999 Russian apartment bombings, which in turn led to the second Russia-Chechnya war. 2010 book of Peter Dale Scott, American War Machine, is a good start. See Chapter 8.

On 23 November, KGB officials poisoned GRU General Anton Surikov, whom they regarded as the mastermind of a military plot, at a cafe in Izhevsk (Dec. 9, 2009, Kavkaz-Tsentr).

July 11, 2006, Moscow Times, 'Basayev Killed in Ingushetia Explosion': "The news of Basayev's death looks set to eclipse media coverage of the two-day Different Russia conference -- an opposition event meant to get world leaders' attention ahead of the G8 summit. It begins Tuesday and has strongly irritated the Kremlin. Political and security experts also said the timing of his death was a bit suspicious. "This death will allow Putin to tell Western partners at the summit that we here in Russia are doing the job, while you are mostly just talking about fighting terrorism," said Alexei Malashenko, a Caucasus expert with the Carnegie Moscow Center. Anton Surikov, a security expert who once knew Basayev, said federal forces could have attacked Basayev any time they liked. "This was a PR act especially dedicated to the G8 summit," he said. Alexander Khramchikhin, an analyst at the Institute of Political and Military Analysis, added: "Apparently, special services knew where Basayev was, kept track of his movements and destroyed him at a politically convenient moment." The FSB named Basayev the country's most-wanted terrorist after the Beslan school hostage-taking in September 2004 and placed a $10 million bounty on his head. It is unclear who will get the money now."

Reported"So, that is the FULL TRANSLATION of the letter of Anton Surikov: Mr. Grechenevsky, Mr. Ermarth is absolutely right denying any contacts between the consulting agency Far West Ltd. and the CIA, as well as between the agency and himself. Such contacts do not exist and never existed. I am not even sure that Mr. Ermarth ever heard about our agency. I am personally acquainted with Mr. Ermarth as political scientist since 1996. It's well known by many people and we never hid this fact. However, as I said, we never had any business relations with Mr. Ermarth."

June 8, 2001, Radio Free Europe, 'Central Asia: Charges Link Russian Military To Drug Trade': "Drug trafficking from war-torn Afghanistan through the former Soviet Union has dramatically increased over the past 20 years. UN-sponsored regional programs have so far been unable to stem the growth of narcotics-smuggling to Western Europe through Russia and the Central Asian states of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. A major factor in the huge expansion of the Afghan drug trade may be the alleged involvement of some of the Russian military stationed in Tajikistan. RFE/RL correspondent Jean-Christophe Peuch reviews the evidence in light of new accusations recently made by a former Russian military intelligence officer. Prague, 8 June 2001 (RFE/RL) -- Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Central Asia has emerged as a major international drug trafficking route linking some of the world's largest illicit opium producers to the most lucrative markets of Western Europe. Analyst say the amount of drugs moving along the ancient Silk Road has become a major threat to the entire region, and beyond. Figures published last year by the United Nations Drug Control Program, or UNDCP, show that 80 percent of the heroin consumed in Western Europe originated in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and that one-half of these drugs traveled there through Central Asia. The UNDCP estimated that in Afghanistan, some 91,000 hectares of opium poppy were cultivated in 1999. This represented an increase of more than 40 percent compared to the previous year. But last summer, Taliban leader Mullah Omar officially banned opium poppy cultivation in all areas controlled by the militia. UNDCP officials who recently visited Afghanistan say that the Taliban prohibition is nearly total, while opium poppies continue to grow in territory controlled by the Northern Alliance opposition forces. The region's drug trade, however, continues to flourish. Geography, porous borders, organizational chaos, local conflicts, and wide-scale corruption are among the main factors that have contributed to the explosion of drug trafficking. The trafficking, in turn, has helped criminalize Central Asian economies. Some regional experts also believe that the presence of a large Russian military presence in the area has played a significant role in the spread of illicit drug trafficking. In a report published in March 2000, the Washington-based Carnegie Endowment for International Peace think tank cited allegations about Russian soldiers headquartered in the Tajik capital Dushanbe or deployed along the 1,200-km-long Tajik-Afghan border. Carnegie researchers Martha Olcott and Natalia Udalova said that Russian soldiers were suspected of helping drug traffickers by providing them with transport facilities. Yesterday Olcott told our correspondent that as long ago as two years ago she heard stories implicating the Russian military in the regional drug trade when she attended an international seminar in the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek. "We got plenty of hints [then] that the Russian military could be involved. But people were not willing to address the issue of whether this was with the overt participation of senior military officials in place or with the covert participation of them. There is no question in my mind that part of the Russian military has been a corrupting influence in Central Asia from the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Part of the Russian military has been engaged in the illegal sale of their own weapons. And part of the Russian military seems to have actively facilitated the sale of drugs." In an interview published last week (dated 29 May) in the "Moscow News" ("Moskovskie Novosti") weekly, former Russian military intelligence officer Anton Surikov charged that a substantial portion of the drugs produced in Afghanistan had been directly shipped from the Tajik capital Dushanbe on board Russian military planes, helicopters, and trains. Surikov said: "You can come to an arrangement [with custom officials] so that the search of military transport planes remains purely formal. The same goes for train convoys carrying military cargo [to Russia from Tajikistan]." According to his account, Afghan opium producers usually sold drugs to Tajik citizens who smuggled them into Tajikistan with the active complicity of Russian border guards. The drugs were then put on board military planes or trains en route to Russia, where they were sold to local criminal gangs. Surikov, who now is an aide to the chairman of the Duma's committee on industrial policy, said he was posted to Tajikistan in 1993 after the start of the civil war that brought President Imomali Rakhmonov to power. He estimated the number of senior Russian officers involved in the Afghan drug trade to have been between 50 and 100. In the past, similar allegations against Russian officers serving in Tajikistan have appeared in both Russian and Western media. But Surikov is the first former officer -- and the first official, either military or civilian -- to publicly charge collusion between some Russian high military officers and Afghan drug traders. What prompted Surikov to talk to the press now is unclear. "Moscow News" correspondent Sanobar Shermatova specializes in Central Asian affairs. Shermatova told RFE/RL's Tajik Service that she had met in the past with a number of Russian officers, who privately confirmed that some of their peers had been actively involved in the Afghan drug trade. Shermatova says that even though the Russian high command is aware of the situation, it has failed to do anything to prevent corrupt officers from illegally shipping drugs to Russia."

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Fernandes, Evo

Source(s): 1984 Cercle South Africa meeting

RENAMO spokesman in Lisbon in the early 1980s, followed around 1984 by the position of secretary general of RENAMO, an anti-communist rebel group active in Mozambique. There were unsuccessful peace talks between RENAMO, South Africa and the communist government of Mozambique in 1984.

April 4, 1986, Associated Press, 'Mozambican Rebels Reject Peace Talks With Marxist President': "Mozambican rebels, in a statement issued here Friday, said they rejected suggestions by Western nations that they open peace talks with Marxist President Samora Machel. The Mozambique National Resistance (Renamo) said a peace agreement was impossible with Machel and his followers, but rebel leaders would consider talks with others in the ruling Mozambique Liberation Front who did not support the government's "repressive policies." The statement accused Machel of torturing, deporting and killing political opponents since the southern African nation gained independence from Portugal in 1975. It said the refusal to negotiate with Machel was made "in relation to several efforts by Western countries and organizations to bring about talks." The statement did not name any countries, but the Portuguese news agency ANOP said Renamo Secretary-General Evo Fernandes was asked about a report that Chester Crocker, U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, had tried to arrange peace talks. It quoted Fernandes as saying the report was "on the right track." Anop said the basis for the proposed talks was a 10-year power-sharing agreement, but Renamo opposed any accord that would maintain Machel as president. Another news agency, Noticias de Portugal, quoted unidentified Renamo sources as saying the Vatican also had been involved in efforts to arrange peace talks. Machel created a one-party state when he gained power after the Portuguese withdrew, and the pro-Western rebels backed by white-ruled South Africa began their guerrilla war against the government. Machel's government calls the rebels armed bandits and accuses them of killing civilians. Two years ago, South Africa acted as an intermediary in talks between the two sides that were held in Pretoria, South Africa, but they broke down without any agreement being reached."

March 18, 1989, Xinhua General Overseas News Service, 'Portugal regrets mozambique's expulsion of diplomat': "the portuguese government declared friday that a third secretary at the mozambican embassy, rafael custodio marques, was "persona non grata," and ordered him to leave the country within 24 hours. custodio marques was allegedly a planner and participant of the assassination of a mozambican anti-government renamo rebels leader, evo fernandes, near lisbon in april, 1988."

March 26, 1988, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 'Mozambique in brief': "Maputo, 24th March. The former Lisbon spokesman for the MNR bandits, Paulo Oliveira, has said in Maputo that there is a clash of interests surrounding control over the bandits. He said that a ''Washington-Paris axis'' is trying to break the monopoly control exercised over the MNR by the South Africans and by ''the Pretoria-Bonn axis''. . . He said that Artur Janeiro de Fonseca, the MNR's Foreign Relations Secretary, and Evo Fernandes, the former general secretary, ''have support in West Germany''. The support for Fernandes, he added, ''comes from West Germany the number three'' in this institution, whom he just named as ''Wolfgang'', saying that he was ''the godfather of one of Fernandes' children.'' [sentence as received] ''Another important link with West Germany is through advisers to Chancellor Helmut Kohl'', he added. As for support from the United States, Oliveira said that this came from private right-wing institutions such as the Heritage Foundation and ''Free the Eagle'', and from individuals such as Tom Schaaf, who appeared in Washington in 1985 as an MNR representative. . . Oliveira said that Schaaf has ''links'' with North Carolina Republican Senator Jesse Helms, well known for his anti-Mozambican positions. As for Paris, oliveira said that a journalist from the French paper ''Le Figaro'' had recently been inside Mozambique with the MNR. He had taken a request from the MNR's Supreme Commander, Afonso Dhlakam a, to contact President Mitterrand's advisers on African Affairs, and also advisers to French Prime Minister Jacques Chirac. All this, Oliveira said, ''reflects attempts from the United States to have a word to say over the control of Renamo. Up to now this has been blocked by the South Africans, who have a virtual monopoly of control. It is becoming increasingly difficult for the Americans to take control, but they try to keep themselves informed, and aware of what is going on.''. . . Oliveira said that material support from the United States for the MNR is of a non-lethal nature, including boots, communication equipment, medicines, Bibles, and other books. (AIM/PANA in English 1655 gmt 24 Mar)"

Feulner, Edwin J., Jr.

Source(s): November 1988 – Issue 17, Lobster Magazine, 'Brian Crozier, the Pinay Circle and James Goldsmith' (quoting from the Langemann papers); June 29, 1997, The Independence, 'Aitken dropped by the Right's secret club; Is it the ultimate dishonour' (named as once a regular)

Born in 1941. Feulner has studied at the University of Edinburgh, the London School of Economics, the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, Georgetown University, and Regis University. Has been a roommate of the very influential John F. Lehman, and both later attended the Bohemian Grove. Feulner has attended the Bohemian Grove's Cave Man camp. Treasurer Philadelphia Society 1964-1979 and president 1982-1983. Fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) 1965-1966. Public affairs fellow at the Hoover Institution 1966-1968. Confidential assistant to Nixon's Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird 1969-1970. Campaign manager of the [Philip M.] Crane for Congress Committee 1972. Administrative assistant to U.S. Congressman Philip M. Crane 1970-1974. Member of the US delegation to the IMF/World Bank 1974-1976. Executive director of the Republican Study Committee of the House of Representatives 1974-1977. President of the Heritage Foundation since 1977, Washington’s leading public policy organization/think tank, to which the Bechtels are major contributors. Unlike most other think tanks, Heritage not only suggests ideas but actively pushes them in Congress. Following are the words of Heritage vice presidents Stuart Butler and Kim Holmes, published in the 1995 Annual Report issued in the spring of 1996:
Butler: Heritage now works very closely with the congressional leadership.... Heritage has been involved in crafting almost every piece of major legislation to move through Congress.
Holmes: Without exaggeration, I think we've in effect become Congress's unofficial research arm.... We truly have become an extension of the congressional staff, but on our own terms and according to our own agenda.
Butler: That's right. As Kim knows, things have been happening so fast on Capitol Hill we've had to sharpen our management skills to take full advantage of the opportunities. There has also been an unprecedented demand on us to "crunch the numbers" for the new congressional leadership. Vice chairman of the trustees of Manhattan Institute Policy Studies 1977-1986. Chairman Institute for European Defense and Strategic Studies in London 1977-1996. Attended a meeting in Washington of Le Cercle in 1979, the covert European group set up by a mixture of Vatican intelligence, Opus Dei luminaries, and the Pan Europa leadership. Treasurer Mont Pelerin Society 1979-1996, which is a branch of the Paneuropa Union. Trustee Lehrman Institute 1981-1990. Member of the public delegation to the 2nd Special Session on Disarmament of the United Nations in 1982. Chairman of the US Information Agency 1982-1991. Member US Advisory Committee on Public Diplomacy 1982-1994. Member of the Carlucci Commission on Security and Economic Assistance 1983. Distinguished fellow of mobilization concepts at the Development Center of the National Defense University 1983-1989. Consultant to White House Counselor Edwin Meese, the seventy-fifth Attorney General of the United States from 1985 to 1988. Member of the national advisory board of the Center for Education and Research in Free Enterprise at the Texas Agricultural and Mechanical University 1985-1996. Chairman Citizens for American Education Foundation 1985-1989. Consultant for Domestic Policy to President Reagan in 1987. Director Sequoia National Bank 1987-1999. Member of the Sarah Scaife Foundation since 1988, which has been named after the mother of Richard Mellon Scaife. The Sarah Scaife Foundation is is financed by the Mellon industrial, oil and banking fortune, and Richard Mellon Scaife has been chairman since 1973. The Sarah Scaife Foundation is one of the biggest donators to Conservative and (formerly) anti-communist causes, often having worked in tandem with the CIA. On January 18, 1989 President Reagan conferred the Presidential Citizens Medal on Feulner as "a leader of the conservative movement." Member of the US Committee on Improving Effectiveness of the United Nations 1989-1993. Vice chairman of the National Economic Growth and Tax Reform "Kemp" Commission 1995-1996. Member of the advisory committee of the American Political Channel 1994-1996. Counselor to vice presidential candidate Jack Kemp in 1996. President Mont Pelerin Society 1996-1998. Member of the board visitors of the George Mason University 1996-2004. Member of the Congressional Policy Advisory Board 1997-2001. Senior vice president Mont Pelerin Society 1998-2000. Again treasurer Mont Pelerin Society since 2000. Distinguished visiting professor of Hanyang University in Seoul since 2001. Member of the Gingrich/Mitchell Task Force on United Nations Reforming in 2005. Member of the National Advisory Council of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, together with Jeane Kirkpatrick, Jack Kemp, senator Claiborne Pell, senator Bob Dole, Richard Pipes, and formerly Zbigniew Brzezinski. Former Cercle head Brian Crozier is a member of the International Advisory Council of the VCMF. By Georges Magazine he was ranked nr 45 in a list of the 50 most influential politicians. Greenspan was one, Cheney was two. Member of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta and the Knights of the Holy Sepulchre, according to his Who's Who. Member of the Union League (New York City), Metropolitan Club, Reform Club (London), Bohemian Club (San Francisco), and several clubs. Not a member of the CFR as of 2006.

Update 2010: Feulner is a secretary of the Korea-United States Exchange Council Inc. The vice presidents of this low profile group are Henry Kissinger, Richard L. Walker (Long-time expert on Korea; said to be CIA; former WACL member; member national committee Council for the Defense of Freedom, originally named the Council Against Communist Aggression; ambassador to Korea; director of the Korea Society, together with Robert D. Hormats of Goldman Sachs and the Atlantic Inst., and others from J. P. Morgan and Boeing, just as advisors as Alexander Haig, George H. W. Bush, and Gerald Ford), and Soo Gil Park (ambassador). Executive director is Otilie English (lobbyist for a Committee for a Free Afghanistan and supporter of the Mujahidin in the 1980s; traveled deep inside Afghanistan and seen as an expert on that country; came back to the U.S. with 7 hours of taped interviews with Al Qaeda prisoners, one who supposedly repeatedly threatened that they would be "coming to the U.S.". Washington representative to the Northern Alliance in 2000 and 2001; advisor to Haron Amin, the Northern Alliance spokesman during the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan). The former executive director was Courtney Alexander Dodson. Assistant secretaries are Edward Stewart (partner in Ed Buckham's lobby firm Alexander Strategy Group; Ed Buckham was involved in a bribary scandal with Tom Delay and Jack Abramoff) and Yong Hoo Lee. Various other koreans are board members. March 10, 2005, Washington Post, 'S. Korean Group Sponsored DeLay Trip': "Justice Department documents show that the Korea-U.S. Exchange Council, a business-financed entity created with help from a lobbying firm headed by DeLay's former chief of staff, registered under the Foreign Agents Registration Act on Aug. 22, 2001. DeLay; his wife, Christine; and two other Republican lawmakers departed on a trip financed by the group on Aug. 25 of that year." Seung Youn Kim (chairman of the Hanwha Group, a South Korean conglomerate which finances the Korea-United States Exchange Council; once jailed for purchase of Sylvester Stallone’s Hollywood mansion; September 1, 2007, Bloomberg Businessweek, 'Scandal-Plagued Asian Execs': "Hanwha Group Chairman Kim Seung Youn stayed behind bars for weeks after he was sentenced to 18 months in jail in July 2007. He was convicted of abducting and beating up bar workers [by his bodyguards and gang members] who had assaulted his son. But a Korean appeals court suspended the sentence two months later, ordering him to do 200 hours of community service instead. Kim was pardoned last August by Korean President Lee Myung Bak, who argued businessmen must take the lead in reviving the troubled economy." December 1, 2010, Korea Hearld, 'Hanwha boss questioned on funds': "Kim is suspected of handing over an illicit fund to the group’s collapsed subsidiaries in 2005, thus causing financial losses to the group. He is also accused of having kept tens of billions of won under a borrowed name account, thus constituting professional negligence and tax evasion. Hanwha Group, however, claimed that the money was a personal inheritance from Kim’s father, but did not clarify as to the reason why it was kept under borrowed names. Kim is also suspected of bribing politicians while taking over Korea Life Insurance in 2002 but the charges were excluded from the investigation due to the lack of evidence, according to officials." ) is chairman of the Korea-United States Exchange Council.

March 27, 1989, U.S News and World Report, 'Rev. Moon’s Rising Political Influence': "Through this method of recruiting, the church has established a network of affiliated organizations and connections in almost every conservative organization in Washington, including the Heritage Foundation ... As the Washington Times has become the voice of capital conservatives, the Heritage Foundation has become far more tolerant of church ties. The foundation accepts the participation of Lichenstein and other senior fellows in church-funded enterprises and allows its staff members to go to church conferences. ... Because almost all conservative organizations in Washington have some ties to the church, conservatives also fear repercussions if they expose the church's role. That happened when one organization, the Capital Research Center, published a newsletter last November warning of the church's attempt to create a "centralized world theocracy." One of its board members, who was also on the board of the International Security Council, resigned in protest, and conservatives charging that the paper was creating discord on the right, besieged the center with angry calls. "We got a very, very strong reaction -- almost as if we were the enemy -- because we raised the issue," says CRC Chairman Willa Johnson, a former president of the Heritage Foundation."

1997, Robert Parry for Consortium News, 'Dark Side of Rev. Moon: Buying the Right': "Left unmentioned in the happy sermon was the identity of the bigger guardian angel who had been protecting Falwell's financial interests -- from a distance and without publicity. That secret benefactor was the Rev. Sun Myung Moon ... Moon's lieutenant, Bo Hi Pak, ... When President Reagan and Oliver North were scratching for support for the Nicaraguan contras, The Washington Times established a contra fund-raising operation. Moon's international group, CAUSA, also dispatched operatives to Central America to assist the contras. By the mid-1980s, Moon's Unification Church had carved out a niche as an acceptable part of the American right. In one speech to his followers, Moon boasted that "without knowing it, even President Reagan is being guided by Father [Moon]." Yet, Moon also made clear that his longer-range goal was the destruction of the U.S. Constitution and America's democratic form of government. "History will make the position of Reverend Moon clear, and his enemies, the American population and government will bow down to him," Moon said, speaking of himself in the third person. "That is Father's tactic, the natural subjugation of the American government and population." As Andrew Ferguson wrote in the right-wing American Spectator, Moon's church attracted U.S. conservatives by advocating a muscular anti-communism."

July 5, 2011, Ed Feulner for the Heritage Foundation blog, 'Otto von Habsburg 1912-2011': "Today, we at The Heritage Foundation mourn the loss of Otto von Habsburg, a defender of freedom and friend of liberty in Europe and around the world. ... An occasional visitor to The Heritage Foundation, we will miss Otto’s keen perspective on liberty, and his efforts to free people from the chains of despair that dictators and tyrants continue to impose around the world. There are many unsung heroes of the Cold War, and Otto is certainly one of them."

Fincham, D. C. B. H.

Source(s): 1984 South Africa participants list ("Ambassador (rtd.) S.A. Institute for International Affairs")

Unknown.

Fourie, Brand

Source(s): Cercle's 1985 Washington D.C. meeting lists ("South African Ambassador to the United States")

July 31, 2008, Cape Times (South Africa), 'Leading diplomat of apartheid era dies after short illness': "JOHANNESBURG: Brand Fourie, who headed the apartheid era's Department of Foreign Affairs for 17 years, has died in hospital in Pretoria after a short illness. He was 91. He joined the department in 1936, was secretary - the post later known as director-general - from 1966 until 1983 and, by the time he retired in 1985, was ambassador to the US. He chaired the SABC board from 1985 to 1989. Former foreign minister Pik Botha said Fourie had been a key player in South Africa's important foreign policy events from World War 2. "He was one of the most remarkable diplomats South Africa ever produced," Botha said. He had been an aide to Prime Minister Jan Smuts during World War 2 and attended some of his meetings with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill. He attended the 1945 launch of the United Nations with Smuts and contributed to drafting the UN Charter. Fourie leaves his wife, Daphne, son Gerhard and daughter Nicolette. His funeral service is to be held at the Valleisig Dutch Reformed Church in Faerie Glen at midday on Monday."

Fraga-Iribarne, Manuel

Source(s): 1983 Bonn meeting list

From Spain. Spanish Ambassador in London 1973-1975. Co-founder of the Alianza Popular (AP) in 1976. The AP was a federation of several parties, which were all fascist or borderline fascist. It opted for a "more gradual" change to democracy than Suarez and his allies had planned for. Some co-founders with Manuel Fraga were former Franco ministers Gonzalo Fernandez de la Mora, fascist Cercle member Silva Munoz, and Lopez Rodo (influential minister in the 1960s and early 1970s, who is said to have engineered the Opus Dei takeover of the Spanish government). When the new constitution was approved in 1978, turning Spain into a parliamentary democracy, most members of the AP, as totalitarian as they were, decided to accept the constitution. Fraga became president of the Alianza Popular at some point. Visited Le Cercle. Member 1001 Club. Contact of Brian Crozier since 1965. AESP member since 1970.

Fraga on Opus Dei: "I answer simply to the question. Why do not belong to Opus Dei? First, because, unfortunately for me I never felt worthy of a vocation to perfection. Nor, fortunately for me I was an opportunist who has sought help from a spiritual nature, for problems of a temporary nature. Second, because, accepting as I agree in principle to the idea of ​​temporary institutions, I disagree with the inclusion of the activities of its members relations with politics and economics. It is well known that gluttony, libido and other capital vices, have a limit to human nature, but not the pride, the passion of send and greed, which are insatiable. But also, if it were true that these activities are acting individually, no one will believe it. I, of course, I never have. And something must go in this line of thought in Rome, where now the Opus Dei want to give up its status as a secular institute. Third, my personal experience of how things have worked in practice in our country, has confirmed to me that these fears were not vain. No end in my opinion, may justify certain media and certain premises. The inexorable time will judge all the confusion and clarify the present. Meanwhile, let us try all work together, conscientiously, with the true, wonderful and eternal work of God."

October 24, 2004, Order of Malta website, 'The Order's International Pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela': "Presided over by His Most Eminent Highness Frà Andrew Bertie, close to 250 Knights and Dames of the Order of Malta gathered in Santiago de Compostela from the 15th to the 17th of October to participate in the international pilgrimage to the Tomb of the Apostle Saint James, culminating the events and activities which are traditionally undertaken by the Order during the Jacobean Holy Years. ... Coinciding with the pilgrimage, the Instituto de Estudios Gallegos “Padre Sarmiento”, in collaboration with the Spanish Association of the Order of Malta, the Government of the Autonomous Community of Galicia, the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, and “Xacobeo 2004 – Galicia” (the office responsible for Jacobean Year Activities), celebrated the II Seminar of Studies on the Order of Malta – its historic reality and its social projection, which on this occasion was focussed on the subject “Hospitality and Knighthood along the Camino de Santiago”. The most important social event on the program was the dinner in honor of the Grand Master hosted by the pilgrims and attended by the President of the Government of the Autonomous Community of Galicia, H.E. Manuel Fraga Iribarne, and other distinguished guests. During the dinner, the Grand Master, on his own behalf and that of the Order of Malta, expressed his appreciation to President Fraga for “all the courtesies which His Excellency personally and the Government of Galicia had extended to him and to the Order in general as a sovereign institution”. In his response, President Fraga said that “with this pilgrimage, you have given life once more to one of your first and most important vocations: for the past thousand years, your Order of Saint John of Jerusalem has stood forth – especially in Galicia – as the tireless defender of the pilgrims of the Camino de Santiago”"

Fraser, Gen. Charles Alan "Pop"

Source(s): November 1988 – Issue 17, Lobster Magazine, 'Brian Crozier, the Pinay Circle and James Goldsmith' (quoting from the Langemann papers)

Lived from 1915 to 1994. Joined the South African Army as a part-time Citizen Force soldier in 1934 and became a full-time Permanent Force member in 1946. Served as Chief of the Army from 1966 to 1967, and as General Officer Commanding Joint Combat Forces, co-ordinating Army and Air Force operations and training, from 1967 to 1973. As GOCJCF, he was the third-highest ranking officer in the South African Defence Force's Supreme Command. Has written a dissertation on 'counter-insurgency measures' and how to avoid a communist revolution. The book he wrote around 1968 has set South-Africa's general counter-revolution policy up until the wall came down. Fraser believed that this counter-revolution "war" had to be fought by politicians for at least 80%. People who had a better lifestyle than the communists could offer, wouldn't be interested in a revolution. Consul-general in Iran under the Shah until 1979. March 9, 1979, Facts on File World News Digest, 'South African Ties Cut': "Iran severed diplomatic relations with South Africa March 4 because of its disapproval of that country's ploicy of "racial discrimination." South African Consul General Alan Fraser was summoned to the Foreign Ministry and was told to leave the country." He was a close personal friend of the Shah and introduced Brian Crozier, as a representative of The 6I, to the Shah at some point.

Freeman, Charles W. "Chas", Jr.

Source(s): MEPC website: "What Could Go Wrong for China? Remarks to Le Cercle June 23, 2007, Washington, DC. Ambassador Chas W. Freeman, Jr. (USFS, Ret.)"

Born in 1943. Speaks fluent Chinese, French, Spanish, and conversational Arabic. BA from Yale University and a JD from the Harvard Law School. After law school, he left to join the United States Foreign Service in 1965, working first in India and Taiwan before being assigned to the State Department's China desk. He was the principal American interpreter during the late President Nixon's path-breaking visit to China in 1972. Director for Chinese Affairs at the U.S. Department of State from 1979-1981. Deputy Chief of Mission and Chargé d'Affaires in the American embassies at both Beijing 1981-1984 and Bangkok 1984-1986. Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, African Affairs 1986-1989. CIA Medallion (Desert Shield/Storm) 1991. U S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia 1989-1992. Assistant Secretary of Defense of International Security Affairs 1993-1994. Chairman of Projects International, Inc. since 1995. Co-chair of the U.S. China Policy Foundation and vice-chair of the Atlantic Council. Received some flak in recent years for being on the advisory board of the China National Offshore Oil Corporation, which has projects in Sudan and Iran. Succeeded Senator George McGovern as President of the Middle East Policy Council (MEPC) on December 1, 1997. Directors of the MEPC have retired from functions at ExxonMobil, the Saudi Binladin Group, Apollo Security, Central Command, the CIA, DIA and various ambassador posts in the Middle East. Among the National Advisory Committee members of the MEPC is Dr. Richard Falk, Professor of International Law and Practice, Princeton Center for International Studies, and a CFR member. He a member of this staff along with people from Bahrain Petroleum, U.S.-Arab Chamber of Commerce, Aramco Services, the U.S. Foreign Service, the Petroleum Finance Company, SAIC, and the London Middle East Institute. Falk wrote about David Ray Griffin, the famous 9/11 Truth author: "David Ray Griffin has established himself--alongside Seymour Hersh--as America's number one bearer of unpleasant, yet necessary, public truths." Falk wrote the foreword for Griffin's first book in 2004, 'The New Pearl Harbor: Disturbing Questions About the Bush Administration and 9/11': Griffin also wrote: '9/11 and American Empire: Intellectuals Speak Out, Vol. 1' (2006), 'Osama Bin Laden: Dead or Alive?' and 'The Mysterious Collapse of World Trade Center 7' (2009). Oddly enough, Griffin has promoted the bogus no-plane theories at the Pentagon, which is rather suspect. On the website of the MEPC, several anti-neoconservative articles have been published, critically mentioning names as Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz and Ahmed Chalabi (at least one of the articles written by a former DIA official). Freeman has been a trustee of Institute for Defense Analyses (IDA), a national security think tank from which the JASON Group sprang. Trustee of the Carnegie Corporation anno 2010.

Freeman himself has been very critical of the neoconservatives, the Israel lobby and even 9/11. In the fall of 2006, the MEPC was the first American outlet to publish Mearsheimer and Walt's working paper 'The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy.' According to an opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal, Freeman endorsed the paper's thesis, and he said of Middle East Policy Council's stance that "No one else in the United States has dared to publish this article, given the political penalties that the Lobby imposes on those who criticize it." In February 2009, unnamed sources leaked to the news media, initially to The Politico, that Freeman was Director of National Intelligence Dennis C. Blair's choice to chair the National Intelligence Council in the Barack Obama administration. After several weeks of criticism, he angrily withdrew his name from the nomination, and he then charged the 'Israeli lobby' for what he saw as a smear campaign against him. After his withdrawal Freeman gave an interview to Robert Dreyfuss in The Nation saying he regretted he did not identify his attackers as “right-wing Likud in Israel and its fanatic supporters here,” what he called the “(Avigdor) Lieberman lobby.” Freeman commented at a Washington Institute for Near East Policy meeting in 2002 that, "And what of America’s lack of introspection about September 11? Instead of asking what might have caused the attack, or questioning the propriety of the national response to it, there is an ugly mood of chauvinism. Before Americans call on others to examine themselves, we should examine ourselves."

Charles W. Freeman III is the son of Chas and is also specialized in China. Freeman III is a director of the National Committee of U.S.-China Relations, together with Maurice Greenberg (vice chair), Madeleine Albright, Lee Hamilton (vice chair), Thomas Kean (vice chair), Henry Kissinger and Richard Holbrooke.

Gallois, General Pierre Marie

Sources: 1993, Brian Crozier, 'Free Agent', page 241

One of the main French sovereignist thinkers, and a staunch supporter of De Gaulle. Member of the Planning Group at SHAPE at the time it was founded. French Air Force General. Present at the October 1957 Bilderberg meeting in Italy, for which he had written the following text: "For each of the powers of the Alliance which do not possess nuclear weapons the question is this: might it find itself in such a situation that an incident of major importance for its own security or independence might be considered minor not only by guaranteeing atomic powers, but also by the other member countries of the Alliance? This assessment of the major or minor nature of a threat against Western countries must be estimated according to a new criterion the size of the nuclear risk. Even if a vast airborne nuclear exchange appears improbable, or even impossible, and if everyone knows that they were being blackmailed with fear, it is clear that everyone would weigh the size of the stake and of the risk. And in such a calculation it is very likely that countries not directly and immediately threatened might consider some enemy intervention of major importance for the country against which it is directed to be only a minor incident." Some time head of the French Air Force. Mostly known as the architect of the French nuclear deterrence. Brian Crozier wrote in 'Free Agent', page 241: "We agreed that the best way to mobilise Mitterrand on this issue was to persuade him to invite General Gallois to brief him on the SS-20 [nuclear ballistic missile] danger. We both knew Pierre Gallois. I had translated his important Conflict Study analysing the SS-20 threat, and interpreted for him at Pinay Cercle meetings. Jean Violet gave him a 'genius' rating." Later went into the aeronautic industry with Marcel Dassault, the aircraft maker, and became one of the most prominent architects of the French Air Force revival, working on the Mirage IV. Has written a lot about geopolitical issues. About the Balkan and Iraq bombings Gallois said that while some of our targets were clearly of a military nature, such things as water purification plants, sewage treatment plants, and fertilizer plants serve only to impoverish the population, not to promote military objectives. About the economic sanctions on Iraq, Gallois said they were "cruel, cowardly, ineffective, and stupid." April 16, 2004, Frontpage Magazine interview with Kenneth Timmerman, who has spent twenty years reporting on Europe and the Middle East: "Iraq was a special case. I was invited in the late 1980s to visit the Iraqi Army staff college, and was surprised when I saw a plaque donated to the college by visiting French general Pierre-Marie Gallois, the “father” of the French strategic nuclear force. Many in the French Gaullist elite saw in Saddam Hussein an Iraqi De Gaulle, a fellow spirit: someone willing to stand up to superpowers, and take his country on a “third way.” That third way, of course, led directly through Paris, in opposition to Washington." In 2001 a group of traditional Gaullists, including Gallois, signed a declaration calling on true Gaullists to vote for the candidate “who most respects the political choices made by the founder of the 5th Republic.” Without actually mentioning the name of the former Interior Minister, Jean-Pierre Chevènement, it is clear whom they mean. They also very explicitly denounced “the way in which the so-called Gaullist party has abandoned its traditions” and said quite clearly that they “do not find in the decisions taken by the president of the Republic (i.e. Chirac) any respect for the founding principles affirmed by General de Gaulle.” The Fifth Republic emerged from the ashes of the French Fourth Republic (1945-1958), replacing a weak and factional parliamentary government with a stronger, more centralized system. The office of the president, which had recently been occupied by De Gaulle, gained much more strength in the new system.

Garnier-Lancon, Monique

Sources: Online Archive of California, 'Register of the Monique Garnier-Lançon Papers': "The CONFERENCES series also contains some documents pertaining to Garnier-Lançon's attendance at the closed deliberations of an exclusive group known only as Le Cercle (sometimes referred to as Le Cercle Pinay and, later, as Le Cercle Violet) whose activities have attracted the attention of analysts interested in elite groupings and their influence upon policy decisions made by Western governments."

Journalist and producer for Organisation de la Radio-Télévision Française (ORTF) 1962-1971. Deputy mayor of Paris 1977-1989. Press Association Culturelle Franco-Allemande [German] pour la Jeunesse [Youth] 1980-1999. Met George H. W. Bush in 1981. Attended Cercle meetings from 1982 to 1985. Council member Franco-German Association 1982-1991, president since 1991. Vice president Institut Europeen de Securite / Europaeisches Institut fuer Sicherheitsfragen / European Institute for Security, Luxembourg, 1984-1987, and president 1986-1995. This institute was founded in 1981 by Nicholas de Kerchove, Gen. Robert Close, Otto von Habsburg and many Germans. Cercle member Franz Josef Strauss and Gerhard Lowenthal would join in 1982. Kai-Uwe von Hassel is the first chairman. Worked closely with Jacques Chirac. Co-president Western European Defence Association. Special Advisor for Europe at the American Foreign Policy Council in 1985. Delegate for Europe Center for International Relations in Washington D.C. Director of the American Foreign Policy Council 1987-1995. Fouding member of the Coordination Committee of Euro-Atlantique pour la Cooperation, in charge of relations with the USA and international organizations as the UN, NATO, and EU 1992-1995. Consultant to the International Policy Forum, Heritage Foundation, Council for National Policy, the American Security Council, and Hoover Institution.

Member National Press Club. Her personal files show she has corresponded with Julian Amery (83), Giulio Andreotti (85-91), Franz Josef Bach (83), Brian Crozier (82-93), Valery Giscard d'Estaing (74-88), Otto von Habsburg (82-89), Jacques G. Jonet (82-87), Jeane Kirkpatrick (82-84), Karl-Heinz Narjes (83). She has also corresponded with Richard Allen (84-86), George H. W. Bush (81), Alfred Cahen (87-88), Lord Chalfont (85-87), Jacques Chirac (78-89), Gen. Robert Close (82-86), Paul S. Cutter aka Paul Sjeklocha (82-84), Karl-Uwe von Hassel (85), Denis Healey (86), David Dreier, Jacques Foccart (1971, 1987; co-founded SAC with Cercle member Charles Pasqua; close to Mobutu; Chief of Staff to De Gaulle and Pompidou; seen as the major coup plotter in Africa; also an advisor to Chirac; co-created the Département Protection et Sécurité militia for the National Front in 1982 with Cercle member Francois de Grossouvre) Fred Iklé (85-86; DoD; hawk who pushed Stinger deliveries to Afhan and UNITA rebels; CSIS; gov. Smith Richardson Fdn), Thierry de Montbrial (82-88; Bilderberg; French Inst. for Int. Affairs), Helmut Kohl (82-94), Sven Kraemer (85), Melvin Lasky (85; Editor for CIA-funded Encounter magazine; AEI), Robert McFarlane (85), Cardinal Jean-Marie Lustiger (1987; Archbishop of Paris 81-05), François Mitterrand (89-93), Richard Pipes (83), Ronald and Nancy Reagan (84-85), John Rees (84-87), Alfredo Sanchez Bella (83-87; CEDI founder with Habsburg; Brother was head of Opus Dei in Spain), Ted Shackley (83), Giovanni Spadolini (83), Margaret Thatcher (85), Caspar Weinberger (84). Also in contact with Resistance International 1982-1987, set up in Paris by Soviet defectors as Eduard Kuznetsov, Vladimir Maximov, Alexandra Schmidt, and Olga Svintsvova.

April 19, 1985, Washington Post, 'Europeans Lobby For Aid to 'Contras'': "Winston Churchill II, grandson of the late British prime minister, visited the White House yesterday as part of a delegation of Western European figures urging Congress to release $14 million in aid to "contra"rebels fighting Nicaragua's Sandinista government.The visit by the British member of Parliament and a dozen other persons was part of a White House effort to gain the backing of various groups to help push Congress on the aid issue. ... Later the delegation participated in a Capitol Hill seminar chaired by Jeane J. Kirkpatrick... the 13-member delegation was sponsored by resistance international, a Paris-based human rights organization, and the American Foreign Policy Council... Other members of the delegation included former Australian prime minister J. Malcolm Fraser; ... Kai-Uwe von Hassel; ... Monique Garnier-Lancon... After meeting with Reagan, the group received a briefing from National Security Council officials on the administration's view of the situation in Central America." August 11, 1985, San Jose Mercury News, 'Smuggling Suspect: Dedicated Reporter or Shadowy Spy?': "He [Paul Sjeklocha] hobnobbed with high-ranking U.S. military and intelligence officials and constantly hinted to friends that he was an American agent. But he once barely avoided a U.S. fraud indictment and was thrown in a Yugoslavian prison on charges of writing bad checks and defrauding an airline.He wined and dined the deputy mayor of Paris. But he has been sued for non-payment of more than $42,000 in MasterCard and American Express bills." July 14, 1986, WRNEA, 'Pollard and Beyond': "Shapiro was never charged but he eventually lost his top secret security clearance. Not even that happened to Stephen Bryen who, while a staff aide on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, was accused by a witness of offering highly-classified documents to Israeli officials in Washington. Bryen left the Senate and became executive director of the Jewish Institute of National Security Affairs (JINSA) while the FBI investigated the charges and actually found his fingerprints on a document the witness had heard him offering the Israelis. When no charges were brought against him, however, Bryen handed over JINSA to his wife and went on to become the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense who, at this very moment, coordinates U.S. efforts to protect secret American technology from falling into the hands of foreign powers. JINSA, under executive director Shoshana Bryen, now finds itself uncomfortably close to U.S. investigations of conspiracies to sell $2.5 billion in prohibited U.S. weapons, many of them already in Israel, to Iran for use in its war against Iraq. Paul Sjeklocha, also known as Paul Cutter, appointed to the JINSA board of directors in 1983, was convicted in 1985 of conspiring to sell anti-tank missiles to Iran."

Gaudin, Jean-Claude

Source(s): 1985 Cercle meeting in Bonn (name appears on a handwritten list of names of Garnier-Lancon, probably persons who were eligible for an invitation)

In 1974, he took part in the presidential campaign of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing. MP 1978-89. Regional consul of Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur 1986-98. Mayor of Marseille since 1995. Senator 1989-95 and since 1998. Vice president senate since 1998. Vice-President of the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) since 2002. Knight of Malta.

October 13, 1997, Agence France Presse, 'Court suspends book implicating ex-ministers in murder': "A Paris court on Monday ordered the temporary suspension of a book which implicates two former French ministers in the 1994 mafia-style killing of a National Assembly deputy, Yann Piat. The court suspended sales of the book, "The Yann Piat affair: assassins at the heart of power," until October 24, when it will rule again on a defamation suit brought by the two politicians. Former defence minister Francois Leotard and former urban affairs minister Jean-Claude Gaudin took legal action last week over accusations in the book that two senior politicians ordered Piat's murder. The pair are not named in the book, but details about them make it clear who is being referred to. Leotard and Gaudin have openly denounced their implication in the affair. The book, by two journalists, notably cites a senior former intelligence agent as saying the two politicians ordered Piat's murder on February 25, 1994 because she knew too much about alleged sales of military land to mafia-linked businessmen. Leotard, leader of the Union for French Democracy, France's main opposition centre-right political group, and Gaudin have asked the Paris court to delete certain passages from the book published earlier this month. ... The book has caused a storm in French political circles since it was published earlier this month. Former defence minister Francois Leotard and former urban affairs minister Jean-Claude Gaudin took legal action last week over accusations in the book that two senior politicians ordered Piat's murder. The pair are not named in the book by journalists Andre Rougeot and Jean-Michel Verne, but details about them make it clear who is being referred to. Leotard and Gaudin have openly denounced their implication in the affair. Piat, 44, was shot dead on February 25, 1994 by two men on a motorbike which drew up alongside her car as she returned to her French Riviera home. Until now the affair has been considered a purely mafia killing. Leotard, leader of the Union for French Democracy, France's main opposition centre-right political group, and Gaudin, UDF mayor of Marseilles, have asked the court to delete certain passages from the book. The book notably cites a senior former intelligence agent as saying the two politicians ordered Piat killed because she knew too much about alleged sales of military land to mafia-linked businessmen. ... Gaudin welcomed Monday's court decision. "If the book's authors cannot produce by October 24 the evidence which so far is entirely absent from their work, they will be convicted," he said in a statement. "The process of re-establishing the truth has begun. They must pay the price for their lies," he said." October 28, 1997, Associated Press Online, 'French Publisher Pulls Book': "A French court ordered a publishing house Tuesday to excise passages in a book that linked a former defense minister to murder. In response, the publisher withdrew the controversial book. The court's decision highlighted the traditional willingness of French courts to censor or ban books that run up against the country's strict libel and privacy laws. ... Without using names, their book implies that Leotard and Marseille Mayor Jean-Claude Gaudin, a former minister of urban affairs, were responsible. The book used nicknames but provided identifying details. The book provoked a storm in political circles. Conservative politicians called it a plot to destabilize rightist candidates ahead of next year's regional elections. Leotard sued the book's authors, journalists Andre Rougeot and Jean-Michel Verne, and publisher Flammarion, demanding that the offending passages be removed. A Paris court late Tuesday ordered publisher Flammarion to immediately recall all books and remove the offending passages. It said it would fine the publisher $830 each time an uncensored book was sold. ''Rather than suppress the passages, the editor has chosen to withdraw the book from distribution,'' said Flammarion's lawyer, Jean-Yves Dupeux. The court said the journalists ''were not able to establish the truth of the facts and the seriousness of the investigation they claim to have led.'' Rougeot had refused to disclose the name of his source, identified only as an officer in military intelligence. Both Gaudin and Leotard say they are pursuing separate defamation lawsuits." January 20, 1998, Associated Press, 'Authors ordered to pay damages for book on politician's slaying': "A French court ordered two authors and their publisher to pay damages for a book that implicated ranking politicians in the killing of an anti-corruption crusader. Marseille Mayor Jean-Claude Gaudin had sued the authors of "Yann Piat, Assassins at the Heart of Power" for $ 1.6 million. The judge on Tuesday ordered the authors, Jean-Michel Verne and Andre Rougeot, to pay Gaudin about $ 32,000 each. Their publisher, Flammarion, was ordered to pay Gaudin about $ 50,000. ... Verne said he stood by his book. "I have the conviction that politicians were involved in the murder of Yann Piat," he said. "The conviction supported by evidence I gathered since the book came out. "I tell those people implicated that they will not escape their destiny," he said."

Gaynor, Jeffrey B.

Source(s): 1982 Bonn meeting list; 1984 Bonn meeting list; 1985 Washington meeting list; Adrian Hanni (again in 1985, twice in 1987, in 1989 and 1990)

November 30, 1980, Washington Post, 'Reagan's Team on Foreign Aid Reflects the New Right's Influence': "It comes as no particular surprise, but President-elect Ronald Reagan's transition team for foreign aid is dominated by prominent leaders from the ideological conservative movement popularly known as the New Right. Heading the team is Edwin J. Feulner, executive director of the Heritage Foundation here, which was founded by Paul Weyrich, director of the Committee for the Survival of a Free Congress and receives its principal financial support from Joseph Coors, the Colorado beer mogul and bankroller of rightist causes. Among those serving with Feulner are Jeffrey B. Gaynor, director of policy studies for Heritage; Jim Lucier, an aide to arch-conservative Sen. Jesse Helms (R-N.C.) and a prominent opponent of many Carter administration foreign policy initiatives, and Elliott Abrams, a former aide to Sen. Daniel P. Moynihan (D-N.Y.), who supported Reagan in the campaign."

February 16, 1978, New York Times, summary file: "Heritage Foundation dir of foreign policy studies Jeffrey B Gayner letter disagrees with Pres Carter that Panama Canal treaties have overwhelming support throughout Latin America. Contends Latin American nations are worried about toll rise and future security of canal. Suggests Latin Americans already alienated by other Carter Adm policies are further upset by the 'inconsistent generosity extended to the military dictator of Panama'."

November 25, 1985, The Guardian, 'The power and influence behind America's Right / Focus on the US Heritage Foundation': "The Foundation, meanwhile, has begun extending its sphere of influence and interest beyond American shores. It is funding a London affiliate the Institute for European Defence and Strategic Studies, according to the Foundation's Counsellor for International Affairs Jeffrey B Gaynor. It also has developed 'a cooperative relationship' with about 200 overseas groups and university professors; this includes exchanging information and visits and the periodic appointment of non-Americans to specific assignments and fellowships."

Gehlen, General Reinhard

Source(s): November 1988 – Issue 17, Lobster Magazine, 'Brian Crozier, the Pinay Circle and James Goldsmith' (quoting from the Langemann papers; probably an associate member)

Hans Langemann 1980 paper: "Gehlen, who was always interested in the undertaking [of the Pinay Circle], its figures, its personalities and its results, succeeded in recruiting Violet [the Circle founder and Otto von Habsburg- and SDECE agent] as a special agent and granted him 6000 DM a month for many years. He also claimed that this sum had been agreed with the former head of the SDECE, General Jacquier because Violet is also receiving the same sum from the SDECE." Major General Reinhard Gehlen headed the Foreign Armies East section of the Abwehr (German intelligence), directed towards the Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Worked closely with the SS Reich Security Main Office (RSHA), tJehe controlling agency of the Gestapo and German State Security (SD). 1971, Heinz Hohne & Hermann Zolling, 'The General was a Spy', pp. 50-53: "Moreover another SS man appeared with increasing frequency at Gehlen's side - SS-Sturmbannfuhrer [Major] Otto Skorzeny, commander of the SS Special Service Formations. In November 1944 Skorzeny was commissioned to set up a resistance organisation in the Soviet rear areas and gain contact with anti-communist partisans... Skorzeny accordingly had to consult Gehlen if he was to gain contact with the partisans... He [Gehlen] visualized an intelligence organization, run by FHO and the RSHA, covering the whole of Eastern Europe deep into the Soviet Union and making use of all racial groups in the east... Without realising it, Gehlen had thus patented the post-war organisation which later bore his name... He, Skorzeny and Hengelhaupt in concert assembled all possible information about the existence of East European resistance groups... Gehlen ultimately became so close an ally of the RSHA that, during the death-throes of Adolf Hitler's regime he, together with the SS officers Skorzeny and Prutzmann, was charged with military direction of that macabre partisan and resistance organization known as "Werewolf", intended to spread panic among the enemy." Werewolf was dreamed up in the Autumn of 1944 by Heinrich Himmler, in cooperation with Skorzeny, Gehlen, and a few other high level German officers. It was to act as an early Stay-Behind army in case parts of Germany would be occupied by the Allies. Skorzeny's men gave intensive lessons in sabotage, demolitions, small arms, survival and radio-communications to these new Werewolf regiments, but in the end the lack of central command and sufficient resources made sure this operation was not effective. October 6, 1975, Star-News (Pasadena, CA), 'Plot to Kidnap Stalin Bared': "More than 500 paratroops and other special units led by SS Capt. Otto Skorzeny were ready in 1942 [after German tanks had almost reached Moscow] to fly from a German airfield in Poland to kidnap Soviet dictator Josef Stalin from the Kremlin, a Danish newspaper reported Sunday... Quoting an unnamed Danish pilot who served in the German air force during World War II, the paper said the plan was called off only because the dearth of agents in Moscow made it impossible for German intelligence to say with 100 per cent certainty when Stalin would be in his Kremlin command bunker... All Skorzeny needed was the final go-ahead from intelligence chief Heinrich [Reinhard] Gehlen. But the signal never came." Gehlen had begun planning his surrender to the United States at least as early as the fall of 1944. At that time, after D-Day, the United States had begun setting up an operation to recover valuable German officers and scientists. It was first called Operation Overcast, renamed in 1946 to Paperclip. Operation Apple Pie was another project to locate and interrogate key German personnel, this time of the RSHA (SS Reich Security Main Office) and members of the German Army Staff who were knowledgeable about Soviet industrial and economic matters. From 1948 to 1950 there was a program called Bloodstone, which involved the recruiting of anti-communist individuals in eastern Europe, including nazis. Scientists and military officers like Wernher von Braun (father of the US space program and missile technology), General Walter Dornberger (head Peenemunde, where jews who worked there were horribly treated; also head of Braun's research there), Franz Six (led a nazi special forces group that assassinated opponents; went to train US special forces after a brief sentence), Emil Augsburg (SS major; same job as Franz Six), Willi Krichbaum (SS colonel; in charge of the deportation of the Hungarian Jews since 1944; shot Raoul Wallenberg), Walter Rauff (SS colonel; involved in the holocaust), Kurt Blome, General Walter Schreiber, Heinrich Rupp, Otto Skorzeny, Klaus Barbie, and others were brought to the US (or stationed elsewhere with CIA and Gehlen Org support) and either went to work in the new Military-Industrial Complex or went to work for US intelligence and special forces. Some scientists had already left for the US and were already working in the Military Industrial Complex. Theodore von Karmann and Edward Teller were among the people in this group. What happened to Martin Bormann (who liquidated most of the assets of the Third Reich and transported it overseas) and his secret police aide general Heinrich Muller is not known. Officially they died in Berlin in 1945 while journalists like Paul Manning maintain that both successfully escaped from Europe and became leaders in the post-WWII Fascist underground. This was initially done through ODESSA (also referred to as "Die Spinne", or "The Spider") and Deutsche Hilfsverein, the CIA/SMOM-approved Nazi-ratlines, set up by the Nazis, that smuggled Nazis to the Middle-East, Spain, or South-America. Besides Bormann and Muller, Adolf Eichmann, Josef Mengele, and Erich Priebke are among the Nazis that escaped using this (controversial) network. The ODESSA network brought Nazis, with support of high level officers in the CIA and the Vatican mafia (SMOM; through catholic monasteries), to Genoa, Italy, as part of the ratlines (with at least one alternative route). From there the whole Third Reich is said to have reorganized itself as a new underground Fourth Reich. Supposedly, one of the later umbrella organization of the Fascist International in South America became La Arana (according to journalist Paul Manning). Even though this faction still might have had some influence, this new "Forth Reich" was not dominated anymore by Germanic Pagans (of the Thule Society, inspired by Blavatsky and such) that opposed the Catholic church and Freemasonry. Starting in March 1945, Dulles and Casey were involved in Operation Sunrise: negotiations with SS general Karl Wolff that finally brought an early end to the Italian campaign. In early March 1945 a group of Gehlen's senior officers microfilmed their holdings on the USSR. They packed the film in steel drums and buried it throughout the Austrian Alps. On May 22, 1945 Gehlen and his top aides surrendered to an American Counter-Intelligence Corps (CIC) team. At first locked up, they were soon discovered by higher ups in the US intelligence community. Gehlen was invited to the US from mid-1945 to February 1946 to discuss what to do with his information on Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. In the end it was decided at these meetings, held at the army's Fort Hunt in Virginia, that Gehlen's spy organization would be kept intact through CIA funds. Gehlen's group, including his immediate staff of about 350 agents, went back to Germany in February 1946, and became known as the Gehlen Organization. They became the CIA's eyes and ears in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union. Hundreds of German army and SS officers were released from internment camps to join Gehlen's headquarters in the Spessart Mountains in central Germany. When the staff grew to 3,000, the Gehlen Org moved its headquarters to a twenty-five-acre compound south of Munich, Bavaria, operating under the innocent name of the South German Industrial Development Organization. Gehlen oversaw some of the post WWII recruiting programs (ratlines) of Nazis by the CIA. On November 17, 1948 SMOM (The Sovereign Military Order of Malta) awarded one of its highest honors, the Grand Cross of Merit, to Reinhard Gehlen. In 1948, Reinhard Gehlen's brother was in Rome serving as the secretary to Thun Hohenstein. Conveniently for Reinhard, who was negotiating with the U.S. for the preservation of his Nazi colleagues, Thun Hohenstein was chairman of one of SMOM's grand magistral charities, the Institute for Associated Emigrations, and had arranged for two thousand SMOM passports to be printed for political refugees. Thun Hohenstein was also related to the leading German Knights of SMOM. In the early fifties it was estimated that the Gehlen Org employed up to 4,000 intelligence specialists in Germany, mainly former army and SS officers, and that more than 4,000 V-men (undercover agents) were active throughout the Soviet-bloc countries. August 11, 1954, Winnipeg Free Press, 'Hitler's Shadow Man Takes Top Spy Role': "Bruce Rothwell, foreign correspondent who wrote this story from Berlin, says his telephone was tapped while he and his staff were gathering the facts on General Gehlen. And during one important conversation, the line was disconnected... Gehlen, "The Man in the Shadows," already leads a $3,000,000 secret service from Munich paid for by the Americans. Now he will absorb the security organisation left headless by Dr. Otto John, who disappeared into Communist East Germany a fortnight ago... John, who feared tho rise of ex-Nazis in Germany, went into the East Zone accompanied by a pro-Communist psychiatrist. For some time there had been a struggle for supremacy between Gehlen's organisation and John's... Until late last night Gehlen was negotiating with officials of Dr. Adenauer's Government. It seems he has won an outright victory. Over 30 intelligence services... will come under Gehlen's hand. All this power goes to a man who is unknown to the German public... Bonn officials refuse even to say if he is married. News photographers have been trying vainly for five years to photograph him." The following year, in 1955, the Gehlen Organization became the BND, the official German intelligence service. Gehlen remained its head. May 17, 1984, Boston Globe, 'Death of a Nazi': "In the perverse climate of the Cold War years, Nazis such as [SS Col. Walter] Rauff, Reinhardt Gehlen, Otto Skorzeny and Klaus Barbie made themselves so useful to western intelligence services that they were able to transform the struggle against the Red Menace into a prolongation of the Fascist enterprise." General Foertsch, one of general Gehlen highest level deputies, was invited to Antoine Bonnemaison's (a French colonel and SDECE agent specialized in psychological warfare) Centre de Recherche du Bien Politique in the 1950s, which was a secret discussion group involving intelligence officers, academics, businessmen, a few politicians, and trade union leaders of France, Germany, and the Netherlands. Besides countering communist subversion the "colloques" were aimed at Franco-German rapprochement. Foertsch was a German general who was accused of serious war crimes, but after his release became very instrumental in building up the new German military under Adenauer. Paul Manning, p. 212: "When Colonel Nasser became president of Egypt [in late 1954], he asked the CIA for assistance in establishing a similar organization in his country. The CIA did not wish to become involved, and so referred him to General Gehlen, then chief of the West German federal intelligence organization, which was in fact maintained by the CIA. But Gehlen ducked the request, suggesting that former SS General Otto Skorzeny, son-in-law of Hjalmar Schacht, one-time Minister of Finance for Hitler [now worked with Aristotle Onassis], should be approached. Skorzeny, who made his headquarters in Spain, did not want the assignment either, for he was doing too well as an engineer and businessman in Spain [his secret Paladin group, located in Madrid, supposedly was a mercenary group], and was also owner of a large farming establishment outside of Dublin. But, urged by Schacht, he had Heinrich Mueller in Brazil send him a team of secret police specialists, who all arrived in Cairo as a German mission led by Skorzeny, who promptly returned to Spain after introductions had been made." In 1954, in the middle of the McCarthy affair, a strange story appeared about a new "nazi-communist" political underground. Many people believed that the Gehlen Organization had thoroughly been penetrated by the Soviets, as many operations and foreign agents were betrayed. Even though a communist alliance with the Nazis seems far-fetched, the following article does seem to confirm the existence of a post-war underground Nazi movement, led by some of the individuals mentioned earlier. March 31, 1954, The Chronicle Telegram, Ohio: "[Werner] Naumann [former State Secretary in Goebbels's Ministry of Propaganda] recalled the Nazi splinter parties behind him in an attempt to resurrect the Nazi movement. He praised Senator McCarthy and denounced President Eisenhower. Finally he was arrested by the British on charges of plotting to overthrow the West German government [his group was often referred to as "Naumann's Circle"]... Reporter Magazine charges that the "explicit aim of the Naumann group was to establish a Totalitarian West German Government oriented toward the Soviet Union." Naumann used a Dusseldorf export-import firm, the H. S. Luch Company, as a front for a world wide political network which kept in touch with Nazi exiles in Spain and Argentina, as well as pro Nazis in other countries. For example, Col. Otto Skorzeny, the rescuer of Mussolini, and Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, Hitler's former financial wizard, are connected with the company in Spain [where Skorzeny ran an underground mercenary group called Paladin, in Madrid]... Two members of the Nazi-Communist underground in Spain also took in Senator McCarthy's two junior G-men, Roy Cohn and David Schine, during their comic-opera, spy-hunting junket throughout Europe last year." Roy Cohn was later named by EIR as an initial director of Permindex, a corporation set up in 1958 which is suspected of having been a front organization in the planning of the John F. Kennedy assassination. During the 1980s even information surfaced that Cohn had ran a pedophile ring to subvert members of the US government (see William Casey bio in Le Cercle list). Schacht, the godfather of Hitler with Fritz Thyssen, used to be great friends with Pilgrims Society Wall Street and City of London bankers. January 1982, Mae Brussell: "Gehlen pioneered the setting up of dummy fronts and cover companies to support his farflung covert operations... By the time the Gehlen Organization became part of the West German state, Gehlen already had his agent-in-place in the United States. He was Otto Albrecht von Bolschwing, who had been a captain in Heinrich Himmler’s dreaded SS and Adolph Eichmann's superior in Europe and Palestine. Von Bolschwing worked simultaneously for Dulles' OSS. When he entered the U.S. in February, 1954, he cleverly concealed his nazi past. He was to take over Gehlen's network not only in this country but in many corners of the globe. He became closely associated with the late Elmer Bobst [Pilgrims Society; SMOM; anti-Jewish; accused of sexual abuse granddaughters and great-granddaughters] of Warner-Lambert Pharmaceutical, a godfather of Richard Nixon's political career, which brought him inside Nixon's 1960 campaign for the presidency. In 1969 he showed up in California with a high-tech firm called TCI that held classified Defense Department contracts. His translator for German projects was Helene van Damme, Governor Ronald Reagan's appointments secretary." Gehlen remained head of the BND until his retirement in 1968. He produced numerous reports claiming a Soviet invasion of the west was imminent; that the Soviets were building a fleet of flying wing jet fighters; that the Soviets were planning a huge submarine fleet to starve Europe into submission; etc, which heightened the tensions between the two power blocs. Many are of the opinion that some of these reports were exaggerated to justify the existence of Gehlen's Nazi spy outfit. Doubts have also been raised over the effectiveness of the Gehlen Org in providing intelligence on Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.

Gerber, Conrad

Sources: April 19, 2005, 18:30, Executives International, 'Forum Dinner - "The Barrel at $99?"' (Guest Speaker: Mr. Conrad Geber)

Studied economics, law, and diplomacy at the University of Cape Town and at the Institut des Hautes Etudes Internationales in Geneva. Worked as an economist in the government of Rhodesia. Admits that he first learned about the oil business in the 1970s when he was helping to circumvent international sanctions against Rhodesia and to procure illegal oil for his country. Started Petro-Logistics in 1980, shortly after the United Nations lifted sanctions against the country. Chairman and CEO of Petro-Logistics ever since, a firm that collects and analyses data on the world's supplies of oil. His company uses tricks from intelligence work to pierce the curtain of secrecy raised by oil-producing countries, especially the members of OPEC in the Persian Gulf. He tracks tanker loadings at major oil ports, relying on a network of about two dozen closely guarded sources. The tanker data is combined with tips from oil executives and synthesized into regular reports for his clients. Gerber's ability to move markets is well known. "Petro-Logistics estimates have a significant market impact, as they are widely recognized as an important source on OPEC supply," said Fatih Birol, the chief economist for the International Energy Agency (IEA), an organization based in Paris that is one of Mr Gerber's clients. Petro-Logistics, meanwhile, "is very well connected in the gulf and the Black Sea," said David Knapp, the senior editor for global markets at the Energy Intelligence Group, a publishing and information services company. Mr Knapp used to work at the International Energy Agency, where he said he relied on Mr Gerber's reports. Petro-Logistics is not the only group to rely on tanker tracking for supply data. Lloyd's Marine Intelligence Unit, part of the Informa Group, uses a network of 900 agents at 2,000 ports and cities, said Andrew Lorimer, manager of oil trade analysis for the unit, which is based in London. Lloyd's also publishes an estimate for seaborneoil on a regular basis. Among his business associates and friends, Mr Gerber counted Theodore G. Shackley, one of the CIA's most famous spymasters, who led efforts to battle Fidel Castro when he was station chief in Miami in the early 1960's. Shackley (an important Cercle member) engaged in some oil trading after he retired from the CIA in 1979. Mr Gerber said he was at Mr Shackley's bedside just before he died last year. Fellow of the London Energy Institute. Member of the Club de Nice (for Energie et Géopolitique). Member of Le Cercle and President of CRES (the Centre de Recherches Entreprises et Sociétés), a consulting firm based in Geneva.

Geusau, Frans Alting Von

Source(s): 1985 Cercle particpants list, Washington D.C.

Professor of international law University of Utrecht in the 1980s. Chair John F. Kennedy Institute, University of Tilburg. Director Nederlands Instituut voor Vredesvraagstukken, founded in 1969. In 1979 co-founder of the Centrum voor CVSE informatie, of which Cees van den Heuvel became the director. CVSE stood for Conferentie voor Veiligheid en Samenwerking in Europa, primarily a project of the East-West Institute of van den Heuvel. Chair of Professor of International Organizations at Tilburg University. Director Center Parcs Europe N.V.

May 29, 2007, Volkskrant, 'Will it become the networker or the party veteran? ('Wordt het de netwerker of de partijtijger?'): "This time an inspiring answer is expected of the two candidate chairmen of the CDA [Christian Democrat Appeal, a major Dutch party], Jeroen Alting von Geusau (39) ... Jeroen Alting von Geusau is the son of emeritus professor of international law Frans Alting von Geusau, a famed "communist-eater." Who at the height of the cruise missile debate in the Netherlands, more than a quarter century ago, reached national fame due to his observation that the peace movement was infiltrated and financed by the Russians."

royalehuwelijken.web-log.nl (1975 informatie): "De getuigen zijn professor dr. Frans Alting von Geusau en zijn echtgenote Anna Houben uit Oisterwijk..."

May 1985, No. 3, De Rooie Roeptoeter, p. 11: "Our townsman Prof. Jhr. F. Alting von Geusau has become a Knight in the Order of the Dutch Lion ... In RRT no. 1 we already reported on his activities in the OSL [Oud Strijders Legioen]. This time attention is given to his involvement in other right wing clubs as Opus Dei, ICIO and Stichting Vrije Vrouwen [anti-feminist Free Women Foundation]."

Christiaan Alting von Geusau joined the Knights of malta in 2008. Jonkheer Jeroen Alting von Geusau joined the Knights of Malta in 2012. An Alexander Alting von Geusau was chairman of the management board of the JASON Foundation.

July/August 1977, JASON Magazine: "Daily management: chairman: R.D. Praaning Prawira Adiningrat; ... General management: mr. Th. Bot; ... Advisory Board: dr. W. F. van Eekelen (chairman) ... C. C. van den Heuvel..." October/November 1985, JASON Magazine: "Redactie JASON Magazine: Chief editor: Alexander Alting von Geusau ... General management: A. Alting von Geusau... Advisory Board: Dr. W. F. van Eekelen (chairman) ... C. C. van den Heuvel..." Winter 1990-1991, JASON Magazine: "General board: A.G.F.M. Alting von Geusau ... Advisory Council: Prof. drs. V. Halberstadt ... C. C. van den Heuvel; H.J.M. Hoefnagels [from about 1987 and on]; Mr. J.G.N. de Hoop Scheffer [from about 1987]... R.D. Praaning... "

September/October 1977, JASON Magazine: "Vertegenwoordigers van drie politieke jongeren organisaties, PPR-jongeren, de Federatie van Jongeren Groeperingen in de PvdA (FJG) en de Jongeren Organisatie Vrijheid en Democratie (JOVD) vertelden hoe zij Oost-Europa zagen. ... De partijpolitieke stokpaardjes waren bij Ad Melkert (PPR jongeren) aanwezig in zijn aandringen op ontwapening, bij Gijs de Vries (JOVD ) in de vorm van de voorgestane "gelijkwaardigheid van alle mensen"..."

December 1982, JASON Magazine: "The idea was conceived to organize an exchange between Dutch and American policymakers, accompanied by some members of the Jason boards and editors, in order to increase the knowledge and understanding of each other's countries and polities. A counterpart american group, a committee on Future Dutch-American Relations, under chairmanship of Dr. Stanly R. Sloan, was set up too. Both organisations arranged a programme, which you will fmd in this issue. Of both pogrammes a list of participants can be found. ln this issue of Jason Magazine the programme in the Netherlands will be emphasized. The American delegation has got a wide view of Dutch society by visiting representatives of the different dornestic interest groups, both at the political and industrial level. ... [Those who gave speeches:] Dr. Ir. A .E. Pannenborg, vice president of Philips Company ... Prof. Dr. Jhr. F.A.M. Alting von Geusau, director of the John F. Kennedy Institute ... Richard Perle ... Eugene Rostow ... Helmut Sonnenfeldt ... Norman Bailey ... Dennis Blair ... "

December 1983, JASON Magazine: "Het kan nog alle kanten opgaan. De parlementaire hoorzitting Ter verbetering van het inzicht van de parlementsleden in de moderniseringsproblematiek wordt een openbare hoorzitting gehouden. Drie externe deskundigen zijn hiervoor aangetrokken: Yves Luysterborg van de Vrije Universiteit te Brussel, Léon Wecke van het Studiecentrum voor Vredesvraagstukken te Nijmegen en Gijs de Vries van het Instituur voor Internationale Betrekkingen te Leiden."

sites.google.com/site/teldersdispuut/dispuut (accessed: May 9, 2014): "Het Volkenrechtelijk Dispuut "Professor mr B.M. Telders", verbonden aan de juridische faculteit van de Universiteit Leiden, is op 12 februari 1947 opgericht ter nagedachtenis aan hoogleraar Volkenrecht, professor meester Benjamin Marius Telders, die tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog in een Duits concentratiekamp is omgekomen."

sites.google.com/site/teldersdispuut/dispuut/organisatie-2 (accessed: May 9, 2014): "Honorary chairmen: Prof. Jhr Dr F.A.M. Alting von Geusau; ... Prof. Mr L.J. [Laurens Jan] Brinkhorst [politician; Bilderberg veteran; Friends of Europe; daughter married Prince Constantijn of Orange]; Prof. Mr J.G. [Jaap] de Hoop Scheffer [NATO secretary general; Bilderberg; Munich Security Conference; Centre for European Policy Studies; ECFR] ... Honorary Chairmen In Memoriam: Prof. mr F.M. baron van Asbeck; Prof. mr H.J. baron van Asbeck; Prof. Dr E.H. [Ernst Hans] van der Beugel [Kissinger wrote his 1965 Ph.D. dissertation; secretary of Bilderberg]; Prof. mr P.H. [Pieter] Kooijmans [foreign affairs minister] ... Previous directors: ... 1976-1977: ... Mevr. Drs L.E. Schimmelpenninck-Korthals Altes..."

Annual Report 2012, Hoge Raad van Adel (High Council of Nobility) (translated from Dutch): "Aan de Souvereine Militaire Orde van Malta, Afdeling Nederland, werd in het verslagjaar een verklaring van admissie tot deze orde verstrekt ten behoeve van Johanna Walburga Maria Ignatia van Meeuwen - barones van Hövell tot Westerflier en Wezeveld als dame van Eer en Devotie." Annual Report 2012, Hoge Raad van Adel (High Council of Nobility) (translated from Dutch): "Aan de Souvereine Militaire Orde van Malta, Afdeling Nederland, werden in het verslagjaar verklaringen van admissie tot deze orde verstrekt ten behoeve van Jonkheer Jeroen Emmanuel Petrus Maria Alting von Geusau en Huibert Willem Ernest baron van Hövell tot Westervlier en Wezeveld als ridders van Eer en Devotie en van Hermance Liliane Sophie barones van Heeckeren van Keil en Mechteld Yvonne Maria barones van Hövell tot Westerflier als dames van Eer en Devotie." Annual Report 2011, Hoge Raad van Adel (High Council of Nobility) (translated from Dutch): "Aan de Souvereine Militaire Orde van Malta, Afdeling Nederiand, werden in het verslagjaar verklaringen van admissie tot deze orde verstrekt ten behoeve van Carel Jan Bertram baron de Loë, jonkheer Lodewijk Thomas van Meeuwen en Juliaan René Marcel ridder van Rap- pard als ridders van Eer en Devotie, von. jonkvrouw Emilie Clementine Dorothée Rutgers van Rozenburg, Jenny Anne Marie barones van Voorst tot Voorst en Marie-Pauline Josine baro- nes van Voorst tot Voorst als dames van Eer en Devotie en van jonkheer Barend de Roy van Zuidewijn en jonkheer Jan Frangois Marie van der Does de Willebois als ridders van Gratie en Devotie." Annual Report 2010, Hoge Raad van Adel (High Council of Nobility) (translated from Dutch): "Aan de Souvereine Militaire Orde van Malta, Afdeling Nederland, werden in het verslagjaar verklaringen van admissie tot deze orde verstrekt ten behoeve van jonkheer Hugo Philippe Marie van der Goes, jonkheer Aurelius Eliot Groeninx van Zoelen, Axel Diederik Constantijn baron von Maltzahn, jonkheer Lodewijk Everard Reyndert Wittert van Hoogland en Willem Daniël Jan Marie baron de Constant Rebecque als ridders van Eer en Devotie en jonkheer Jan François Marie van der Does de Willebois als ridder van Gratie en Devotie." Annual Report 2009, Hoge Raad van Adel (High Council of Nobility) (translated from Dutch): "Aan de Souvereine Militaire Orde van Malta, Afdeling Nederland, werd in het verslagjaar een verklaring van admissie tot deze orde verstrekt ten behoeve van Alexander Frans Jacob baron van Hövell tot Westervlier en Wezeveld." Annual Report 2008, Hoge Raad van Adel (High Council of Nobility) (translated from Dutch): "Aan de Souvereine Militaire Orde van Malta, Afdeling Nederland, werden in het verslagjaar verklarin-gen van admissie tot deze orde verstrekt ten behoeve van Gysbrecht Christiaan Johannes baron Speyart van Woerden en van jonkheer Christiaan Willem John Maria Alting von Geusau. Laatstgenoemde wenste admissie tot de Oostenrijkse afdeling van de Orde. Weliswaar kon de Raad verklaren dat hij aan de (statutaire) voorwaarden van de Nederlandse afdeling voldoet, maar heeft geen competentie tot beoordeling van de voorwaarden van buitenlandse afdelingen." Annual Report 2007, Hoge Raad van Adel (High Council of Nobility) (translated from Dutch): "Aan de Souvereine Militaire Orde van Malta, Afdeling Nederland, werden in het verslagjaar verklaringen van admissie tot deze orde verstrekt ten behoeve van Olivier Charles Marie Ghislain baron van Lamsweerde, jonkheer Louis Emile Arnold Joseph van Meeuwen, Gerard Paul baron van Lawick van Pabst, jonkheer Elco Titus Jozef Marie van Grotenhuis van Onstein en Felicia Anna Cécile barones von Maltzahn." Annual Report 2006, Hoge Raad van Adel (High Council of Nobility) (translated from Dutch): "Aan de Souvereine Militaire Orde van Malta, Afdeling Nederland, werden in het verslagjaar verklaringen van admissie tot deze orde verstrekt ten behoeve van Emilie Anne Louise barones van Voorst tot Voorst, Leïla Marie Agnès Geneviève Andrée gravin de Marchant et d‟Ansembourg en Patrick Frederik Ferdinand ridder de van der Schueren." Annual Report 2005, Hoge Raad van Adel (High Council of Nobility) (translated from Dutch): "Aan de Souvereine Militaire Orde van Malta, Afdeling Nederland, werden in het verslagjaar verklaringen van admissie tot deze orde verstrekt ten behoeve van jonkheer Christiaan Frans Carel Theodorus Marie van Nispen tot Sevenaer, Dereck Herman baron van Hövell tot Westerflier, Eduard Theodoor Alphons Joseph Maria ridder de van der Schueren en jonkvrouw Ilona Reiniera Adelheid Machteld Genoveva Maria van Weede." Annual Report 2004, Hoge Raad van Adel (High Council of Nobility) (translated from Dutch): "Aan de Souvereine Militaire Orde van Malta, Afdeling Nederland, werd in het verslagjaar een verklaring van admissie tot deze orde verstrekt ten behoeve van jonkheer Frans Eugène Joseph Marie de Roy van Zuidewijn."

ordevanmalta.nl/algemeen_kapittel.htm (accessed: June 2, 2014): "Association Netherlands - Present Board: Chairman: Jonkheer mr. Peter L.M. van Meeuwen; Coadjutor [co-chair]: Drs. Marie Christine I. barones van Hövell tot Westerflier ... Work Master: Willemijn M.M.J. Duynstee – de Roy van Zuidewijn; ... Previous Chairmen: Mr. Berend-Jan M. baron van Voorst tot Voorst 2005-2010; Mr. Zweder M.O.H. baron van Hövell tot Westerflier 2002-2005; Mr. Seger J.J. baron van Voorst tot Voorst 1992-2002; Mr. Erik T.M. baron van Voorst tot Voorst 1970-1992; Ir. Johannes Baptista G.M. ridder de van der Schueren 1964-1970; Mr. Eduard H.J. baron van Voorst tot Voorst 1953-1964; Zeno Th.J.F. baron van Dorth tot Medler 1942-1953; Zeno Th.J.F. baron van Dorth tot Medler (Acting) 1939-1942; Louis F.J.M. baron van Voorst tot Voorst 1936-1939; Mr. Eduard O.J.M. baron van Hövell van Wezeveld en Westerflier 1931-1936; J.J. Godfried baron van Voorst tot Voorst 1911-1931."

parlement.com/id/vg09llc7cdto/h_f_m_baron_van_voorst_tot_voorst (accessed: June 2, 2014): " H.F.M. baron van Voorst tot Voorst... luitenant-generaal titulair b.d., 1948 ... - voorzitter ARKO (Algemeene R.K. Officierenvereeniging), omstreeks 1932. - voorzitter Legercommissie, van 10 juli 1947 tot juli 1948. - voorzitter Vlootcommissie, van 10 juli 1947 tot juli 1948. - voorzitter Defensiecommissie, van 9 juli 1948 tot juni 1949. - grootofficier civiele huis van H.M. koningin Juliana, van 28 april 1961 tot 9 juli 1971. ... ere- en devotie ridder Soevereine en militaire orde van Malta. ... Zijn zoons waren pater Jezuïet [Jesuit priest, common in the family). Zijn broers Cuno en Clemens waren officier, zijn broer Jan Joseph Godfried was later commandant van het veldleger. Commandeur in de Orde van Oranje-Nassau. ... familierelaties: - Zoon van J.J.G. baron van Voorst tot Voorst, Eerste Kamerlid en -voorzitter. - Neef van A.E. baron van Voorst tot Voorst, Commissaris der Koningin. - Neef (oomzegger) van A.E.J. baron van Voorst tot Voorst, Commissaris der Koningin. - Kleinzoon van W.C.J.J. Cremers, Eerste en Tweede Kamerlid."

December 13, 2006, Elsevier (mainstream Dutch publication), 'Society: De enige club waarvan je geen lid kunt worden': "Eindelijk, het mag weer,' zegt Max baron van Hövell tot Westerflier (56), notaris te Wijchen. Naast hem staat zijn schoonvader, de zwaar gedecoreerde baron Speyart van Woerden, voormalig ambassadeur en telg uit een oud adellijk geslacht. Van Hövell kijkt tevreden om zich heen en daarvoor heeft hij ook alle reden. Het is feest op paleis Het Loo en bijna alle genodigden zijn van adel. ... In een hoek vertelt dominee Peronne Boddaert (37), van Zeeuwse adel, dat ze dolgraag sneeuwhoen eet en aan rally's meedoet. Verderop legt Jan-Willem baron van Oldeneel tot Oldenzeel uit waarom hij beeldhouwer is geworden. En Maurice ridder de van der Schueren werft voor de Orde van Malta. Reden van het feest is de negentigste verjaardag van de Nederlandse afdeling van de oeroude Souvereine Militaire Hospitaal Orde van Malta, in de vroege Middeleeuwen begonnen als kruisridders. Organisator van het lustrum is de opgewekte René ridder van Rappard (58), die grote plannen heeft met de Orde van Malta. 'En wie mij kent, weet dat ik goeie partijen organiseer!' roept hij. Daarom heeft hij ook veel meer mensen uitgenodigd dan degenen die bij de Orde van Malta horen – overigens zouden dat er ook niet genoeg zijn om deze ruimte te vullen. ... Iedereen weet wie met wie is of was getrouwd, van wie dat de kinderen zijn, waar ze wonen en wat ze doen. Ze weten het van horen zeggen of uit de rode boekjes, in het jargon 'rode verklikkers' geheten, die sinds 1903 worden uitgegeven. Daarin staan alle adellijke famieljes, hun werk, huwelijken, echtscheidingen en kinderen. Binnen de adel bestaat een hiërarchie en iedereen weet wie de oudste familie is, wie nog landerijen heeft en op het voorouderlijk huis woont. Ook is er protestantse adel die neerkijkt op katholieke adel: de protestanten zijn immers inheems van oorsprong en de katholieken komen uit het zuiden. Of de exclusieve Maltezers die honend van de Johanniters zeggen dat 'iedereen daarbij mag'. ... De banden tussen de adel en het koningshuis zijn, om het netjes uit te drukken, zwak. Toch bestaat de Nederlandse adel omdat het land een koninkrijk is, zegt Wolleswinkel. In republieken als Duitsland en Frankrijk bestaat de adel staatsrechtelijk niet meer, al tiert die daar welig. Maar Majesteit lijkt niet veel belangstelling te hebben voor de Nederlandse adel. Die wordt niet of amper op feesten gevraagd. En de telgen van Oranje trouwen met gewone meisjes. 'Had nou niet één van die zoons met een meisje van adel kunnen trouwen?' vraagt Van Hövell zich licht geërgerd af. De adel voelt zich, zo lijkt het, genegeerd door het koningshuis, dat liever aansluiting zoekt bij nieuwe rijken. Zelfs hofdames zijn tegenwoordig niet meer allemaal van adel."

--- MK-ULTRA links and James Monroe who is linked Van den Heuvel --

2007, Beatrice de Graaf et al., 'Battleground Western Europe: intelligence operations in Germany and the twentieth century', pp. 172-178: "The Dutch were certainly given te initiative to develop plans for an institutional arrangement that could back up the twice-yearly colloques with a permanent base. Already in October 1959 Van den Heuvel led a study group that produced the report An Outline for an International Institute to Combat Communist Psychological Warfare, which proposed the formation of a network of national institutes that would then be connected by an overarching international coordination centre. The result of this study was the creation in 1960 of the Dutch national institute, the Stichting voor Onderzoek van Ecologische Vraagstukken (Foundation for the Investigation of Ecological Problems, SOEV), with Van den Heuvel, still in the BVD, as director. The SOEV was named after the CIA-funded Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology in New York, which Van den Heuvel had visited with a Study study group in February 1959. SOEV was meant to function as a coordination point in the Netherlands for the study of communist psychological warfare strategy and techniques, and possible methods for psychological defence, in the new context engendered by peaceful coexistence. Through Prince Bernhard’s contacts came the necessary financial capital from leading Dutch industrial concerns: AKU (later AKZO), Philips, Shell, Unilever. This was an extension of the active interest Dutch business had shown in combating communist influence during the 1950s. … The Dutch military … and certain political parties also made use of SOEV’s expertise. … SOEV’s task in the Netherlands was strengthened in 1962 with the Stichting ter Voorlichting over de Oost-West Verhouding (Institute for Information on East-West Relations). … in 1965 it was merged with SOEV to form Oost-West Instituut, thereby joining the training and advisory functions of SOEV with the scholarly-intellectual output of the journal. … psychological warfare capability within NATO had met opposition… Bonnemaison was forced to withdraw when in early 1963 de Gaulle close down the Cinquieme Bureaux. Already in January 1962 Einthoven learnt from his BND partners that French cooperation could no longer be guaranteed, and ‘that France could only “symbolically” join in with Interdoc.’ … De Gaulle was less interested in psychological warfare matters and the bureau had become a site of opposition to his policy for Algerian independence. What is more, de Gaulle’s reconfiguration of Atlantic affairs included a level of rapprochement with Moscow, a goal which obviously made problematic direct involvement in an international coalition developing anti-communist psychological warfare. … After 1962 French participants continued to be invited and to attend Interdoc meetings, but they came as individuals and not as official representatives. … In an article in 1961 Van den Heuvel himself referred to how this cadre formation must be focused on the three most influential areas in society: education, the military, and the business world. … Interdoc’s role was to establish training facilities for aspiring individuals who would then form a kind of anti-communist intellectual vanguard within each nation’s body politic."

2007, Beatrice de Graaf et al., 'Battleground Western Europe: intelligence operations in Germany and the twentieth century', p. 188: "Van den Heuvel to James L. Monroe [head Psychological Warfare Division, SHAEF; Responsible for the leaflet bomb; Close to CIA in Korean War prisoners; psychological warfare expert at the CIA-linked Human Resources Research Institute (HRRI; on the advisory board: Charles Dollard, president Carnegie Corp. (as chairman) and Dr. Leland DeVinney of the Rockefeller Foundation) until 1957; executive director CIA-funded Human Ecology Fund 1961-63; supervised the grants to MK-ULTRA scientists as Ewen Cameron], 21 July 1961, File: SOEV map I, Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, 1958-1964. ... Brian Crozier has stated that Jean Violet "More or less took over the colloques." Brian Crozier, interview, London, 4 November 2004."

1995, Eric Thomas Chester, 'Covert network: progressives, the International Rescue Committee, and the CIA', p. 80: "To guarantee the financial solvency of this operation, the Harvard Refugee Interview Project "was funded by OPC [Office of Policy Coordination], using the Air Force Human Resources Research Institute as a conduit.""

1990, Harvey Weinstein, 'Father, Son and CIA', p. 137: "As these concerns heated up [signed confessions and seemingly uncoerced radio broadcasts from U.S. pilots captured by the Chinese], a working group was set up by the air force under the leadership of a man named Fred Williams. This group, the Air Force Psychological Warfare Division, was located a Maxwell Air Force Base in Montgomery, Alabama, and was part of a network attempting to understand the implications of the POW confessions. Among those associated with this group were Colonel James Monroe (who was later to join the CIA); Albert Biderman, a sociologist; air force psychiatrists Herman Sander and Robert J. Lifton; Harold Wolff and Lawrence Hinkle at Cornell; and CIA psychologist John Gittinger. … It was Wolff and Hinkle who produced the major treatise on brainwashing that emerged during this period [Korean War]. Originally written as a report for the Technical Services Division of the CIA in 1956, it was published in a major psychiatric journal, the Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry, in the same year under the title, Communist Interrogation and Indoctrination of “Enemies of the State”…"

John Marks, 'The Search for the Manchurian Candidate', p. 115: "From 1955 to 1958, Agency officials passed funds through the Society for work on criminal sexual psychopaths at Ionia State Hospital, [3] a mental institution located on the banks of the Grand River in the rolling farm country 120 miles northwest of Detroit. This project had an interesting hypothesis: That child molesters and rapists had ugly secrets buried deep within them and that their stake in not admitting their perversions approached that of spies not wanting to confess. The MKULTRA men reasoned that any technique that would work on a sexual psychopath would surely have a similar effect on a foreign agent. Using psychologists and psychiatrists connected to the Michigan mental health and the Detroit court systems, they set up a program to test LSD and marijuana, wittingly and unwittingly, alone and in combination with hypnosis. Because of administrative delays, the Michigan doctors managed to experiment only on 26 inmates in three years—all sexual offenders committed by judges without a trial under a Michigan law, since declared unconstitutional. The search for a truth drug went on, under the auspices of the Human Ecology Society, as well as in other MKULTRA channels."

July 28, 1985, Washington Post, '25 Years of Nightmares': "Helms had ordered papers concerning the experiments in Montreal destroyed in 1973, but in 1977, acting on a Freedom of Information Act request by writer John Marks, then-CIA director Adm. Stansfield Turner announced that some files had not been destroyed. Those documents form the basis of what is generally known about the work of D. Ewen Cameron. A CIA chemist, Sidney Gottlieb, supervised the MKULTRA project from within the agency, documents show. A CIA doctor, Lt. Col. James L. Monroe, worked undercover and ran the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, the organization that channeled money to Cameron and the Allan Institute. Rauh contends that Cameron knew the CIA was interested in his work and actively solicited the grant. With the CIA's approval (and with checks drawn against U.S. Treasury funds), documents show that Monroe got at least $60,000 to Cameron."

August 13, 1977, Facts on File World News Digest, 'CIA mind-control tests revealed': "The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had sponsored a $25-million program of secret mind-control experiments at universities, prisons and hospitals, it was revealed Aug. 1-9. It was also reported that many of these experiments were funded through ostensibly private medical research foundations and that,in some cases, the tests were performed on unwitting subjects. Details of the experiments were contained in more than 2,000 documents discovered in the CIA's archives and made available to the press through the Freedom of Information Act. Additional information was revealed in the testimony of CIA officials at a Senate joint committee hearing and in press interviews with medical researchers connected with the project. According to the sources, the project had gotten underway in 1950 and had lasted until 1973. The tests had been prompted by the belief that the Chinese and Soviets had developed sophisticated "brain washing" devices and techniques that had to be countered. The CIA project had various code names over the 23-year period, including "Project Bluebird," "Project Artichoke" and "MK-Ultra." The project consisted of wide-ranging experiments using drugs, hypnosis and behavior control devices. It had aimed at developing means to induce disorientation, amnesia and unconsciousness in enemy agents or to make them susceptible to interrogation. According to the documents, the CIA had chiefly funded the mind-control tests through two private foundations, the Geschikter Foundation for Medical Research and the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology Inc. The foundation had been established in 1939 by Dr. Charles F. Geschikter, a prominent pathologist and medical researcher. The society had been co-founded in 1955 by Dr. Harold Wolff, a friend of then-Director of Central Intelligence Allen W. Dulles. Air Force Col. James L. Monroe, a brain-washing expert, had assumed directorship of the society in 1956 at the CIA's behest, it was reported. The Geschikter Foundation, based in Washington, was still in existence. The society had been disbanded in 1965. Among the activities substantiated by the documents and testimony: * A plan to test drugs on terminal cancer patients at an unnamed medical school. The New York Times said Aug. 4 the institution was the Georgetown University Medical School in Washington. The Geschikter Foundation in 1955 had given Georgetown a $375,000 building grant. Dr. Geschikter was a professor emeritus of pathology at Georgetown. * Behavior-modification through sense deprivation experiments had been conducted between 1955 and 1960 at the Allan Memorial Institute of Psychiatry at McGill University in Montreal. The tests had been conducted on medical personnel by Dr. D. Ewen Cameron and had been funded through the Human Ecology Society. * The CIA, in cooperation with the now-defunct Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, in 1954 had established two "safe houses," on in New York City, the other in San Francisco. These were apartments apparently disguised as brothels to lure unsuspecting men from nearby bars.The subjects were given drugs and their behavior was observed through two-way mirrors. This project was code-named "Operation Midnight Climax." * Prisoners at the federal penitentiary in Atlanta and at the Bordentown Reformatory in New Jersey had been the subjects of experiments using the hallucinogen LSD. These tests were conducted between 1955 and 1964 by Dr. Carl Pfeiffer, a pharmacologist and had been funded through the Geschikter Foundation. * The Human Ecology Society had funded experiments on 142 "sexual psychopaths" at the Iona State Hospital in Michigan between 1957 and 1960.The patients had been given LSD and a marijuana derivative to see if the drugs might be useful during interrogation. * The CIA had channeled funds through the Office of Naval Research for LSD experiments on prisoners at the U.S. Public Health hospital in Lexington, Ky. The tests had been conducted in secret by Dr. Harris Isbell between 1952 and 1963. * Some 200 persons, many of them students from local universities, had been given LSD in experiments at the Boston Psychopathic Hospital (now the Massachusetts Mental Health Center) between 1952 and 1957. The tests had been funded through the Human Ecology Society. Director of Central Intelligence Stansfield Turner said Aug. 3 that the CIA had backed mind-control research at 80 institutions, including 44 colleges and universities. The peak period of the project, he said, was 1953 through 1963, during which the agency supported 185 nongovernment researchers engaged in 149 separate projects. Turner's remarks were made at a joint hearing of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and the subcommittee on health of the Senate Human Resources Committee. Turner told the committee members that the testing had been stopped and that he found it "totally abhorrent" that human beings had been "used as guinea pigs." Turner said he was working with Health, Education and Welfare Secretary Joseph A. Califano and Attorney General Griffin B. Bell in an attempt to locate the subjects of the experiments and discover if they had suffered ill effects from the tests. The documents left unclear exactly how many researchers knew they were working indirectly for the CIA and how many subjects had been duped into taking part in the experiments. The CIA had apparently taken great care to keep its involvement in the research a secret, although scattered evidence of the experiments had been uncovered in recent years, including the details surrounding the 1953 suicide of a man who had unknowingly been given LSD. [See 1976, p. 24F3] Observers noted that the U.S. in 1953 had adopted the Nuremberg Code of 1947, which stated that medical research should be conducted only if it was intended to improve the lot of mankind and with the full consent and knowledge of the subject."

March 12, 1988, Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), 'Torture sessions, paid for by the CIA; Canada': "The CIA has admitted paying Dr Cameron $A97,000 for his work, under a program called MK-ULTRA. The money came from a CIA organisation known as the"Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology". While newspaper stories had appeared in the US in 1977, it was not until the eight victims read about what had been done to them in a 1979 book, The Search for the Manchurian Candidate: the CIA and Mind Control, by John Marks, that they launched their action for $1.4 million. ... Dr Cameron was known as "the godfather" of Canadian psychiatry but a book to be published next year, Journey into Madness, by a British journalist, Mr Gordon Thomas, says that Dr Cameron had a "Faustian" relationship with the early CIA chief, Mr Allen Dulles. He says that the doctor sold his soul so he could perform experiments that would otherwise have been considered unethical The two met in Nuremberg in 1948 when Mr Dulles asked Dr Cameron to help with a psychological examination of Rudolf Hess. Dr Cameron was in Nuremberg to help write a code of ethics for medical experiments in the wake of the revelations at the post-war trials of Nazi "doctors". The code said that patients should be informed and given the right to consent to medical experiments. Dr Cameron died in 1967 at the age of 66 while mountain climbing. His son destroyed his files."

November, 1999, Peace Research, 'Carl Rogers worked for the CIA': "Professor Oya Ersever's article in Peace Research(f.1) advocating the humanistic philosophy of Carl Rogers as a guideline for peace should, perhaps, include a cautionary postscript in the form of an ad hominem criticism of Rogers. Readers should know that Carl Rogers was a knowing and willing accomplice in CIA funding of covert psychological research. Certainly, the CIA is not noted as an agency devoted tot he promotion of peace nor to the humane treatment of people.(f.2) ... The CIA's funding of psychological research was directed by Sidney Gottlieb.(f.4) Various funding fronts were used, for example, the Scientific Engineering Institute(f.5) and Psychological Assessment Associates.(f.6) In 1955, Harold Wolff, from Cornell University's Psychiatry Department created a CIA research front called the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology. This was later shortened to the Human Ecology Fund. The plan was to promote research that would lead to techniques for getting information out of people without their co-operation and without their even knowing that was what you were doing. In 1957, the Human Ecology Fund was legally separated from Cornell. Lt.-Col. James Monroe, former head of the Psychological Warfare Division of the U.S. Air Force, became director, and Carl Rogers joined the board of directors. Rogers is on record as saying that he was well aware that the Human Ecology Fund was a CIA front for covert funding of psychological research, and that he had no problem working for the CIA.(f.7) In fact, the CIA gave Rogers $30,000, which enabled him to leave academics and settle in sunny La Jolla, California.(f.8) There he worked for the Western Behavioural Sciences Institute, which had contracts with the Pentagon for cross-cultural research.(f.9). ... Notes (f.1.) Oya G. Ersever, ''The Humanistic Philosophies of Mevlana Rumi and Carl Rogers: Principles of Effective Communication to Promote Universal Peace,'' Peace Research 31, no. 3 (August 1999), p. 42-50. (f.2.) W. Blum, The CIA: A Forgotten History (London: Zed, 1986). (f.3.) J.D. Marks, The Search for the Manchurian Candidate: The CIA and Mine Control (New York: Times Books, 1979). (f.4.) Ibid. Also Anon, ''CIA's Sidney Gottlieb, 80, Oversaw Brainwashing,'' Toronto Star, 11 March 1999, p. B4. (f.5.) Marks, op. cir Also P. Greenfield, ''CIA's Behaviour' Caper,'' APA Monitor 8, no. 12, p. 1, 10-11. (f.6.) Ibid. (f.7.) Marks, op. cit. (f.8.) M. Klare, The University-Military Complex: A Directory and Related Documents (New York: North, 1970). Also, J. R. Raser, ''Cross-cultural Simulation Research,'' International Journal of Psychology 2, p. 59-67. (f.9.) Greenfield, op. cit., Marks, op. cit."

July 28, 1985, Washington Post, '25 Years of Nightmares; Victims of CIA-Funded Mini Experiments Seek Damages from the Agency': "The experiments, Weinstein says, left his father "a human guinea pig, a poor pathetic man with no memory, no life. He lost his business, he lost everything." Weinstein is one of nine plaintiffs in a lawsuit, seeking damages from the CIA. To erase or "de-pattern" personality traits, Cameron gave his subjects megadoses of LSD, subjected them to drug-induced "sleep therapy" for up to 65 consecutive days and applied electroshock therapy at 75 times the usual intensity. To shape new behavior, Cameron forced them to listen to repeated recorded messages for 16-hour intervals, a technique known as "psychic driving." Cameron and the CIA were interested in brainwashing and the ability to redirect thought and action. The patients did not consent to the treatment and were never told they were being used for research. "When you're 13 years old and you see your father -- an independent, kind, smart person -- become a different man before your eyes, it's impossible to accommodate that," Weinstein says. "I remember one of his first visits home from the hospital. He didn't talk much, and when he did talk it made no sense. When he wasn't sleeping he was drowsy. He asked us things about his parents, even though they'd been dead for years. His memory was gone. At night once, when I was in bed, I saw him come into my room and urinate on the floor. He didn't know where he was. "My father has ended up feeling guilty that he had done something to deserve this punishment. He is convinced the CIA listens to his telephone. He's ashamed, embarrassed. My mother died without seeing the end of this. It will be a tragedy if my father dies without restoring some sense of dignity to his life." Today Louis Weinstein lives alone in Montreal, cared for by his two grown daughters. No one knows the whereabouts of all the subjects, some of whom may be dead. But Louis Weinstein and eight others, including Velma Orlikow, the wife of a New Democratic Party member of the Canadian parliament, claim they have been injured irreparably by the experiments. "I'd say Velma operates at about 20 percent of capacity," David Orlikow says. "It's horrific." The CIA's involvement in mind control experiments has been coming to light for years. The suit filed by the group against the U.S. government has been pending here in U.S. District Court since December 1980 before Judge John Garrett Penn. The plaintiffs originally asked for $1 million each in damages but have cut that to $175,000. The government has offered to pay $25,000. The group's attorney, Joseph Rauh Jr., calls the settlement offer "demeaning" and contends that the CIA has managed to delay the proceedings by "stonewalling." The CIA's counsel, Lee Strickland, declined to comment on the case. Agency spokeswoman Kathy Pherson said, "We don't comment on cases under litigation. It's inappropriate to try cases in the press." In Cameron's defense, Brian Robertson, the present director of the Allan Institute, and James Farquhar, a psychiatrist there, wrote in the Montreal Gazette that "we have not been able to uncover a single shred of evidence that Dr. Cameron knew of the CIA connection with his research funding." They said Cameron's work "must be placed in its historical context" and that "in Cameron's day researchers were not expected to inform their patients of the nature of their research in the way that they are today." The CIA has asked Judge Penn to block Rauh from taking depositions from two key agency figures -- Stacey Hulse and John Knaus, who have been publicly identified as former CIA station chiefs in Ottawa. They are both retired. Cameron, who died of a heart attack while mountain climbing in 1967, had been one of the most prominent psychiatrists in North America. A former president of both the Canadian and American psychiatric associations, he was selected to diagnose Nazi figures, including Rudolf Hess, during the Nuremberg trials. (He declared Hess sane.) But for his work on brainwashing and mind control, critics have called him a "mad scientist." "We hanged Nazis for doing the sort of things Cameron did," says Rauh. "Cameron wanted to be up there with Freud," says David Orlikow. "He wanted that stature, so he would do anything. Anything! It was horrific." Since World War II, U.S. intelligence agencies have been interested in the techniques of controlling behavior and thought. The military was especially intrigued by interrogation techniques used on American POWs during the Korean War. Brainwashing entered the American vocabulary. ... A CIA chemist, Sidney Gottlieb, supervised the MKULTRA project from within the agency, documents show. A CIA doctor, Lt. Col. James L. Monroe, worked undercover and ran the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, the organization that channeled money to Cameron and the Allan Institute. Rauh contends that Cameron knew the CIA was interested in his work and actively solicited the grant. With the CIA's approval (and with checks drawn against U.S. Treasury funds), documents show that Monroe got at least $60,000 to Cameron. Velma Orlikow: I suffer from chronic depression which sometimes becomes acute. I call those periods my 'black holes.' I don't see anybody and I won't leave the house. I can't read and I used to love to read. I can't write a letter. I have unexplained fears. I wake up at night afraid and I don't know why. I'm trying to limp through my life like someone who's been in a terrible accident that leaves them crippled. Dr. Cameron could be cruel if you didn't do exactly what he wanted. He was a god figure to the patients. He'd say to me, 'What's the matter with you, lassie?' I still hear his voice sometimes. Ewen Cameron was born in Scotland and educated at the University of Glasgow, the Glasgow Royal Mental Hospital and at Johns Hopkins. He first won a measure of fame for setting up mobile psychiatric clinics in the '30s in Canada. During the war, Cameron was part of an international committee of psychiatrists and social scientists who studied the origins and nature of Nazi culture. He published numerous articles on mass psychology during wartime. Cameron began the Allan Memorial Institute in 1943 with the help of a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation. He gave numerous speeches on "the problem of Germany" and believed that the psychology and forces that gave to rise to Nazism may have been longstanding in German culture. Although he was based in Montreal, Cameron became an American citizen and angered many in the bilingual community of Montreal for being an insistent English speaker. More and more, Cameron came to believe in the possibility of changing the human mind, of altering thought and behavior patterns. But rather than experiment in psychotherapy, what Freudians have called "the talking cure," Cameron believed in quicker, organic means, including drugs and electroshock. He began experimenting on organic ways of controlling schizophrenia. The experiments of 1957-1961 were done on patients, mostly women, who entered the Allan Institute voluntarily, usually at the recommendation of a private physician. Louis Weinstein went to the institute suffering from respiratory and digestive difficulties caused by anxiety. After undergoing the complete treatment of LSD and other drugs, electroshock and psychic driving, Weinstein is, in his son's words, a "lost soul . . . My father has no social sense, how to keep clean, how to carry on a conversation." "They took his self away from him." Velma Orlikow suffered from depression after the birth of her daughter. After several years of treatment with a private psychiatrist in Winnipeg, she entered the Allan Institute to speed her progress. Without being told the nature of the injections, she was given shots of LSD on 14 occasions and went through psychic-driving sessions. She found the treatments frightening but, according to her testimony, Cameron persuaded her to continue until 1963. Now Orlikow says she cannot concentrate well, can no longer read books or magazine articles. Dr. Mary Morrow approached Cameron for a fellowship in psychiatry, but Cameron thought, after a physical exam, that Morrow appeared "nervous" and admitted her as a patient instead. For 11 days, Morrow says she underwent de-patterning experiments that included electroshock treatment, and barbiturates. The treatment resulted in a brain anoxia -- not enough oxygen reaching the brain -- and she was hospitalized. Today Morrow suffers from prosopagnosia -- she cannot recognize people's faces. The list goes on. Robert Logie, a native of Vancouver, says he cannot hold a steady job or sleep without the help of drugs. He suffers from severe depression and still dreams about the experiments. Lyvia Stadler of Montreal has been institutionalized. In his court claim, Rauh claims that not only did the experiments have "no likely therapeutic value," they also violated the accepted standards of medical experimentation as formulated at the Nuremberg War Crimes Trials and ratified in the Charter of the United Nations."

Jeroen Alting von Geusau (son of Frans):
Université Catholique de Louvain Franciscan University of Steubenville. Leiden University 1990-1995. Member Minerva. IMD Business School 2008. Founder and president of the CDJA working group on Central and Eastern Europe, 1993-1995. CDA working group on European policy, 1993-1997. Treasurer and executive member of the European Young Christian Democrats (EYCD) 1994-1997. Participated in Central European training sessions in Bulgaria, Slovakia, and Slovenia of the Eduardo Frei Foundation***. Regional secretary VNO-NCW (largest employer organization) 1995-1997. Manager public affairs Corus (Hoogovens/smelting ovens) 1997-1999. Marketing manager automotive Corus 1999-2001. Product / project manager Automotive Philips Lighting (France) 2001-2005. Business manager (automotive) NXP Semiconductors (Philips) 2005-2008. External Communications Netherlands Railways 2008-2012. Several voluntary functions CDA [Christian Democrat Appeal, a major Dutch party]. May 29, 2007, Volkskrant, 'Will it become the networker or the party veteran? ('Wordt het de netwerker of de partijtijger?'): "This time an inspiring answer is expected of the two candidate chairmen of the CDA [Christian Democrat Appeal, a major Dutch party], Jeroen Alting von Geusau (39) ... Jeroen Alting von Geusau is the son of emeritus professor of international law Frans Alting von Geusau, a famed "communist-eater." Who at the height of the cruise missile debate in the Netherlands, more than a quarter century ago, reached national fame due to his observation that the peace movement was infiltrated and financed by the Russians." Joined the Knights of Malta in 2012.

*** 1997, Robert Hutchison, 'Their kingdom come - Inside the secret world of Opus Dei' (digital version): "The Vatican had initially supported the Christian Democrat leader, Eduardo Frei, but became uneasy about reports from Ibanez Langlois that Frei was building bridges to the radical trade union movement. Until then, the Vatican had regarded Chile as a possible model for social change in Latin America. While Vatican doubts set in, the Jesuits continued to insist that Frei was the only person capable of stopping Marxism in Chile. This view was not shared by Ibanez Langlois or his politically active recruits. With a Chicago-trained economist Pablo Baraona, they formed a Conservative think tank, the Institute for General Studies, which attracted a following of free-market economists, lawyers, publicists and technocrats. Frei's social programme made US president Richard Nixon see red, and at his insistence the CIA began financing the Institute for General Studies in the hope that it could form a counter-elite to the Christian Democrat party. Even when Frei's government had almost mastered Chile's runaway inflation, Nixon still wanted Frei 'hammered' should he be returned to the presidency in the next elections. The right-wing extremists led by Guzman and Puga [both Opus Dei] fractured the Conservative vote, with the result that Salvador Allende won instead by a narrow margin. The Madrid technocrats were opposed to Allende. The Spanish ambassador in Santiago contacted his American counterpart to see what could be done about the 'smiling doctor', as Allende was sometimes known. A broad section of Chileans regarded Allende's election success as a promise of national renewal, but his radical left wing did not wait to consolidate their position constitutionally. They launched 'People's Power', consisting of Peasant Councils that took over the larger farms and Workers' Assemblies that occupied the factories. Under such conditions, the extreme right was not long in making itself felt. The 'spoiling operation' ordered by the CIA was planned inside the Institute for General Studies and resulted in the September 1973 coup by General Augusto Pinochet. His spokesman was the Institute's co-founder Alvaro Puga. Another Institute director, Herman Cubillos, became Pinochet's foreign minister, and the Institute's co-founder, Pablo Baraona, was minister of the economy. The third Institute co-founder, Jaime Guzman, drafted the new constitution. At least two members of the military junta, Admiral Jose Merino and General Jaime Estrada Leigh, were said to be 'sons' of Escriva de Balaguer. Estrada, who previously headed the Nuclear Energy Commission, became housing minister."

Cees van den Heuvel's INTERDOC:

2012, Professor Giles Scott-Smith, 'Western Anti-Communism and the Interdoc Network: Cold War Internationale' (digital version): ""Financially Shell continued to be a faithful supporter [of Interdoc], as accounts for 1978 still indicate a sum of 30,000 guilders from the multinational (alongside 10,000 from Philips and 5000 from Unilever). ... He possessed strong allies, in particular Gerard Peijnenburg, the [Defense] Ministry's Secretary General from 1969 to 1984, and Liberal politician Harm van Riel (an OWI board member), who raised concerns in parliament over the declining motivation of Dutch military personnel. Peijnenburg, as a board member of Stichting Fondsenwerving Militarire Oorlogs- en Dienstenslachtoffers (SFMO: Foundation for Fundraising for Military Casualties in War) was in a key position to direct its large-scale funds (over 70 million guilders in the 1980s) to several of Van den Heuvel's projects, including the Institute for Psychological Defense (Geestelijke Weerbaarheid)... But input was coming elsewhere in the 1970s, as the OWI's financial reports indicate: in 1976 "foreign funds" provided 90,000 guilders.... The most likely source of this support is the Americans... Van den Heuvel, constantly on the lookout for how to maintain this source, would refer to "our Pittsburgh friends" (Scaife) in a letter to Bell. .... Other groups on the anti-communist right - WACL, CEDI, the Pinay Circle - had gradually faded away from Interdoc's circle by the late 1970s. ... Throughout the decade [1970s] Van den Heuvel was supported by two new partners, ... A.C.A. (Tony) Dake and the well-connected businessman Ernst H. van Eeghen [1001 Club]. ... The Dake family's Haëlla Foundation was a crucial new source of funds for Van den Heuvel's activities, providing 30,000 guilders in 1976 alone. [15] Van Eeghen, whose family business interests included the oldest private bank in the Netherlands (Oyens & Van Eeghen, established 1797) and the foodstuffs conglomerate the Van Eeghen Group (established 1662), was another formidable independent operator. Inspired both by his Mennonite beliefs and by the example of the informal Dartmouth conferences between Soviet and American representatives, in the 1970s Van Eeghen used the World Council of Churches and World War II veterans' channels to establish his own contacts with the Soviet security establishment and ran a series of informal seminars at his Berkenrode estate in Haarlem.16 The range of activities pursued during the 1970s to strengthen the transatlantic bond operated along the same lines of defence and offence which had been the trademark of the Interdoc circle since its inception."

2012, Professor Giles Scott-Smith, 'Western Anti-Communism and the Interdoc Network: Cold War Internationale' (digital version): "Finally, Interdoc also had a covert action side, using "dirty tricks" and sometimes direct action to disrupt communist front organizations. The origins and activities of Interdoc therefore fit the claim that the Cold War was primarily an ideological struggle – a battle of ideas. … But this was psychological warfare in its broadest possible sense: not propaganda alone, but a genuine contest between competing ways of life. There were of course many other anti-communist networks active during the Cold War but each had their limitations. Some, such as Paix et Liberte, its successor the Comite International d’Information et d’Action Sociale (CIAS) and the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), were simply too negative in their approach. Others, such as Otto von Habsburg Centre Europeen de Documentation et d’Information (CEDI) and Paul van Zeeland’s Comite International pour la Defense de Civilisation Chretienne (CIDCC), were extensive in membership but founded on catholic values that caused them to be too exclusionary. Then there were groups, such as the Pinay Circle (Le Cercle) around French Prime Minister Antoine Pinay, which were too private and behind-the-scenes [actually also very catholic/Opus Dei]. … One of these was the well-funded Ligue Internationale de la Liberte of Paul vankerkhoven and Suzanne Labin, with around 2000 members in Belgium alone. In a meeting with Mennes in Ghent, Vankerkhoven agreed to distribute Interdoc publications. In one way the Ligue was a step back, since it represented the simplistic kind of right-wing anti-communism that Van den Heuvel and Einthoven had been trying to escape from. Van den heuvel reported to Geyer after a trip to Brussels in January 1970 that, while the Ligue and its associated network (the anti-subversion Centre de Defense nationale, partner groups in France and Italy) were useful for contacts, conference contributions, and special actions “ that officially are better not carried out by Interdoc”, official links had to be limited with an organization that saw communist conspiracy everywhere. For these reasons he declined the offer to join the Ligue’s advisory board “ with polite and careful words.” On the other hand, these kinds of groups represented a new direction which Interdoc would focus on during the 1970s: the promotion of human rights. Other Belgian-based right-wing anti-communist groups, all of them interlinked, would also cross the Interdoc path in this area, such as Vankerkhoven’s cercle des Nations, marcel De Roover’s Brussels office of the Centre Europeen de Documentation et d’Information (CEDI) and Florimond Damman’s Academie Europeenne de Sciences Politiques. … Cedi was the transnational catholic network with Archduke Otto von Habsburg at its head, and there were close ties to the BND. The WACL was especially active in Asia, and it would provide some useful contacts there – Peeters spent the summer of 1968 doing research in Taipei [Taiwan], partly funded by Interdoc. But for an institute like Interdoc, attempting above all to establish itself as a credible voice, these were dangerous waters. Moderate anti-communists were hard to find in the late 1960s. "

Giovannetti, Monsignor Alberto

Sources: 2002, David Rockefeller, 'Memoirs', pp. 412-413, referring to the Pesenti Group

Priest at the Vatican. Vatican diplomat. Representative to the UN. Prominent member of Opus Dei and a virulent anti-communist, according to David Rockefeller in his 2002 memoirs. Defender of Pope Pius XII, who has been accused of not standing up enough to Hitler during WWII. Wrote a novel about the battle between Marxism and Christianity.

Graage, Rolf

Source(s): 1985 Cercle particpants list, Washington D.C.; Adrian Hanni (went to two other meetings in 1985 and 1986)

August 19, 1983, Facts on File World News Digest, 'Eatsco Fined in Arms Shipment Fraud': "The president of Egyptian American Transport and Services Corp. (Eatsco) July 22 pleaded guilty to overcharging the Defense Department $8 million for shipping U.S. military equipment to Egypt. [See 1982, p. 783F2] Eatsco, based in Falls Church, Va., was the exclusive shipping agent of the Egyptian government for arms bought from the U.S. with U.S. loans. The loans were an outgrowth of the 1979 Camp David peace accords. Eatsco President Hussein K. Salem ... Salem also agreed to cooperate with an on-going Justice Department investigation of the arms shipments. The department named as co-conspirators in the fraud Rolf Graage and Thomas Clines. Graage was the president of R. G. Hobelmann & Co., a Baltimore freight company that had extensive dealings with Eatsco. Clines was a former high-ranking official of the Central Intelligence Agency who had founded Eatsco with Salem in 1979. He was also a former business associate of Edwin P. Wilson, the renegade CIA agent currently serving a prison sentence for exporting explosives to Libya. ... The Justice Department was also investigating two former Pentagon officials who had been in charge of overseeing the Eatsco shipments. They were retired Air Force Maj. Gen. Richard V. Secord, an ex-deputy assistant secretary of defense, and Erich F. von Marbod, a former chief of Pentagon arms sales." This group, with help from Shackley and George H. W. Bush, got Inman out of the CIA, fearing their operations would be exposed.

January 17, 1984, Washington Post, 'Firm Headed by Ex-CIA Official Pleads Guilty in Arms Sale Case': "Thomas G. Clines, 55, now a Northern Virginia businessman and once a high official in the CIA's covert operations section, entered the plea and paid a $10,000 fine on behalf of Systems Services International Inc., a firm he founded in 1978. The company, which Clines formed with a loan from former CIA agent Edwin P. Wilson, is no longer in business. Wilson has been convicted of illegal arms dealings with Libya and is serving a 52-year prison sentence. The plea marked the end of a two-year federal investigation of Clines' role in Systems Services, which once held a 49 percent interest in the main shipping contractor for the arms, Egyptian American Transport and Services Corp. (Eatsco). Eatsco, based in Falls Church, pleaded guilty last July to collecting $8 million in illegal profits from overbilling the government for the shipment of tanks, jet fighters, radar devices and other U.S. military items to Egypt."

Grierson, Sir Ronald H.

Source(s): September 25, 2003, Damien McCrystal, City Editor for The Sun, 'Spooky tale from Salzburg; City Insider': "ACROSS my desk come details of a hush-hush gathering in Salzburg of a spooky collection calling itself Le Cercle. Members come from around the world and seem to be dominated by Right-wingers with an interest in the security services. Britain is represented by, among others, spy writer and former Tory MP Rupert Allason, Tory Deputy Leader Michael Ancram, Shadow Foreign Affairs Minister Alan Duncan, former GEC and Warburg director Sir Ronald Grierson, Lord Lamont, Lt Col Tim Spicer of Aegis Defence Services and Sir Stephen Lander, former head of MI5. Is this a new Bilderberg group in the making?"

Born 1921. Born in Nuremburg, Bavaria, and was educated at the Lycée Pasteur, Paris; High Gate School in London; and Balliol College, Oxford. Served in the Black Watch and the parachute regiments 1940-1946. Briefly a staff member of The Economist in London 1947-1948. Later in the Secretariat of the Economic Commission for Europe in Geneva. Executive director of S. G. Warburg and Company from 1948 to 1985. CEO of the Industrial Reorganization Corporation. Member Harvard College Faculty 1964–1965. Vice chairman of the General Electric Co. of Britain 1968-1996. Director-General for Industry and Technology for the European Commission in Brussels from 1973-74. Joined the board of RJR Nabisco in 1978, after serving on the international advisory board since 1974. Director W. R. Grace & Co. 1987-1994. Director of the Chrysler Corporation 1983-1991. Director British Aircraft Corporation (now BAE Systems) 1970-1971, Orion Bank 1971–73, International Computers Ltd. 1974-1976, Chime Communications 1998–2003, Safic Alcan & Cie (Paris), Bank in Liechtenstein (UK) Ltd. and Bank in Liechtenstein (Frankfurt) GmbH. Trustee of the Prince of Liechtenstein Foundation since 1991. Director Daily Mail & General Trust PLC 1994-2001. Director of Globalstar Telecommunications Ltd. since 1996. Trustee of the European Studies Foundation, Oxford University, since 1991. Chairman of Blackstone Europe, The Blackstone Group, United Kingdom anno 2005 (director since 1989). Keen interest in Anglo-American relations and was a member of the governing body of Atlantic College in the United Kingdom 1960-1970. Signer of the European "No" Campaign (ENC) petition, which has brought together executives of many leading British corporations to protest the adoption of a European Constitution. Among the signers are executives of De Beers, Jardine Matheson, IBM, Shell Transport and Trading, BP, Hambro, Schroder Salomom Smith Barney, Goldman Sachs, P&O, Hutchison Whampoa, and the British Invisibles. Executive member of the Pilgrims Society. Has occasionally visited Bilderberg. Known to have visited Le Cercle in 2003.

Griffiths, Sir Eldon Wylie

Source(s): 1985 Washington D.C. meeting

Fellow, Saybrook Coll., Yale, 1948–49; Correspondent, Time and Life magazines, 1949–55; Foreign Editor, Newsweek, 1956–63; Columnist, Washington Post, 1962–63; Conservative Research Department, 1963–64. MP (C) Bury St Edmunds, May 1964–1992; Parly Sec., Min. of Housing and Local Govt, June–Oct. 1970; Parly Under-Sec. of State, DoE, and Minister for Sport, 1970–74; opposition spokesman on trade and industry, and Europe, 1974–76. Former Chairman: Anglo-Iranian Parly Gp; Anglo-Polish Parly Gp. Pres., Special Olympics (UK). Consultant/Adviser, Nat. Police Federation, to 1988; President: Assoc. of Public Health Inspectors, 1969–70; Friends of Gibraltar; World Affairs Council, Orange County, California. Regents’ Prof., Univ. of California, Irvine. Dir, Center for Internat. Business, Chapman Univ., Orange, Calif. Dir, US and UK cos. Hon. Freeman, City of London; Hon. Citizen, Orange County, California. Medal of Honour, Republic of China, Taiwan.

December 24, 2006, Post and Courier, 'Iran's hatred makes diplomacy seem remote': "The chances of establishing a productive dialogue between Western states and the government of Iran seem remote, yet that's precisely what the members of the Iraq Study Group have called for, and that's exactly what Sir Eldon Griffiths advocates, too. Griffiths, a former British parliamentarian, minister and diplomat, a former correspondent for Time magazine and editor at Newsweek magazine, and the founder of the Walter Schmid Center for International Business at Chapman University in Orange, Calif., says engagement is the only good option. Griffiths' perspective is unique. He has worked in Iran or with Iranians for much of his long political career. He knew the country before the 1979 revolution and carefully followed events as they unfolded since. In Charleston for a Foreign Affairs Forum meeting recently, Griffiths said many Iranians are caught between a rock and a hard place. "Iranians in Iran suffer a genuine fear of invasion," he said. Afghanistan is on one side, Iraq on the other, and Americans are keeping busy in both, fighting insurgents and building permanent military bases. "They are scared stiff." And they're proud - proud of their venerable Persian history and rich culture, he said. Ahmadinejad, a veteran of the Iran-Iraq war who is widely perceived as a brave fighter and is motivated by religious doctrine, is taking advantage of these sentiments, scaring his people and using their fear to help justify wrongheaded policies. Griffiths said three big steps should be taken, which are outlined in his forthcoming book, "Turbulent Iran: Recollections, Revelations and a Plan for Peace." First, the world needs a "Gulf Security Pact" that must assuage Iranians' fears of invasion, provide for appropriate defense of Sunni Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait and ensure that Iraq poses no threat to the region. Next, this nonaggression pact must be extended to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which is at the heart of the Mideast's problems. Syria and Lebanon must be engaged so a cooperative political settlement can be reached, one that recognizes both Israel's right to exist in security and the Palestinian's right to self-determination, self-government, security and territory. Finally, if the world is to demand a non-nuclear Iran, then it must not uphold a double standard by allowing Israel to maintain a nuclear weapons arsenal. Israel, Griffiths said, must disarm. What's more, some geopolitical shifting is likely to be required as the United States turns its attentions toward China and Latin America, both emerging economic and political forces, and away from Israel. Europe, which is much closer to the Mideast anyhow, should gradually exercise more influence in the region as the U.S. pulls back. Cycles of history "As history moves on, things do change," Griffiths said. "It's important for the United States not to get stuck in a posture that's not appropriate." Ahmadinejad, a fundamentalist with a good war record, has seized upon the nuclear weapons issue in an effort to assert his country's independence and rights. "And, frankly, we have helped him," Griffiths said. By countering Iran's nuclear ambitions with unyielding demands for disarmament, the West has only demonstrated how valuable nuclear weapons are, he said. As a result, Ahmadinejad is in a stronger position than he otherwise might be. His economy is not in great shape, but his people are scared. Furthermore, when he reached out to President Bush by sending him two letters earlier this year, the Bush administration should not have been so quick to brush him off, Griffiths said. Ahmadinejad was attempting to appeal to Bush's own religious sentiments, citing what he perceives to be the West's hypocrisy and moral decay. Ahmadinejad asked in one letter: How can the U.S. object to weapons of mass destruction, yet at the same time occupy Iraq and kill tens of thousands of people? "The day will come when all humans congregate before the court of the Almighty so that their deeds are examined," Ahmadinejad wrote. "I trust both of us believe in such a day when we must be answerable to our nations and all others whose lives have been affected by our actions." To this Bush made no response. "He is both mad and bad," Griffiths said of the Iranian leader, "but we nonetheless have to deal with him." Griffiths, who spent his first six months as a Parliamentarian in the same chamber with the aged yet ever imposing figure of Winston Churchill, said that during the first half of his life, Iran was a friend of the West, while during the second half of his life, Iran has become its mortal enemy. So how can the West and Iran work together? By pursuing common interests, Griffiths said. Iran is as concerned about narcotic trafficking as the United States and Europe, he said. Why not engage it to do something about poppy production in Afghanistan? And peace in the Mideast is certainly a common goal. Why not seek Iran's direct assistance in forging a solution? Ahmadinejad: Holocaust denier or diplomat? Madman or bad man? Griffiths knows it would be tough going, maybe impossible. "There's no simple answer, but that's not to say there's no answer at all," he said."

Griotteray, Alain

Source(s): 1985 Cercle meeting in Bonn (name appears on a handwritten list of names of Garnier-Lancon, probably persons who were eligible for an invitation)

Pinay's CNIP. Wanted to keep the colonies, including Algeria. MP 1967-73 and 1986-97. In 1963 he became a founding shareholder of the weekly Minute. In 1978 he was a co-founder of the right-wing Figaro Magazine, and became a shareholder, director and columnist. Co-founders were Patrice de Plunkett, Louis Pauwels, and Le Figaro owner Robert Hersant. Unification Church (Moonie Cult) website, Bo Hi Pak, 'Truth is My Sword, Volume II, Appendix 3 Pierre Ceyrac': "When Dr. Pak came to Europe to set up the CAUSA movement in 1983, Europe was in the midst of a major ideological struggle. ... After a careful and competent analysis, meetings with political and intellectual people in France and Europe, Dr. Pak decided to concentrate his activities in France in order to bring a new God-centered vision able to inspire the final battle against Marxism and communism in Europe. ... He was welcomed and assisted by many important personalities, including Alain Griotteray, deputy and editor-in-chief of Figaro magazine; Louis Pauwels, director of Figaro; Jacques Toubon, future minister of Culture in the Chirac administration... Another very notable personality that met with Dr. Pak was Dr. Jacques Soustelle, former vice prime minister of France and one of the main collaborators of De Gaulle during the Second World War and the French resistance." First foreign journalist to interview Reagan. Founder of Radio Alpha in 1981. His friend and co-founder of Figaro Magazine, Jean Ferre, founded Radio Courtoisie in 1987. Griotteray supplied him with his radio equipment from Radio Alpha. Director Radio Courtoisie 2002-2008. Radio Courtoisie gave a voice to all right-wingers in France: republicans, monarchists, Christians, atheists, nationalists, EU supporters and Atlanticists. In 1984 a co-founder of Solidarite Liberte with Cercle participants Charles Pasqua and Raymond Bourgine, as well as a number of others. December 27, 1977, AP: "The Ministry of Interior has listed 548 attacks by explosives in 1977, compared to 480 in 1976. Three persons have been slightly injured in the series of nighttime attacks during the past week. Property damage was obviously the sole objective. In only two cases have any organizations claimed responsibility for the attacks. The clandestine Corsican National Liberation Front has said that it organized the bombing of the railway station in Villepinte, 10 miles northeast of Paris, Monday morning, and the explosion which leveled the Corsican vacation home of Alain Griotteray, a veteran Paris politician."

May 18, 1986, Manchester Guardian Weekly, 'Violent language of the right recalls pre-war days': "THE Front National (FN) grew out of a ragbag of small groups, racked by constant infighting, which purveyed an ideology so discredited since the demise of the Third Reich and the collapse of the Vichy regime that it scarcely dared give itself a name. It was led by Jean-Marie Le Pen, a man battle-scarred by 30 years of trouble-making on the political stage -- and behind the scenes. ... Chirac's own Rassemblement pour la Republique (RPR) has long striven to win over activists from extreme rightwing movements like Occident, Ordre Nouveau, the Groupe Union Defense (GUD), and the Parti des Forces Nouvelles (PFN), who have been given positions of responsibility and are to be found in the entourage of the new Interior Minister, Charles Pasqua, and of Chirac himself. ... At international level there are several institutes and think tanks run by the apostles of anticommunism, cold war hawks, national security ideologues, and professional exponents of the strategy of tension. The most influential of these bodies are usually controlled and financed by the CIA and American military intelligence, for which they work. They include the American Security Council, the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, the National Strategic Information Centre and the Heritage Foundation. The best-known in France are the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) and Causa, both of which are financed by the Moonie sect, and to a lesser extent Marie-France Garaud's Institut International de Geopolitique. WACL members in France include the Union pour la Liberte (in fact its French branch), the students' union UNI (which is funded by the CIA to the tune of $600,000), the Association des Combattants de l'Union Francaise, the Union des Intellectuels Independants and many rightwing and extreme rightwing figures who also attend symposiums organised by Causa. All these bodies lend active support to the most extremist regimes under the pretext of combating Communist subversion and to representatives of the hard right in Europe and elsewhere in the world. French groups sympathetic to the far right include certain associations of repatriated pieds noirs (French born in North Africa), certain police federations, and movements such as Legitime Defense (which supports self-defence), the anti-abortionist Laissez-les Vivre, the fundamentalist Christian movement Chretiente (led by Bernard Antony -- alias Romain Marie --, an FN member of the European Parliament), and more fragile groupings like the Union Nationale pour l'Initiative et la Responsabilite, the brainchild of Jean-Mazime Leveque, ex-chairman of the bank Credit Commercial de France. Politicians like Alain Griotteray and Nice mayor Jacques Medecin play the role of middlemen between the right and the far right. Robert Hersant has been responsible for offering an outlet in his newspapers for an ideology formerly confined to the pages of small-circulation partisan and extremist publications. Figaro Magazine (edited by Louis Pauwels, who frequently attends Causa conferences) has opened its pages to the spokesmen of the new right from the GRECE and the Club de l'Horloge, such as Alain de Benoist, Jean-Claude Vala and Patrice de Plunkett, who can now plug their ideas directly to the bourgeois elite. Some of the same writers even contribute to Le Figaro, the prestigious mouthpiece of journalists who belong to the traditional, conservative or moderate right, but who do not seem all that put off by their bedfellows. And then there are the other newspapers in Hersant's group and the radio stations he controls. A noticeable feature of Hersant newspapers in recent months has been the tone of their ideological and political debate, which has nothing to do with that of the traditional right. Their overdramatisation, verbal violence, and vitriolic abuse are reminiscent of the worst excesses of the interwar years, during the rise of fascism."

June 21, 1997, The Herald (Glasgow), 'Le Pen waits to pick up the pieces of a shattered right': "The first into the breach last week was Philippe de Villiers, an independent conservative whose very right-wing views are only prevented from lurching into Le Pen's racist territory by his staunch Catholic beliefs. "If the right-wing keeps on considering the National Front to be its main opponent it will never get back into power," an exasperated De Villiers said. Many others agree. Disingenuously mixing up the ideas of political clout and political respectability, one senior conservative, Alain Griotteray, even interpreted the National Front's exceptional election score (higher than the UDF and only one point behind the RPR) as meaning it could no longer be considered extremist. "At 15%, it is no longer an extreme right-wing party," said Griotteray, despite the fact that Le Pen's declarations, on the equality of races in particular, has become ever more outrageous over recent months." October 5, 1999, International Herald Tribune (Neuilly-sur-Seine, France), 'A Widening Franco-German Rift?; New Books Add to the Suspicion of Berlin's Ambitions for Europe': "Mr. Griotteray, a former National Assembly deputy who like Mr. Druon and Mr. Marion is over 75 years old, writes harshly but probably accurately that being uneasy about Germany in France has meant ''being considered a Jew unable to forget the Holocaust or an old soldier obsessed by memories of the war.'' He asks, Is Germany worrying these days? The answer is yes. His argument is rather like Mr. Marion's. The current Greater Germany, Mr. Griotteray says, is only a more peaceful but no less dangerous version of Eternal Germany. ''Once reunified, powerful and compact,'' he says, ''Germany can consider that it's time to bring Europe together into a great federation whose reins would naturally be in its hands.''

Grossouvre, Francois de

Source(s): 1993, Brian Crozier, 'Free Agent', p. 217-218

Born in 1918. During World War II, François de Grossouvre was a member of Joseph Darnand's Service d'ordre légionnaire (SOL), a Vichyst militia. He left in 1943 to fight in the Vercors region. After Liberation, it was discovered that he had in fact infiltrated the SOL on behalf of Organisation de résistance de l'armée (ORA) of which he was a member. Often considered a strange man who reveled in the secrecy. He was a doctor who had never practiced his profession because of his wealth. Went into politics after WWII. Some sources say De Grossouvre first met with Francois Mitterrand in 1959. The Times, in 1994, stated that De Grossouvre first met with Mitterrand on a plane to China in 1962. Around this time, De Grossouvre held the largely ceremonial post of head of the Committee of Presidential Hunts, which organizes occasional informal gatherings in the countryside for the French President. In any case, De Grossouvre became a good friend to Francois Mitterrand. 1993, Brian Crozier, 'Free Agent', p. 217-218: "AT THE CERCLE meeting in Washington in December 1980, Georges Albertini had brought along a quiet Frenchman named Francois de Grossouvre. This was an impressive example of his foresight. De Grossouvre, a physician, was the closest friend and confidant of the Socialist leader and presidential candidate Francois Mitterrand. For many years, Grossouvre had carried out special missions for Mitterrand. By nature and training, he was self-effacing. He played no part in our debates, but listened carefully, taking notes. Five months later, Francois Mitterrand narrowly defeated Valéry Giscard d'Estaing in France's presidential elections. One of his first actions was to appoint de Grossouvre as his coordinator of security and intelligence. Shortly after, having obtained his direct line from Albertini, I went to see him in his modest office in the Elysée Palace. We had reacted with alarm to Mitterrand's victory, but de Grossouvre reassured me... 'One thing you need to understand about Francois Mitterrand is that he has a visceral hatred of the communists.' He did not explain the nature of this hatred which, later history suggests, probably reflected less an opposition to their policies than of Mitterrand's perception of the Communists as the main obstacle to his authority. Not for nothing was Mitterrand known as Le Florentin, in reference to his interest in Machiavelli and Florentine history. In his long career, he had been everything from apparently extreme Right to apparently extreme Left." Became Counselor for Police Affairs and Special Services in 1981, chosen by newly-elected president François Mitterrand, and charged with overseeing national security and other sensitive matters, in particular those concerning Lebanon, Syria, Tunisia, Morocco, Gabon, the Gulf countries, Pakistan and the two Koreas. As emissary to the Arab nations no one ever knew if he made an official or unofficial visit. He was also was a leading officer in the French branch of Gladio, "NATO's" stay behind paramilitary secret armies during the Cold War. 2005, Daniele Ganser, 'NATO's Secret Armies', pp. 90-91: "Maybe the most famous member of the French secret anti-Communist Rose des Vents [French Stay Behind/Gladio] army was Francois Grossouvre who in 1981 became the adviser of Socialist President Francois Mitterrand for secret operations. During the Second World War Grossouvre had enrolled in a fascist Vichy-backed militia that he later claimed to have infiltrated on behalf of the resistance. After the war the military secret service recruited him for the Rose des Vents secret army. SDECE agent Louis Mouchon who had himself recruited many secret soldiers for the network recalled how Grossouvre had been contacted: 'Our responsible man in Lyon, Gilbert Union, who during the war had carried out missions for the BCRA, was a passionate car driver and at that time had died on the road. To replace him, the SDECE had recruited, in 1950, Francois de Grossouvre.' Mouchin elaborated that Grossouvre was not only chosen for his wartime experience but as well for his contacts: 'His business, the A. Berger et Cie Sugar company, offered ample opportunities to stage fronts. He really had excellent contacts.' As special adviser of President Mitterrand, Grossouvre influenced French secret warfare in the beginning of the 1980s but was eased out of his main responsibilities in 1985 as his cloak-and-dagger style became intolerable to Mitterrand's staider colleagues. Yet the personal relations to Mitterrand allegedly remained good and when in late 1990 after the pan European Gladio discoveries President Mitterrand in the midst of the scandal had to close down the French Gladio network 'he had first consulted his "grey eminence", Francois Grossouvre'. By the time of Grossouvre's death his participation in the secret war was no longer a secret. 'He was recruited into the French espionage service and helped to organise Gladio, an American-backed plan to create an armed resistance movement in Western Europe against a Russian invasion', the British Economist noted in his obituary after Grossouvre, aged 76, had dramatically shot himself in the Elysee Palace on April 7, 1994." October 6, 1985, New York Times, 'Greenpeace ship reaches test site': "The Greenpeace flagship has arrived off the coast of the French nuclear test site in the South Pacific, where it joined another protest ship from the organization... The Greenpeace replaced the Rainbow Warrior, which was blown up on July 10 by French agents in New Zealand's Auckland harbor... Meanwhile, the largest opposition newspaper in Paris, Le Figaro, reported Friday that Mr. Mitterrand must have known of plans to sink the Rainbow Warrior, which was preparing to lead the Mururoa protest. Mr. Mitterrand's Socialist Government acknowledged secret service responsibility for the sinking last month. Defense Minister Charles Hernu and Adm. Pierre Lacoste, the head of the secret service, resigned because of the scandal. Le Figaro, without citing its sources, said the decision to mine the Rainbow Warrior was made in June in a meeting at the Elysee Palace attended by Mr. Hernu, Admiral Lacoste and the presidential adviser, Francois de Grossouvre. It was ''not believable'' that Mr. de Grossouvre failed to inform Mr. Mitterrand of the sabotage plans, Le Figaro contended." In the 1970s and 1980s, Greenpeace chairman David McTaggart was actively involved in opposing France's nuclear testings at Mururoa. In 1985, some time after the Rainbow Warrior scandal, De Grossouvre officially ended his functions as adviser to the president and was shoved aside for some reason. Remained chairman of Presidential Campaigns, an honorary position. However, he kept all the benefits of his previous position: office, secretary, car, apartment, bodyguard. Supposedly, François Mitterrand never fired those who had disappointed him nor those whom he no longer needed. He saved his victims from disgrace by making them wait for an explanation that would never come, and isolated them in their idleness. Not everyone is convinced that the friendship between de Grossouvre and Mitterrand had also ended privately. After his dismissal from Mitterrand's office, De Grossouvre worked as counsellor for arms trader Marcel Dassault, who headed Avions Marcel Dassault. Allegedly committed suicide on April 7, 1994 at his office at Élysée (presidential palace), although some, such as Captain Paul Barril, claimed that he had been murdered. It was the first time in the history of the Republic that a colleague of the Chief of State killed himself in the presidential palace. April 10, 1994, The Sunday Times: "Mitterrand was preparing to be interviewed for a live national television broadcast on Aids on Thursday when, for the second time in less than a year, his aides told him that a man he had trusted and worked with for more than 30 years had committed suicide. Like Pierre Beregovoy, the former Socialist prime minister who shot himself last May, Grossouvre was reported to have left no note... It also emerged that, like Beregovoy, Grossouvre was linked to one of the murkiest episodes in Mitterrand's rarely scrutinised past: his friendship with the late Roger-Patrice Pelat, a Socialist businessman who died of a heart attack in 1989 while awaiting trial on charges of fraud and corruption. To the dismay of Mitterrand's entourage, Grossouvre agreed to be interrogated last September by Thierry Jean-Pierre, the young judge who is investigating a Pounds 2m payoff that Pelat allegedly received as the middleman in a North Korean construction contract that was awarded to French companies. Pelat was also the man who supplied a generous interest-free loan to Beregovoy. The loan caused the former prime minister political embarrassment when details were disclosed shortly before his party's crippling defeat in the March 1992 elections. Grossouvre was questioned in connection with cartons of Pelat's files that mysteriously went missing. He was never charged, and his willing co-operation with a judge whose motives are questioned by Mitterrand aides appears to have increased his isolation at the Elysee... In an article in Le Monde on Friday,... [Edwy] Plenel was told that over the years Grossouvre had accumulated a number of files that he kept in a "safe place''. When he told Mitterrand last year that he was writing his memoirs, the president demanded that he hand over the files, which Grossouvre refused to do, Plenel wrote."

Grossouvre's death:

November 27, 2006, The New Times (Rwanda), 'Expert refutes Bruguière claims that RPF shot down Rwandan President’s aircraft in 1994': "Yet more hearsay evidence comes from Jean Kambanda in his fascinating confession to the ICTR. Kambanda, the prime minister in the interim government, says that President Sese Seko Mobutu of neighbouring Zaire, (now DRC) had warned Habyarimana not to go to Dar-es-Salaam on April 6. Mobuto said this warning had come from a very senior official in the Elysée Palace in Paris. There was a link between this warning, said Mobutu, and the subsequent suicide in the Elysée of a senior high-ranking official working for President François Mitterrand, an official who had killed himself on April 7 after learning about the downing of the Falcon. This was François de Grossouvre, a presidential advisor on African affairs."

November 12, 1994, Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), 'No sex please - We're French': "The man most likely to succeed Mitterrand is the Socialist candidate, Jacques Delors, European Commission President, a staunch Catholic and a family man. He will benefit from the public sympathy for the President, who has allegedly been involved in fraud and contributing to the death of former Prime Minister Pierre Beregovoy, who killed himself last year, as well as adviser Francois de Grossouvre, who shot himself metres from Mitterrand's office in the Elysee. The fraud allegations centre on the Pechiney affair of 1989 in which one of the President's closest friends, businessman Roger-Patrice Pelat, was accused of insider trading to profit from a French takeover of an American firm. Pelat died soon after the scandal broke, but the story did not. It resurfaced when Beregovoy committed suicide after revelations that he had received an interest-free loan from Pelat. De Grossouvre later shot himself after he was linked to a 20 million franc commission Pelat allegedly received for a deal with North Korea."

November 27, 2006, Africa News, 'Rwanda; Expert Refutes Bruguiere Claims': "We may never know who was responsible for shooting down of the Mystère Falcon jet under cover of darkness in the skies over Kigali at 8. 25 pm on April 6, 1994. Two African presidents, Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda and the president of Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira were assassinated that night and almost immediately afterwards, as the plane lay smouldering in the presidential garden, there was a promise from the UN that an international enquiry would be held. There was an imperative to find those responsible. No international enquiry was ever held. ... One theory, that soldiers from the Rwandan army (FAR), downed the plan, was reported almost immediately. In the intelligence headquarters of the Belgian army (SRG), an enquiry was launched and in the days to follow, a series of secret reports from Belgian agents revealed how everyone seemed to believe that Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, who had taken control in the chaos afterwards, was responsible. This would support the current prosecution case at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), where last November 2005, Bagosora was accused directly of the missile attack. As a former commander of the anti-aircraft battalion, he had been familiar with the flight paths and the approaches of aircraft to the airport, the prosecutor had said. The Belgian agents in Kigali in 1994 had two informers, one in contact with a former Rwandan minister and the other a high-ranking officer of the Rwandan armed forces. These informers claimed that Bagosora was behind the attack and in a report to headquarters the agents wrote: "...everything points to the fact that the perpetrators are part of the faction of the Bahutus inside the Rwandan army, and this is strange ... [it] leads us to believe that there was no improvisation in the events." They also wrote that within half an hour of the crash and well before the official announcement of the assassination over the radio, "ethnic cleansing" had started inside the country, and was carried out brutally on the basis of pre-established lists. The group responsible for this was gravitating around the president's wife, whose brothers and cousins had become senior authorities or dignitaries in the regime. "These high dignitaries were involved in terror and money and it was difficult for them to give up their privileges and advantages," the report noted. ... Information about the downing of the jet was also made available to the journalist, Colette Braeckman, the Africa Editor of Belgium's Le Soir newspaper. In mid-June 1994, she received a letter from someone calling himself "Thadée", who claimed to be a militia leader in Kigali. He told her that two members of the French Détachement d'Assistance Militaire et l'Instruction (DAMI) had launched the missiles on behalf the Hutu Power CDR party (Coalition pour la Défense de la République). Only four members of the CDR were involved. Those who fired the missiles had worn Belgian army uniforms stolen from the hotel Le Méridien. Members of the Presidential Guard spotted them leaving Masaka Hill from where the missiles were fired. The missiles had been portable, probably SAM, originally from the Soviet Union. Braeckman reported that in the three days after the missile attack, some 3,000 people living in the Masaka area were murdered. The French academic Gérard Prunier, an expert on the Great Lakes Region of Africa, has spoken of white men on Masaka Hill on the evening of April 6. Prunier has speculated that it might have been possible to hire mercenaries to shoot down the plane. If mercenaries were involved, Prunier believes that the French mercenary Paul Barril would know them. ... The presence in Rwanda of a French mercenary, Captain Paul Barril, does add another dimension to the mystery. Barril was spotted in Kigali at the end of 1993, telling people that he had been taken on as an "advisor" to Habyarimana. A former number two of the French Groupe d'Intervention de la Gendarmerie Nationale (GIGN), police Special Forces, he helped to create an anti-terrorist cell in the Elysée Palace that answered only to President Mitterrand. Barril had his own private security companies and had worked for Habyarimana since 1989, when he reorganised the intelligence service which operated from within the Presidential Guard. Barril said he was in Kigali on April 7. He claims to be close to the French anti-terrorist judge, Jean-Louis Bruguière, whose recently published report in Paris contains claims from Rwandan exiles, claiming to be former RPF soldiers, who say they took part in the missile attack on the orders of President Paul Kagame. Yet more hearsay evidence comes from Jean Kambanda in his fascinating confession to the ICTR. Kambanda, the prime minister in the interim government, says that President Sese Seko Mobutu of neighbouring Zaire, (now DRC) had warned Habyarimana not to go to Dar-es-Salaam on April 6. Mobuto said this warning had come from a very senior official in the Elysée Palace in Paris. There was a link between this warning, said Mobutu, and the subsequent suicide in the Elysée of a senior high-ranking official working for President François Mitterrand, an official who had killed himself on April 7 after learning about the downing of the Falcon. This was François de Grossouvre, a presidential advisor on African affairs."

August 8, 2008, Africa News, 'Rwanda; 'How France Aided Genocide'': "Rwanda this week launched the report of its commission of inquiry into the role of France in the 1994 genocide, in which up to one million people were killed. The report accuses former French President Francois Mitterand, his son and adviser Jean-Christophe, as well as the then French prime minister, ministers of foreign affairs, cooperation and defence of involvement in the genocide and calls for them to face trial. Below are highlights from the report. The 500-page report accuses the French Government of supporting the administration of President Habyarimana in the preparation and commission of the genocide. It also argues that France had a hand in the destabilisation of Rwanda by arming genocidaires based in the former Zaire. Prior knowledge of genocide France knew that preparations of mass massacres were in place, the commission argues. "Between October 1990 and April 1994 French army officers were present in all security organs of the country. From 1991 until at least December 1993, there was a high number of French military advisors in the national army (FAR), gendarmerie (Police), intelligence and other special organs, including the Presidential guard." According to the report, French military advisors took charge of high-level meetings where war strategies were being planned, and the French military commanded the war at the front line. "As stated by Gen. Dallaire (head of the UN peacekeeping mission), since there was evidence of French military involvement with the national army immediately before the genocide, it logically follows that the French had adequate information that a major massacre was being planned." Ideological complicity The French Government helped Habyarimana's regime in providing the ideological base for the genocide, the commission established. In their communication, it argues, the French portrayed the Rwandan issue as purely ethnic, an issue between the majority Hutu and a minority group of Tutsi. It quotes President Mitterand as having told his cabinet on June 22, 1994: "Rwanda, like Burundi, is numerically dominated by Hutus. In that sense, it is common knowledge that most of the population is behind President Habyarimana. Should the country be ruled by the minority Tutsi, who are now based in Uganda where most wish to establish a "Tutsi land" including not only Uganda, but also Rwanda and Burundi, certainly the track of democracy shall be interrupted". Support to FAR France, the report says, trained, organised and armed the former national army, FAR, which helped carry out the genocide. "France also actively participated in the war and several times fought side by side with the Rwandan National Army." In addition, according to the report, the French army manned road blocks in Kigali and different parts of the country where they checked individual identity cards on ethnicity. "Some of those who were identified as Tutsi were killed and tortured in the presence of members of the French army, who also participated in those acts of murder and torture", it says. Training of Interahamwe The report accuses France of not only training the national army but also the Interahamwe militias, vagabonds who were largely responsible for carrying out the genocide. "The French army trained and assisted in the training of the Interahamwe between 1992 and December 1993 in what was regarded as Operation Noroit. The training was conducted in the five military barracks where the French army was residing." This, according to the report, was confirmed by a French military policeman, Thierry Prugnaud, in an interview on French Television on April 22, 2005. "I saw members of the French army training Rwandan militias how to use rifles. That happened several times but the only time I actually saw it was when some 30 militiamen were trained how to fire in Akagera National Park," Prugnaud was quoted as saying. Preparing lists of suspected Tutsi The report also accuses France of having played an active role in preparing lists of suspected Tutsi and Government opponents. "According to your directive, I have the honour to submit to you an electronic filing system where you will easily trace people meant to be investigated", French adviser Michel Robardey wrote to the chief of the staff of the Rwandan gendarmerie in October 1992. The lists were later used by Rwandan soldiers to move from house to house, killing political opponents and distinguished Tutsi. The computerised lists project was initiated by Gen. Jean Varret, who was in charge of Rwandan-French military co-operation at the time. Before France's own commission investigating its role in the genocide, Varret confirmed that he was convinced France had helped Rwanda's intelligence services prepare the lists of Tutsis to be killed. Appointment of Bagosora According to the report, the French asked the then army commander, Col. Bagosora, to take control of the country after Habyarimana's death. Bagosora, the commission noted, was a known extremist who had earlier said he would 'prepare an apocalypse'. "On April 7, 1994, the French ambassador in Rwanda, together with Col. Jean-Jacques Maurin, went to meet Col. Bagosora and asked him to take charge of the situation," the report states. In addition, it says, French diplomatic and military support to the interim government continued during the genocide. "On May 9, 1994, Gen. Huchon hosted Lt.-Col. Ephrem Rwabalinda, adviser to the FAR chief of staff," the report says. "Gen. Huchon promised to provide ammunition in the category of 105mm, other types of ammunition as well as communication equipment to facilitate the communication with Gen. Augustin Bizimungu, FAR commander in chief." Delivery of Arms and ammunition Throughout the genocide, the report argues, France continued supplying the Rwandan interim-government with arms and ammunition. It quotes Belgian Col. Luc Marshall, who was heading a unit of UN peacekeepers in Kigali, as saying in the French Le Monde newspaper: "We were informed on 8 [April 1994] that French planes would land the following day around 6:00am. Actually, they arrived at 3:45am. Cases of ammunition - probably five tons - were discharged from a plane and were transported by vehicles of the Rwandan army to Kanombe barrack which was used as the base for the presidential guard." More ammunition was delivered at Goma airport in the former Zaire where the interim-government had fled. "In May, more than one month after the beginning of massacres, the French offloaded a cargo plane full of arms in Goma. The French Consul at Goma said he was not in a position to intervene since it was a private contract executed before the embargo on Rwanda was imposed," the report notes. The commission, according to the report, further found weapons purchase orders in Mugunga refugee camp in Goma involving two French companies, Sofremas and Luchaire. Operation Turquoise The report also raps the French military intervention in western Rwanda in June 1994 in what was called Operation Turquoise. "The first objective of this intervention was to divide the country in two starting from Kigali, to stop the advance of the RPF and to force it to negotiate a power-sharing agreement with the genocide government," the report says. The French did not intervene when Tutsi civilians were being slaughtered in the area under their control, often in their presence, the commission observed. "They left in place the genocide infrastructure, namely road blocks manned by Interahamwe. They requested Interahamwe to continue patrolling the road blocks and kill Tutsi moving around." The report also accuses French soldiers of having been directly involved in cases of rape and killing, and of having encouraged the Hutu population to massively flee to Zaire during the last days of their mission. "Col. Sartre organized a public meeting on July 13, 1994 at Rubengera where he strongly encouraged the population to flee to Zaire by promising France's assistance for a speedy armed return to Rwanda", the report notes. "French soldiers accompanied the ex-FAR and Interahamwe into Zaire where they immediately assisted them in the form of military training, arms and ammunition supplies to prepare an armed return." During Zone Turquoise, the report concludes, France's involvement in the genocide became most visible. As France had a mandate from the UN to create a humanitarian safe zone, it bears responsibility for the massacres carried out in the area under their control, it argues. "By deciding to maintain the politicians and administrators in place and collaborate with those who had perpetrated the genocide in the previous two and half months, by requesting them or allowing them to continue killing Tutsi, the French soldiers and their commanders took full control of the genocide project." French politicians accused - Francois Mitterrand: President of the Republic of France - Alain Juppe: Minister of Foreign Affairs - Leotard: Minister of Defense - Marcel Debarge: Minister of Cooperation - Hubert Vedrine: Secretary General in the President's Office - Edouard Balladur: Prime Minister - Delaye: Presidential Advisor - Jean-Christophe Mitterrand: Presidential Advisor - Paul Dijoud: Head of Africa and Madagascar Unit in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Dominique De Villepin: Assistant Head of Africa and Madagascar Unit - Georges Martres: French Ambassador to Rwanda - Jean-Michel Marlaud: French Ambassador to Rwanda - Jean-Bernard Merimee: French Ambassador to the UN."

Habsburg, Otto von

Sources: 1999, David Guyatt, 'Circle of Power' (mentions Habsburg as a founding member); Simon Regan (Scallywag), 'Who Killed Diana?' (mentions Habsburg as a founding member); 2002, David Rockefeller, 'Memoirs', pp. 412-413, referring to the Pesenti Group; other books only confirm the close relationship between Otto von Habsburg, Jean Violet, and other figures of the Cercle and Pan-Europa Union; 2014, Johannes Grossmann

Born in Lower Austria in 1912 as a member of the Royal House of Habsburg, who have been allies of the Vatican for many centuries. Eldest son of Archduke Karl and Princess Zita von Bourbon-Parma. The Habsburg dynasty was, and is, very close to the Thurn und Taxis family (1001 Club) and the Vatican. During WWI his family lost the throne to the Habsburg kingdom. The Austrian parliament officially expelled the Habsburg dynasty and confiscated all of its property. Opposed the Nazi Anschluss of Austria in 1938 and went to the US (with help of the Knights of Malta). Spent most of the war years in Washington (1940-1944), after escaping from Austria to Portugal with a visa issued by the Portuguese consul in Bordeaux. He became friends with FDR, George F. Kennan (the father of the Containment policy), Felix Frankfurter, Winston Churchill and other important individuals. One of his main opponents at the time was Pilgrims Society member Lord Halifax (important to UN and pro-Nazi), who bluntly asked him: "Are you pursuing your intrigues even here?". Cordell Hull, pro-Vichy and pro-UN, was another opponent of Otto. Part of a mainstream bio: "A member of Koudenhove-Kalergi's Paneuropa Union since 1936 [24 years old then], Dr. Otto von Habsburg represented the organization in Washington D.C. beginning in 1940. In close collaboration with his brothers, the Archdukes Rudolf, Robert and Karl Ludwig, he convinced President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill to regard Austria as a victim state of Nazi aggression. Based on this recognition, Archduke Robert and Winston Churchill, who favored a postwar reconstitution of a Danube confederation forged the Moscow Declaration of 1943, which prepared for Austria's independence at the conclusion of the war." The Paneuropa Union was founded in 1923 in Vienna by Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, the son of an Austro-Hungarian (Habsburg) diplomat. Early leading members were Aristide Briand and Austrian chancellors Ignaz Seipel and Karl Renner. Opus Dei was founded in 1928 and at least in later times this group's objectives would essentially merge with those of the Paneuropa Union: 1) keep the Soviets out of Europe, and 2) create a Roman Catholic-oriented European superstate. Kalergi was of the opinion that Britain should be kept out of Paneuropa since it managed an autonomous empire. Unlike Russia, Turkey belonged to Asia and also should not be included in Paneuropa, according to Kalergi. The Paneuropean Union is also responsible for the 12 stars on a blue ground as official symbol for Europe, which symbolizes the stars of the virgin Mary. After the war Otto lived in exile in France and Spain. In Spain he received a secondary formal education by Benedictine fathers. An article in Lobster Magazine claimed that the impoverished Otto was subsidized to the tune of £50,000 a month by MI6 chief Stewart Menzies from 1939 to 1953. In 1949, together with Opus Dei member Alfredo Sanchez Bella (August 21, 1964, The Frederick News, 'Rev. Dr. Thorning Returns From Europe': "In Rome, Father Thorning was the guest of Spanish Ambassador Alfredo Sanchez Bella"; November 4, 1969, Greeley Daily Tribune, 'Economic, Social Advancement Aims of New Franco Cabinet': "[Alfredo] Sanchez Bella, aside from his own talents as a diplomat, is the brother of Florencio Sanchez Bella, leader of the Opus Dei in Spain."; Bella was Ambassador to Rome until November 1969), Otto founded the European Centre of Documentation and Information (CEDI), "whose objective was to construct around the Spanish Borbóns a federation of European states united in Christianity and anti-Communism. This sounded very much like a modern resurrection of the Holy Roman Empire over which Charles V had reigned. Like the Spanish empire of old, the envisaged Catholic federation was intended to have large-spectrum antennae in Latin America and the United States. CEDI was believed to be an auxiliary operation of Opus Dei. Although headquartered in Munich, it held its annual general meetings at the Monastery of El Escorial, near Madrid, and it continued functioning throughout the Cold War. Its tentacles spread among Catholic Monarchist circles throughout western Europe... [Otto] reportedly became one of Opus Dei's most treasured Old Guard supernumeraries. Like Opus Dei, CEDI published no membership lists, but the president of its Belgian chapter, Chevalier Marcel de Roover, was known to have close ties with the Belgian royal family. Indeed, Archduke Otto's nephew, Lorenz von Habsburg, son of international banker Karel von Habsburg, married Princes Astrid of Belgium [daughter of King Albert II, who stands accused of child abuse in the Pinon Affair, not unlike other members of the royal family; chairwoman Belgian Red Cross; patron Belgian Kids Foundation for Pediatric Research. The support committee of the Belgian Kids Foundation includes the wife of Count Maurice Lippens, who [the husband] stands accused of some of the most horrific child abuse practices. The support committee is presided over by Count Jean Pierre de Launoit, whose name once appeared on a list of people accused of involvement in trade in children and drugs. Nobody has been prosecuted], daughter of King Albert II. Astrid's aunt, the former Queen Fabiola, was related through the House of Aragon to the Spanish Borbón family. Professor Luc de Heusch of the Free University of Brussels, an expert on Sacred Kingship, maintained tha Queen Fabiola, a disciple of Escrivá de Balaguer [founder of Opus Dei], 'introduced Opus Dei to the Catholic aristocracy of Europe.' An idea of the company gathered from the membership of a sister organization, the Pan-European Union, headquartered in Zurich. An idea of the company CEDI kept can be gathered from the membership of a sister organization, the Pan-European Union, headquartered in Zurich. Also headed by Archduke Otto, among its members were two Belgian prime ministers, an Italian industrialist close to the Vatican, a former French prime minister, his legal counsellor, an aide to Valery Giscard d'Estaing, the secretary of Giscard's Independent Republican Party... the deputy head of NATO's intelligence division, a director of West German intelligence, the Spanish ambassador to the European Community and Alfredo Sanchez Bella." (1997, Robert Hutchinson, 'Their Kingdom Come', p.153-154). CEDI stood in close contact with the Belgian Cercle des Nations, which was a gathering place for Brussels fascist aristocracy which was founded in 1969. On the next page Hutchinson writes: "Otto is chairman for life of the CEDI. Married Princess Regina Von Sachsen-Meiningen in 1951 with the blessing of Pius XII. Vice-president of the Internationale Paneuropa-Union 1957-1972, working under Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi. His Opusian associate Jean Violet founded the Pinay Circle (Le Cercle) in the 1950s, one of the most influential behind-the-scenes anti-communist and pro-Europe organizations, which was, and is, riddled with questionable intelligence operatives. Otto's CSU (Bavaria) and CDU (the rest of Germany) party friends, Franz-Joseph Strauss (a hard-right politician), Count Hans Huyn (intermarried with Habsburg family), and Alois Mertes (important German politician in early 1980s) have all been leading members of both Le Cercle and the ultraconservative anti-communist faction in German politics. They are all suspected of having been members of Opus Dei. In 1959, Otto received the Knight Grand-Cross of Honour and Devotion of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta with the Cross of Honorary Professed Member. One of Otto's political secretaries, Jacques G. Jonet, is named as a co-founder of low-profile ultraconservative/fascist European-integration groups as Ordre du Rouvre, the Institut Européen pour la Paix et la Sécurité (IEPS), the Société Internationale de Wilton Park (Wilton Park conferences), and Cercle des Nations. Opusian Cercle founder Jean Violet was one of the few French members of Cercle des Nations (1990, Hugo Gijssels, 'De Bende & Co.', p. 130), together with Belgium's controversial hard-right aristocracy. Jonet was named as an individual that attempted to crush the Pinon investigation of the late 1970s and early 1980s, in which leading Cercle des Nations members like the Opusian Paul Vanden Boeynants, not to mention members of the Royal House of Belgium (counts Opus Dei and SMOM members in the family), were accused of child abuse. Jonet has been named as a member of Mouvement d'Action pour l'Union de l'Europe (MAUE), the Habsburg-founded Centre of Documentation and Information (CEDI), and CEPIC (of the Opusian Baron de Bonvoisin and Paul Vanden Boeynants, both named as child abusers in the Dutroux X-Files by a combination of X1, X2, and X3). Jonet is suspected of membership in Opus Dei and is the representative of the Belgian Order of Malta, while his wife is a member of the administrative council (anno 2006). In 1961, Otto finally renounced all claims to the Austrian throne and was eventually allowed to return to his home country in 1966. CEDI, earlier founded by Otto von Habsburg, had a secretary general named Paul Vankerkhoven, who became a member of the Ordre du Rouvre, the ultra right-wing catholic magazine Chantiers-Occident, and the fascist Cercle des Nations. Vankerkhoven was a co-founder and vice-chairman of l'Institut Europeen de Developpement, headquartered in the castle of the earlier-mentioned Baron de Bonvoisin. Vankerkhoven also founded the Belgian branch of the ultra-reactionary World Anti-Communist League (WACL), the 'Ligue Internationale de la Liberte' (LIL). The WACL was sponsored by the Sun Myung Moon sect and aristocrats like Count Hans Huyn and Otto von Habsburg were involved with it in Germany, at least in the late 1980s. Otto co-founded the Academie Europeenne de Sciences Politiques, located in Brussels, somewhere in the 1960s or early 1970s. It was an ultraconservative Paneuropa affiliated group, managed by the Opusian Cercle founder Jean Violet and Paul Vanden Boeynants, also Opus Dei, is said to have been one of its prominent members. When Franco's regime was challenged in the late 1960s by members of Opus Dei and other reformer, Franco designated Prince Juan Carlos as king of Spain at the moment Franco died. It has been claimed that Franco initially invited Otto von Habsburg to become the new king, but Otto refused and recommended Juan Carlos. Franco, Juan Carlos, and Otto von Habsburg all were Knights of Malta. When Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi died in 1972, Otto followed him up as provisional president of the Internationale Paneuropa-Union. At the suggestion of French president, Paneuropa- and Cercle member Georges Pompidou Otto was elected official president in 1973. He still served in this position anno 2006. January 2004, Contemporary Review, 'Otto von Habsburg and the future of Europe': "Archduke Otto was the right-hand man of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, and when the Count died in 1972, the leadership of Paneuropa fell to him. Since then he has been the President. When interviewed in 1986, Otto von Habsburg was insistent that Paneuropa still had work to do, and would not be subsumed in the European Community (as it then was) itself. " Anno 2006, Otto is an advisor to the Coundenhove-Kalergi Foundation, together with Count Hans Huyn, Jakob Coudenhove-Kalergi (nephew of Richard, the founder of the Paneuropa Union), and Prince Carlo della Torre e Tasso (Thurn und Taxis). Nikolaus von Liechtenstein (younger brother of Hans-Adam) is an executive member of the the Coundenhove-Kalergi Foundation. In December 1973 Otto gave a speech to the Benedictine monks at the Woodside Priory School on San Francisco's peninsula. Hosts for the luncheon were Phil Gregory of Raytheon (Philip L. Gregory; one of the buyers of Raytheon in the 1940s, with what would become his wife (Raytheon was originally founded by Vannevar Bush in 1922-1925; Pilgrims Society member and president-descendant Charles Francis Adams IV would sit on the board of Raytheon from 1938 to 1997); executive director of Raytheon, first in New England and then in California until 1979; founded the Semiconductor Equipment Materials International (SEMI) with two colleagues in 1970, the non-profit group that presents semiconductor manufacturers trade forums worldwide; president, chairman, and executive director of SEMI; he and his wife traveled extensively in building SEMI internationally; among their tours was a trip in the early 1970s to Beijing, China, right after Kissinger, Rockefeller, and Nixon had "opened it up"; his wife was active in numerous catholics groups, including the Legion of Mary) and Bill Keady Jr., president of Advalloy (November 19, 1973, San Mateo Times, 'Dr. Von Habsburg to Speak'). Also reported by the San Mateo Times of that day: "Two distinguished visitors will be in the Bay Area next month and both will be guests of honor at Dec. 6 events at the Fairmont Hotel... Dr. Otto von Habsburg, son of the last emperor and king of Austria-Hungary, will be honored by the Woodside Priory School at a formal dinner dance... That noon, Monsignor John Patrick Carroll-Abbing, founder and president of Boys' Towns of Italy, will attend the Oscar de la Renta fashion show and luncheon benefiting Girls' Town of Italy (a part of Boys Towns)." Member of the European Parliament for the CSU 1979-1999, the party of his reactionary Opusian Cercle friends Franz-Joseph Strauss, Count Hans Huyn, and Alois Mertes. Among the foreign policy advisors to the Hanns Seidel Stiftung (Hanns Seidel Foundation) since 1975 (established in 1967), as well as the Kuratoriums Mitglied of the Ludwig Frank Stiftung (Ludwig-Frank Foundation). The Hanns Seidel Foundation, based in Germany, receives funding from the European Union. The foundation is a geopolitical trust attached to the Bavarian CSU party (the Bavarian Christian Democrats) of the Strauss, Mertes, Huyn, and Edmund Stoiber. It was active on all continents in funding anti-communist militias. July 2005, The Trumphet, 'From the Editor: German Election Crisis—and a New Charlemagne': "Here is what Mr. Armstrong’s Plain Truth staff wrote, September 1979: “On the United Nations, he [Otto] has declared that the organization is dominated by ‘anti-European illiterates, despots and cannibals.’... “Possibly von Habsburg’s most controversial suggestion has been his recipe for dealing with national emergencies. In the April 1978 issue of his conservative publication Zeitbühne, he suggested that in certain emergency situations (such as nuclear blackmail or other major acts of terrorism) governments should let a strongman take over for a period of nine months, allowing him to suspend laws and ‘take all measure necessary for the maintenance of the life of the population.’... Interestingly, von Habsburg counts Bavarian leader Franz Josef Strauss among ‘the few full-blooded politicians’ who ‘in the case of serious national crises are able to accept responsibility because of their clear-sightedness and indomitableness.’ Von Habsburg says he is ‘personally pretty close to his [Strauss’s] ideas in many ways on the European unity subject"... The zenith of Habsburg power came in the 16th century under Emperor Charles v. Chosen by electors in 1519 at the age of 20, Charles was crowned Holy Roman emperor by Pope Leo x in October 1520. He ruled until 1556 and is considered to have been the greatest monarch to bear the imperial crown since Charlemagne. He was the last emperor to vigorously attempt to realize the medieval idea of a unified empire embracing the entire Christian world... Christopher Hollis, in the foreword to von Habsburg’s book The Social Order of Tomorrow, points out that Otto ‘would like to see Europe resume her essential unity, and in the symbolism of that unity he thinks that the imperial crown of Charlemagne and of the Holy Roman Empire might well have its part to play.’ “Inter-European unity has long been a quest of the Habsburg dynasty. Otto himself often speaks of the similarities between the Holy Roman Empire of the Middle Ages and his view of a coming United States of Europe. In this regard, Otto has stressed the importance of religion in the formation of a united Europe. He regards Christianity as Europe’s bulwark: ‘The cross doesn’t need Europe, but Europe needs the cross.’" The pope has also spoken out against Liberal Anglo-Saxon politics. Otto was a member of the Hilfskomitee Freiheit für Rudolf Hess (Freedom for Rudolf Hess Committee), which advocated the release of the former Thulist and number two in Hitler's early regime. Hess had secretly flown to England in May 1941, almost certainly trying to establish a peace between Hitler and the British Empire (through the opponents of Churchill affiliated with the British royal family) so both could attack Russia. Unfortunately for Hess, he was caught. After the war he was held in a prison until his death, mainly because the Soviet Union did not approve of his release. The Action Committee for the Freedom of Rudolf Hess made it to the international news a few times in the 1970s. SMOM member Kurt Waldheim, the secretary general of the United Nations who had to resign in 1986 after he was accused of war crimes, was a favorite of Otto. Otto was honored by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) in February 1988. On 19 August 1989 he was the Patron of the Paneuropean-Picnic in Sopron, which was a protest against the Iron Curtain. Since 1988 he worked on the extension of the Paneuropa Union into the countries behind the Iron Curtain, on the independence of the Baltic States from Moscow, and of Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia-Herzgovina and Macedonia from Belgrade (Serbia). He is considered an enemy of the Serbs. When Croatia (90% roman catholic) and Slovenia (84% roman catholic) withdrew from Yugoslavia, the Vatican immediately supported the action, together with the German government. 1994, Jean-Paul Picaper, 'Otto de Habsbourg: Memoires d'Europe', pp. 209-210 (Otto to a Figaro correspondent): "If German recognized Slovenia and Croatia so rapidly, even against the will of [then German foreign minister] Hans-Dietrich Genscher who did not want to take that step, it's because the Bonn government was subjected to an almost irresistible pressure of public opinion. In this regard, the German press rendered a very great service, in particular the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Carl Gustav Strohm, that great German journalist who works for Die Welt." In the late 80s and early 1990s, Otto invited leaders from Croatia and Slovenia to the European Parliament. He visited these countries and stated they should prepare themselves for a place in the European Union. Habsburg and his allies warned about Milosevic, who had just become a prominent former-communist socialist nationalist and wanted to unite all land where a significant amount of Serbians (mainly eastern orthodox christians) lived. Civil wars followed in which the Serbians ultimately were driven back south and east into Serbia. German, US, an UK intelligence services, together with special forces, were secretly funding the (also quite brutal) opposition to Serbia. NATO also bombed the Serbs twice. Otto had called for the bombing of Belgrade (capital of the Serbs) in 1993. Some fear that Otto would like to see Serbia removed from the map, as he blames this nation for the downfall of his beloved Austro-Hungarian Empire. In 2005 Carla Del Ponte, chief prosecutor of the UN international criminal tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, claimed that the Vatican protected suspected war criminal general Ante Gotovina, a hero in Croatia. Before becoming a general in the Croatian army, Gotovina fought in the French Foreign Legion; then became a close collaborator of the hard-right Jean-Marie Le Pen. In good tradition of the Nazi ratlines, the Vatican allegedly hid him in a monastery. September 20, 2005, The Telegraph, 'Vatican accused of shielding 'war criminal'': "Carla del Ponte, the chief prosecutor of the UN international criminal tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, said she believed that Gen Ante Gotovina was being sheltered in a Franciscan monastery in his native Croatia... She said: "I have information he is hiding in a Franciscan monastery and so the Catholic Church is protecting him. I have taken this up with the Vatican and the Vatican refuses totally to co-operate with us." In July, Mrs del Ponte travelled to Rome to share her intelligence with the Vatican's ''foreign minister'', Archbishop Giovanni Lajolo. He refused to help, telling her the Vatican was not a state and thus had "no international obligations" to help the UN to hunt war criminals. Mrs del Ponte complained: "They said they have no intelligence and I don't believe that. I think that the Catholic Church has the most advanced intelligence services."" In 1989, he said to the European Parliament: "The [European] Community is living largely by the heritage of the Holy Roman Empire, though the great majority of the people who live by it don’t know by what heritage they live." Otto has met with Pope John Paul II to discuss at length the subject of European integration. In early 2006 he met with the new pope, Benedikt XVI (Ratzinger), whom he had already known. From September to December 2004 he travelled to Kosovo, Zurich, Rome, Vienna, Tyrol, Madeira, Croatia, London, again to Vienna, Paris, Strasbourg, Spain, Westphalia, Lower Saxony, Budapest, and three times to Hungary. In November 2002 the Austrian weekly Zur Zeit published an interview with Otto von Habsburg in which he had said: "If we consider America's internal politics, then we find that it is split in two halves. On the one hand, the Defense Department, in which the key positions are held by Jews; the Pentagon is today a Jewish institution. On the other hand, the blacks are in the State Department: for instance, Colin Powell or especially Condoleezza Rice. It is an internal conflict between hawks and doves. Currently, the Anglo-Saxons, that's to say the white Americans, are playing a relatively minor role." On April 20, 2005 National Public Radio (NPR) interviewed Otto and asked him about these comments. He confirmed what he said earlier and added: "There are many nationalities making up America. There are four states that in twenty years will have a majority of Spanish language [citizens]; and I don't think that's a catastrophy. It's a very good thing. I'm already well located. I have many children and all my children speak Spanish too." In the interview he's clearly hinting two or three times to the fact that he wants northern Africa to become part of the European Union. Otto thinks the rejected 2005 EU Constitution should be rewritten and reintroduced. Made a speech in German and French praising Valéry Giscard d'Estaing (former French president; like Habsburg, a good friend of Opusian Cercle founder Jean Violet; prominent member Paneuropa Union; received the Charlemagne award; Knight of Malta; Giscard's father had close connections to the Synarchy and Opus Dei) when this person was head of the Draft Treaty that should have established a Constitution for Europe. 2005, Ausgabe 2-3, Eurojournal pro management, p. 14, committee member Otto von Habsburg: "The original wording of the Constitution draft by Giscard d'Estaing was quite short and comprehensible. So why did it fail to convince the voters? This is plain: a campaign launched with the help of a book thick with legal terminology which, the bureaucrats hoped, voters would read and comprehend. Much money was spent, but nothing was gained. A Commission full of aged politicians to work on the draft which spoilt it just as "too many cooks spoil the broth". Giscard d'Estaing knew what would happen with his initial draft, and later photographs show the expression of a man in desperation who knew that should this revamped version fail, then he would be responsible anyway... No attempt was made to reach out to future generations as did the late pope John Paul II or as Pope Benedict XVI now does; two old men who somehow managed and manage to enthuse the masses. It is therefore no wonder that the battle was lost; the idea however still lives on, but we need new politicians to bring the idea home to voters." Giscard's initial draft version delegated a lot of authority to the EU presidency, who would be elected to serve for five years instead of the previous method of a six month rotation between all EU members. The European Council, the body made up of the heads of state of the member countries, would do the electing on the basis of Qualified Majority Voting. Giscard, who now favored the name United Europe, made many other proposals and was widely attacked for trying to reduce the influence of smaller EU countries, the commission and the European Parliament. Giscard did not see an EU president being directly elected by the European people "for another 50 years." Like Otto, Giscard d’Estaing is absolutely against Turkey joining the European Union. Tuesday 28 February 2006, Valery Giscard d'Estaing, speech at the London School of Economics entitled 'The Political Future of Europe' (transcript posted at website of LSE): "Let's be clear about this: the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in France was a mistake, which will have to be corrected. Was the mistake due to the over-complicated presentation of the draft, or the choice of a referendum [public vote...] at a time when politicians were highly unpopular? It doesn't much matter. Everyone has accepted the democratic verdict, whatever their regrets. But the main victim has been a Treaty, which, according to the opinion polls, the French were not against. At a time when second chances are the order of the day, the Constitutional Treaty will have to be given its second chance. When? When France has completed her great electoral debate, with the presidential and parliamentary elections which are due to be held 14 months' time, in spring 2007. How? By refocusing the debate on the only genuinely constitutional parts, that is to say, the first part, and the Charter of Fundamental Rights demanded by the European Left, neither of which have given rise to much protest. Then the third part could follow a parliamentary route, which is far better suited to its legal nature." In this speech Giscard proposed that the two first parts of the Constitution could be subject to a new referendum, whereas the third and more controversial part would be subject to a parliamentary vote. On May 23, 2006 the Financial Times quoted Giscard d'Estaing as saying: "It is not France that has said no. It is 55 per cent of the French people - 45 per cent of the French people said yes... I wish that we will have a new chance, a second chance, for the constitutional project." Otto concurs and added in 2006 "A short, clear constitution text must go", suggesting the average person in the EU is interested in reading the document. April 09, 2002, Christian Science Monitor, 'Europe, prepare to greet Islam': "For centuries, the ruling Habsburgs defended the Continent against the expansion of the Turkish Ottoman Empire. Now Mr. von Habsburg makes it clear that all nations bordering the Mediterranean Sea – including those in North Africa and the Middle East – have a place in his broad vision for tomorrow's Europe." In other interviews Otto indeed claimed that as far as he is concerned, Africa starts with the Sahara. The small strip above it should still be included in Europe. Otto is also happy to see that Central and Eastern Europe starts to have more and more influence in the rest of Europe. When Otto von Habsburg visited the United States in April 2005, one of the few people he spoke with in private was Henry Kissinger. Also interviewed by a few newspapers during his visit to the United States. April 18, 2005, Washington Times, 'Habsburg, 92, has eye on future': "The Cosmos Club's windows were ablaze with light... talk centered on Archduke Otto's lifelong quest to build and expand the European Union. "Ten new states have recently been admitted, and we are waiting for others, especially Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and the Ukraine," he told a reporter... Archduke Otto, amazingly hale and hearty at 92, readily admitted the EU was "already too big and unwieldy" but said that shouldn't matter: "The new [member states] will be better Europeans than the old because they know the totalitarian alternative. They will enrich us enormously." Later, he praised the Ukrainians for courageously taking to the streets to ensure democratic rule." Official supporter of Europe for Christ, which was founded in July 2005 and aims to insert the values of catholicism in the European constitution and the life of Europeans. The Vatican was "surprised" in 2003 that there was no specific reference to God and Christianity in the proposed EU constitution, even though the general importance of religions and spirituality on human society was in fact mentioned. Otto supports the Vatican on this issue. In November 2005 Otto denounced Putin as a KGB dictator and spoke in favor of Khodorkovsky, the famous oligarch, being released. Bavaria is known to have made large investments in Russia since the Oligarchs came to power. February 5-6, 2004, European Navigator/Jean Monnet Foundation for Europe, Otto von Habsburg interview in which he replies to the question what he thinks were the key players in European integration (translated from French): "Charles de Gaulle in the first place. Certainly one of the big visionaries of Europe... I will certainly also say Adenauer. Adenauer with his Rhenish vision because the Rhine plays a fundamental role in this Europe... Coudenhove, certainly; and... Schuman... I put them at the same level... Coudenhove said: "You know, it is awfully difficult to make Europe with the English, but without them, it is impossible" That is very true. And in case of France, that's also true. There are a lot of difficulties with the French, but we cannot make it without them. They are an essential element to us and without De Gaulle... France would have collapsed completely." February 5-6, 2004, European Navigator/Jean Monnet Foundation for Europe, Otto von Habsburg interview in which he replies to the question what he thinks about Jean Monnet (translated from French): "Jean Monnet had a role, an important role, but he certainly was not the only one... the relations between Monnet and Coudenhove were not exactly very intimate... I was on the side of Coudenhove during the whole time, because I agreed with his vision. Jean Monnet was rather a technocrat and Coudenhove was a prophet and a visionary. It was that big of a difference, in my opinion." In the end the only differences between Monnet and Otto seem to be that Otto is taking things slower and has traditionally not really been concerned with Britain entering the European Union, as this was not an original Paneuropean objective. Otto von Habsburg has been named as a member of the Order of Malta, a member of Opus Dei, and a member of the Mont Pelerin Society (a branch of the Paneuropa Union). Prominent Catholic and a patron of the Augustan Society. Former sovereign of the Order of the Golden Fleece, which has now become his son. King Juan Carlos of Spain is head of the only other Order of the Golden Fleece. Has also been named as a member of the controversial Order of Zion, if it even exists, or existed. Other rumors about the Order of Zion have named Cercle members Alain Poher and Giulio Andreotti. Otto and his wife reside at the Villa Austria in Pöcking, Bavaria, Germany.

Otto von Habsburg's oldest son, Karl Habsburg (b. 1961), who is to be the future head of the Habsburg family, married Baroness Francesca von Thyssen-Bornemisza in 1993. Baroness Francesca is the daughter of Baron Hans Heinrich von Thyssen-Bornemisza, who was a member of the 1001 Club. They had three children in the 1990s, whose godmother is Gloria von Thurn und Taxis, the wife of the late Prince Johannes von Thurn und Taxis. Karl is president of the Pan Europa Union in Austria and currently serves as the elected OVP Party representative of Austria to the European Parliament. His son Georg von Habsburg is a Hungarian diplomat to the EU and his daughter, Countess Walburga Douglas, is a Pan Europa representative, politician and author.

The Habsburg Empire did not entirely end after WWI. Currently HSH Prince Hans Adam II of Liechtenstein is a Habsburg monarch. He also has close ties to the Vatican, is a member of the Knights of Malta, and at least a supporter of Opus Dei. Hans Adam's younger brother sits on the board of the Coudenhove-Kalergi Foundation, together with Otto von Habsburg, Count Hans Huyn, Jakob Coudenhove-Kalergi (nephew of Richard, the founder of the Paneuropa Union), and Prince Carlo della Torre e Tasso (Thurn und Taxis). Hans Adam is known to have a lot of interest in the UFO/alien issue. He had an interesting conversation about this subject with Dr. Steven Greer. According to Greer, Hans Adam is a radical end-of-the-world fanatic who privately claims aliens have invented all the world's religions. According to Greer, Hans Adam claimed to him that one of his brothers was kidnapped by aliens. Greer says he has spoken to people in the US who claimed Hans Adam's brother indeed was abducted; not by aliens, but by a human stagecraft team to bring him aboard of a certain agenda.

Hague, William J.

Source(s): www.publications.parliament.uk: "27 June-1 July 2002, to Morocco, flights and accommodation for my wife and me paid for by Le Cercle, a political group which organises conferences. (Registered 17 July 2002)"

Born in 1961. Went to Magdalen College, Oxford, and while there he was president of both the Conservative Association (OUCA) and the Oxford Union, a noted breeding-ground for political hopefuls and high-flyers. At Oxford, Hague studied Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE) and graduated with first-class honours. Following Oxford Hague went on to study for an MBA at INSEAD (Elite French business school). Before entering Parliament, he worked for Shell UK and McKinsey & Co. Elected to Parliament in 1989. Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Lord Norman Lamont from 1990 to 1993, who was Chancellor of the Exchequer and chairman of Le Cercle. Entered the Cabinet in 1995 as Secretary of State for Wales. Member of the Privy Council since 1995. Leader of the Conservative Party from 1997 to 2001, in succession to John Major. When prime minister Tony Blair proposed the removal of the hereditary element in the House of Lords in 1998, Lord Cranborne (Cecil family), without consulting Hague, negotiated a pact with the government to retain a small number of hereditary peers for the interim period, which was later set at 92. Hague was embarrassed when Blair told him of it in the House of Commons and sacked Lord Cranborne. Seen as a political lightweight by many, and was widely mocked for his claim that he drank 14 imperial pints (8 litres) of beer in a day in his youth. Chairman of the International Democrat Union (IDU) 1997-2002, the global alliance of Conservative, Christian Democrat and like-minded parties. Went to Bilderberg in 1998. Deputy chairman of the IDU since 2002, under Australia's prime minister John Howard. Shadow Foreign Secretary and Senior Member of the Shadow Cabinet since 2005. UK Parliament record about William Hague: "27 June-1 July 2002, to Morocco, flights and accommodation for my wife and me paid for by Le Cercle, a political group which organises conferences. (Registered 17 July 2002)" Director AES Engineering, Rotherham.

Halper, Stefan

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (visited the Cercle once in 1987)

Halper began his US government career in 1971 in the Executive Office of the President. During the Nixon Administration he held positions in the White House Domestic Council and the Office of Management and Budget. With the Ford Presidency, Halper moved to the Office of the White House Chief of Staff where he had responsibility for a range of domestic and international issues. In 1977 Halper became Special Counsel to the Congressional Joint Economic Committee and Legislative Assistant to Senator William Roth (R-Del.). In 1979 he became National Policy Director for George H. W. Bush’s Presidential campaign and then in 1980 he became Director of Policy Coordination for the Reagan- Bush Presidential campaign. After Reagan entered the White House, Halper became Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs. Upon leaving the Department in 1984, he remained an advisor on National Security Affairs to the White House and the Republican National Committee until 1992. Halper has worked as a senior foreign policy advisor to various think-tanks and research institutions, including the Center for Strategic and International Studies, The Center for the National Interest, where he is a Distinguished Fellow, and the Institute for World Politics where he is a Research Professor. He has been a Senior Advisor to the Department of Defense, served on the Advisory Board of Directors of the School for Advanced International Studies and contributed to various magazines, journals, newspapers and media outlets. These include: The National Interest, The Washington Times, The Washington Post, The Los Angeles Times, The Wall Street Journal, The American Spectator, the BBC, CNN , SKY NEWS, ABC, CBS, NBC, C-Span, and a range of radio outlets. Professor Halper is a member of the Cosmos Club in Washington, and the Travellers Club in London. He is the co-author of the bestselling book, America Alone: The Neo-Conservatives and the Global Order published by the Cambridge University Press (2004), and The Silence of the Rational Centre: Why American Foreign Policy is Failing,Basic Books, (2007). In April 2010, his book, The Beijing Consensus: Legitimizing Authoritarianism in our Time, was published by Basic Books. Also a ‘best seller’, it has been published in Japan, Taiwan, China, Korea and France.

Hanks, Adm. Robert J.

Source(s): Cercle lists: 1982 Wildbad Kreuth; 1984 Bonn; 1985 Washington D.C.; Hanni (also went a second time in 1985, in 1986, 1987 and 1989)

Commissioned ensign US Navy, 1945, advanced through grades to rear admiral, 1972; service at sea Pacific and Persian Gulf, Bahrain, also Indian Ocean area; Commander Middle East Force, 1972-75; director security assistance division Navy Department, 1975-76, director strategic plans and policy div., 1976-77; retired, 1977; freelance writer, consultant, from 1977. Member U.S. Naval Institute (life, Silver medal essay contest 1968, 80, Bronze medal 1969, Gold medal 1970, 79), Army and Navy Club (president 1990-91). Republican. Author: The Unnoticed Challenge: Soviet Maritime Strategy and the Global Choke Points, 1980, The Cape Route: Imperiled Western Lifeline, 1981, The Pacific Far East: Endangered American Strategic Position, 1981, The U.S. Military Presence in the Middle East: Problems and Prospects, 1982, American Sea Power and Global Strategy, 1985; contributing author: America Spreads Her Sails, 1972, Sea Power and Strategy in the Indian Ocean, 1981; also numerous articles, books on strategic and international political military affairs and maritime history.

January 13, 1989, New York Times, 'Pro-Israel Lobbyists Face Charge on Election Role': "Former United States officials filed a complaint today against an influential pro-Israel lobbying group and 53 political action committees, charging they had violated Federal election laws. The complaint, filed with the Federal Election Commission, charges that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee has overstepped its legal bounds as a lobbying group by working to elect or defeat political candidates based on their positions toward Israel. The complaint said that the committee channeled money and volunteers to such campaigns in violation of its registered purpose as a lobbyist. The committee, which in the past has denied such activities, declined to discuss the details of the complaint filed today, citing F.E.C. regulations on confidentiality. Those who filed the complaint include George W. Ball, former Under Secretary of State; James Akins, former Ambassador to Saudi Arabia; Andrew Killgore, former Ambassador to Qatar; Adm. Robert J. Hanks, retired, who headed the Navy's Middle East Task Force; Richard Curtiss, a former chief inspector of the United States Information Agency, and Paul Findley, a former Representative from Illinois who contends he was defeated in 1982 because of a campaign by the pro-Israeli lobbying group. Action Sought by F.E.C. The complaint, researched by the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, which is a major Arab-American organization, asks the election commission to force the public affairs committee to register as a political action committee. If the group did so, it would have to file reports on its activities with the election commission. This could hamper the effectiveness of the lobbying group, which operates behind the scenes to recruit support for Israel, the largest recipient of United States aid with $3 billion annually, and to oppose weapons sales to Arab countries. In a statement, one of the plaintiffs, Mr. Curtiss, spoke of the lobby's ''formidable ability to mobilize congressional support'' and said the ability was ''based not upon an appeal to the American national interest but upon threats by a special interest that has resorted to conspiracy and collusion.''"

July 11, 2001, Washington Post, 'Robert Hanks Dies; Rear Admiral Led Middle East Force': "After he retired, he was a freelance writer, lecturer and consultant specializing in the Middle East. He wrote for the U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings, The Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Chicago Tribune, Wall Street Journal, Strategic Review, Naval Review, Shipmate and others. He was president of the Army and Navy Club and a member of the American Legion, Navy League and the U.S. Naval Institute."

September 21, 1989, The Oregonian, 'B-2 not to be: No role for deterrence nuclear cruise missiles better suited, flexible': "In this instance, the enormous expenditures projected for the B-2 will clearly be unnecessary, and this country would be better advised to devote a larger proportion of its constricted defense funds to improving the nation's conventional warfare capabilities, for it is here that challenges to American international interests are most likely to materialize. ... Proponents of the plane, however, seem to be overlooking a fundamental flaw in the present Triad concept: response to a nuclear attack is now measured in minutes rather than the hours that made the B-52 an essential element in the strategic equation. Today, the manned bomber could not enter the fray until long after ballistic missiles had devastated an opposing nation. Even if some enemy missiles remained in the wake of an initial exchange -- mobile versions and misfires, for instance -- stealth proponents concede that the B-2 would be incapable of destroying them; the prime justification for the bomber when it was first proposed. Furthermore, it seems evident that nuclear deterrence can be adequately maintained by the other two legs of the Triad, as long as the land-based segment is modernized. Here, the Congress is wrong in gutting the MX and Midgetman programs. Still, the B-2 would not rectify this deficiency, in which case there appears to be no valid excuse for spending $70 billion on a new manned bomber. A far better solution to the B-52 dilemma exists: the nuclear-tipped cruise missile. If there is a valid requirement for post-nuclear-exchange strikes, the cruise missile -- launched from myriad land- and sea-based platforms and, perhaps, incorporating stealth technology -- would constitute an efficient and far less costly alternative to the B-2. B-2 advocates also claim that, compared to the ballistic missile, manned aircraft can be recalled, if necessary. They ignore the fact that cruise missiles, deployed in multitudinous ways -- land-based or on a host of sea-borne craft, naval and merchant -- need not be launched until the need arises. This contrasts sharply with the bomber, which would have to be scrambled on warning to avoid destruction on the ground during the opening nuclear exchange. Finally, backers of the stealth bomber contend that the plane could play a useful role in conventional warfare as the B-52 did during the Vietnam War. Again technological advances and the sheer economics of building B-2s renders the cruise missile a far better choice, even in wars approaching the magnitude and intensity of Korea or Vietnam. Altogether, one must conclude that, in pushing for full production of the B-2, the secretary of defense is making a serious error. In addition to modernizing the land-based leg of the deterrence stool, it is long past time that the Triad concept itself be brought up to date."

August 3, 1988, The Oregonian, 'Oil Still Key Reason For American Presence In Gulf': "Since Washington's decision to reflag a handful of Kuwaiti tankers, considerable debate has attended administration policies in the Persian Gulf. Now, in view of Tehran's apparent acceptance of U.N. Resolution 598 calling for a cease-fire in the seemingly interminable Iran-Iraqi war, it seems possible to expect the American naval presence in the region to return to pre-war levels. Most of the reasons Washington variously used to justify the initial naval buildup will no longer be valid. However, one critical factor to which the administration failed to give due credit will remain: American and allied dependence on Persian Gulf oil. U.S. petroleum problems center on the reality vs. the popular estimates of this nation's current reliance on supplies from the gulf, as well as with pertinent future projections. Most contemporary media accounts claim that American imports of Persian Gulf petroleum total about 6 percent of this nation's annual consumption. Significantly, these assessments studiously ignore forecasts of future U.S. production and demand, just as they did a decade and a half ago. In the spring of 1973, when Arab nations were threatening to invoke the ``oil weapon'' as a response to Washington's expanding military aid to Israel, American petroleum imports from the Persian Gulf were trumpeted in the press as being only 2 percent of annual consumption. As subsequent shortages decisively demonstrated, U.S. international oil companies were correct in saying that the actual figure was around 15 percent to 18 percent. This major discrepancy partly stemmed from the fact that the bulk of all U.S. armed forces deployed to the Far East and the Indian Ocean, as well as their bases, were then being fueled by Saudi Arabian oil from Ras Tanurah and Iranian oil from Kharg Island. In addition, many of the oil shipments lost their identity once they left the gulf, such as those shipped or refined in the Caribbean and in Rotterdam. With the Suez Canal still closed, only supertankers were economically viable, transporting gulf products south around the Cape of Good Hope. The supertankers were simply too large to enter relatively shallow-draft U.S. ports. And when smaller tankers -- to which Middle East cargoes of crude and refined oil had been transferred -- arrived in American East Coast and Gulf of Mexico ports, the oil in their tanks was no longer recognized as having originated in the Persian Gulf. One suspects that all of the foregoing miscalculations are imbedded in today's somewhat greater but nonetheless sanguine estimates of American dependence on oil exports from the Persian Gulf. Present conditions, however, are considerably different than they were in 1973. U.S. domestic oil production peaked around 1970 and is now down appreciably and steadily declining. It is projected to fall further through the mid-1990s. Moreover, consumption is rising. If one combines the two indicators, it becomes painfully clear that the outlook for this nation's energy future is anything but happy. Given these realities, where does the United States stand at the moment? Even if consumption remains constant -- a highly unlikely prospect -- imports will inevitably grow, and forecasts suggest that they will do so significantly by 1995. Nearly 70 percent of the world's excess production capacity is today to be found in Persian Gulf countries of Saudi Arabia, Iran, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates. An end to the Iran-Iraq war eventually will add around five million barrels per day to that capacity. Furthermore, this region's share of world production in 1995 is expected to total somewhere between 30 percent and 45 percent. Thus, where will the United States look to make up the gap between its own output and necessary imports? Clearly, the Persian Gulf will be a prime source. It is in this context that the U.S. military presence in the Persian Gulf should be viewed. Just as the 1983 invasion of Grenada was designed not so much to rescue American medical students as to secure the primary sea lane along which Middle East oil shipments entered the Caribbean, so have recent U.S. efforts in the Persian Gulf been directed at protecting this nation's populace and industries from another energy shortage, other administration explanations notwithstanding. Amid the inevitable euphoria that will accompany termination of the Iran-Iraq war, Americans should not lose sight of the petroleum realities continuing to hover over their lives. Rear Adm. Robert J. Hanks is a former commander of the U.S. Middle East Force. Since his retirement in 1977, the former Portlander has written extensively from his home in Virginia on international political-military affairs, particularly the Middle East and maritime history."

Heck, Bruno

Source(s): 1983 Bonn participants list

German politician of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU). He studied philosophy and theology at the University of Tübingen. From 1957 to 1976 Heck was a member of the German Bundestag. Heck was Minister of Family Affairs and Youth from 1962 to 1968. After the resignation of the FDP ministers in 1966, he additionally headed the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development for a short time. Heck headed the Konrad Adenauer Foundation from 1968 to 1989. The Bruno Heck Science Prize, awarded biannually by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, was named in his honor.

Hersov, Basil E.

Source(s): 1984 South Africa participants list

Born in 1926 in Johannesburg. Son of A. S. "Bob" Hersov. Chairman and CEO Anglovaal Group 1973-2001. President South African Foundation 1977-1993. Chairman Barclays South Africa. Honorary member Rotary Club, Johannesburg. Governor Hichaelhouse School, Balgowan. Board member National Business Initiative. Member of Pik W. Botha's defence council (ruled 1977-1994). Member Thabo Mbeki's economic advisory panel (ruled 1999-2008). 1001 Club.

November 8, 2001, All Africa, 'South Africa: 'Think About the Big Issues' - Basil Hersov': "In times of great turbulence and the confusion it brings, society seeks counsel from those with wisdom gained through experience. So former Anglovaal chairman Basil Edward Hersov, who retired last month after more than 52 years helping to mind the family business, may find even greater demands on his time in the years ahead. Hersov remains as passionate as ever about urging his countrymen to think, really think, about the big issues. And by playing what promises to be an even more active future role in heavyweight organisations like the SA Foundation and the National Business Initiative, he promises to keep raising uncomfortable questions that politicians prefer to avoid."

January 23, 2009, Financial Mail, 'Where are they now? Still up in the air': "He is the most senior honorary colonel of the SA Air Force. He was too busy to keep up with these trips regularly in his 26 years as chairman of Anglovaal, one of the top mining and industrial groups in SA before it was disbanded in 1998. Not too surprising as there were more than 20 companies in the Anglovaal group, involved in everything from gold mining to biscuits. He is sorry that he could not pass this business on to his sons, as his father Bob Hersov passed it on to him. One of his sons, James, shares the same offices and is a non executive director of Aveng and AVI. His brother Rob is a "serial entrepreneur" who sold his jet leasing business Marquis Jets to Warren Buffett's Berkshire Hathaway, which owns the market leader, NetJets. He is vice-chairman of NetJets Europe. Hersov still has an old school charm and cool which contrasts with the more pushy, abrasive businessman of today. But then he has never had to be pushy. "I grew up with the companies I later managed." He acknowledges that the model of family control of businesses is out of favour. "I could never understand why. We gave our shareholders a great return over the years, and I should know - I was one of the bigger ones." He says that the JSE is a very different place from the days 20 years ago when five groups controlled most of the exchange. "Most companies seem to be controlled by people who have not yet paid for their shares." Hersov still plays the occasional round of golf with former Anglo American boss Julian Ogilvie Thompson. He teases his old rival by saying that Anglovaal might have been a lot smaller but it was far more profitable."

January 1, 2007, Mail and Guardian Online (South Africa), 'Arms deal: Who got R1bn in pay-offs?': "Explosive new allegations of dirty money and influence-buying at the heart of South Africa's multibillion-rand arms deal have emerged from a British investigation of BAE Systems, the defence conglomerate that secured a R30-billion South African order for Hawk jet trainers and Gripen fighters. The allegations are contained in a formal application by the United Kingdom's Serious Fraud Office (SFO) for legal assistance from South African authorities. ... The SFO document mentions as beneficiaries of the suspected bribes, among others, former defence minister Joe Modise's adviser, Fana Hlongwane, and FTNSA Consulting, a company whose principal is, according to the SFO document, former Anglovaal and First National Bank (FNB) chairperson Basil Hersov. BAE has always maintained that it merely pays "normal" commissions and not bribes. However, the SFO document states: "The whole [commissions paying] system is maintained in such conditions of secrecy that there is a legitimate suspicion concerning the real purpose of the payments." The SFO also notes that "the failure of BAE to produce documentation believed to be located in office locations in Switzerland" adds to the suspicion that the "underlying documents which govern the payments cannot withstand scrutiny". The SFO document names a "highly secretive unit within BAE" called Headquarters Marketing, or HQ Marketing, "which coordinates all agreements and contracts with agents". It discloses the main front company used for the commission transactions, Red Diamond Trading, a mystery offshore entity registered in the British Virgin Islands. The document states that "between 2000 and 2005, South African agents received over £70-million through Red Diamond and over £6-million and $4-million through HQ Marketing accounts". It adds that "hardly any funds were paid to bank accounts within South Africa; the vast majority of payments being made to offshore accounts". ... * FTNSA Consulting, a company registered in the West Indies, whose principal, according to the SFO document, is Basil Hersov, former chairperson of FNB and member of President Thabo Mbeki's economic advisory panel. Hersov, now 80, is described as a man "with considerable influence". Agreements with him "allow access to the very top", according to BAE documents quoted by the SFO. According to the SFO document: "Documentation disclosed by BAE has revealed that … FTNSA was incorporated in Nevis in the West Indies in April 1992, and two months later entered into a consultancy agreement with BAE in relation to procurement of the Hawk aircraft in South Africa." At the time, in 1992, the South African government was still led by the National Party, with FW de Klerk as president. Apparently, BAE expected that FTNSA/Hersov's influence would continue to allow "access to the very top" and help secure the desired Hawk contract after the elections and the installation of an African National Congress government in 1994. According to the SFO request, FTNSA was paid, like the others, after delivery of the contract, between 2000 and 2005. It received a sum of £5,5-million (R77-million)."

Historic:

August 26, 1946, Time magazine, 'GOLD: 18-K. Beachhead': "Last week Wall Street's Ladenburg, Thalmann & Co. and Lazard Freres & Co. announced the formation of the American Anglo-Transvaal Corp., a privately-financed company to promote mining and industry in South Africa. (No stock in the new company will be offered to the public for the time being.) The London firms of Lazard Brothers & Co. and J. Henry Schroder were invited to share in the original $9 million subscription of American Anglo-Transvaal, and accepted. American Anglo-Transvall, will operate on a partnership basis with the Anglo-Transvaal Consolidated Investment Co., Ltd., a $32 million holding company, one of the most active in South Africa. American Anglo-Transvaal will supply the cash; Anglo-Transvaal (with active subsidiaries in steel, oil, glass, coal, lumber, manganese) will provide the knowhow."

The Anglovaal Group was a diversified South African Mining House. Interests were held through Anglovaal Industries Pty Ltd. (cement, construction, steel, food processing, car tyres, consumer electronics and financial services), and through Anglovaal Mining Pty Ltd (gold, platinum, copper, manganese, iron ore, nickel and diamonds). The Group was listed in Johannesburg and London but controlled by the founding families. At its peak the Group employed some 85,000 people and had a market capital of +/- $2.5bn.

His son, Robert B. Hersov:

Since January 2004, Mr. Hersov has been the vice chairman of NetJets Europe Ltd., a subsidiary of NetJets, Inc., a private aviation and fractional jet ownership company which was acquired by [Warren Buffet's] Berkshire Hathaway Inc. in 1998. Mr. Hersov founded and, from December 2002 to April 2004, served as the chief executive officer of Marquis Jet Europe, a private aviation company which was acquired by NetJets, Inc. in 2004. Since September 2007, Mr. Hersov has served as a non-executive director of Australian privately-owned company Global Aviation Leasing Group. Mr. Hersov is also chairman of Sapinda Limited, a UK private company, which is the main shareholder of Vatas GmbH, a private German investment company. Mr. Hersov also founded and, from October 1998 to December 2002, served as the chairman of Sportal Ltd., a company that operates an Internet site that offers sports-related games and videos. From October 1996 to September 1998, he served as the executive director of Enic plc, a holding company listed on the London Stock Exchange that invests primarily in the sports and media sectors. From September 1995 to September 1997, Mr. Hersov was the chief executive officer of Telepiu PayTV in Milan, Italy, a pay TV and digital satellite company. From March 1993 to August 1995, Mr. Hersov served as an executive director of [the Rupert family's] Richemont, a tobacco, luxury and media conglomerate listed on the SWX Swiss Exchange. We believe Mr. Hersov?s investment background will assist us in sourcing new avenues of financing needed to expand our business. Since June 2005, Mr. Hersov has been a member of the board of directors of Shine Media Acquisition Corp., a blank check company that was formed to acquire a direct or indirect interest in an operating business in the media and advertising industry in the People?s Republic of China. He was a director of Endeavor Acquisition Corp. from July 2005 to December 2007, a director of Victory Acquisition Corp. from January 2007 to April 2009 and a director of Triplecrown from June 2007 to October 2009. From 1989 to 1991, he served as a Business Development executive of News Corp. in New York (owned by Rupert Murdoch). Mr. Hersov received a B.B.S. from the University of Cape Town in 1982 and a M.B.A. from the Harvard Business School in 1989.

May 22, 1985, Courier Mail, 'South Africans counter-attack': "SOUTH African businessmen _ along with the Pretoria Government _ have been stunned over the last several months by the intensity of the campaign in the United States and elsewhere to disinvest from the apartheid republic. In Australia, Government and sporting leaders have expressed concern at the decision by Kim Hughes to lead a team of ""rebel" cricketers to the country. But after the initial bemusement, big South African business interests and personalities, with government assistance, have launched a counter-attack to take as much of the sting as possible out of the onslaught. A top-level delegation of South African businessmen laid the foundation of the counter moves by holding a secret summit in Britain last month with British, American and Swedish business executives. The meeting, at Leeds Castle, 60 km from London, was presided over by former British Prime Minister, Edward Heath, who played a leading role in arranging it. The focus of attention at the conference was the Reverend Leon Sullivan, author of the Sullivan Code of Conduct for American companies operating in South Africa. The South African delegation was led by the director of the South African Urban Foundation, Mr Jan Steyn, and included Mr Tony Bloom, chairman of the Premier group of companies, Mr Basil Hersov, executive chairman of the Anglo Vaal mining group and Mr Reinalt T Hofmeyer, executive director of Barlow Band, one of South Africa's largest industrial organisations. The conference was organised by US multi-national interests through the Rev Sullivan and Mr Heath _ without the blessing of the British or South African Governments _ and against the advice of the UK-SA Trade Association. The presence of a three-man Swedish delegation headed by Dr Aake Magnusson, chairman of the Council of Swedish Industries, was considered significant as the Swedish Government has been at the forefront of disinvestment moves. Informed sources said the conference had brought South African business leaders to a closer understanding with Mr Sullivan who, in turn, recognised the vital role South African businessmen were playing in promoting internal reforms _ a cue they had taken from American companies. The South African delegation argued that foreign investors could achieve more by continued involvement in South Africa than they could by opting for disinvestment or outright confrontation with the South African Government. A statement issued after the conference revealed a new consensus intended to simultaneously intensify business pressure on the South African Government and undercut the growing momentum for disinvestment. A key paragraph stated: ""It is important to reflect that economic growth and productive investments are essential to forces now taking place in South Africa.i. . . the participants are encouraged by the progress that has been made.""

March 7, 1986, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 'South Africa: In Brief; Change in South Africa Urged in Barclays Bank Annual Report': "The authorities should proceed ''with all deliberate speed'' to implement changes designed to move South Africa away from institutionalised discrimination. This is the view of the Chairman and Managing Director of Barclays National Bank, Mr Basil Hersov and Mr Chris Ball. In a strongly worded comment on the political situation in the bank's 1985 annual report, they stress that ''the human aspirations of people who are not white must be accommodated if we are to acheive a stable society and bring an end to conflict.'' This would require courage, they say. ''It is our belief that the majority of South Africans, both black and white, have accepted that apartheid has to be dismantled. Between the diehards who wish to maintain the staus quo at all costs on the one hand and the proponents of violence on the other, there is a large range of active interest groups in our society, including the business sector, who anxiously seek an opportunity for involvement in building a society beyond apartheid.'' The bankers express the hope that 1985 will prove to be a turning point in South Africa's history."

Hertzog, Dirk

Source(s): 1984 South Africa participants list (vice chairman of the Rembrandt Group)

The most important partner of Anton Rupert in the Rembrandt for decades. Visited Le Cercle. Member 1001 Club since around the time of the founding.

September 12, 2005, Africa News, 'South Africa; Building an Empire From Humble Beginnings: Anton Rupert': "ANTON Rupert's study of world markets, as well as his own observations during the depression, convinced him that "tobacco and liquor had the best growth potential because I noticed during the depression of the 1930s that people didn't smoke less and, if anything, they probably drank more". ... In the initial years Rupert focused more on tobacco while Dirk Hertzog mostly attended to the liquor unit. Hertzog tended to keep a lower profile -- it was better that way, he often told friends and relatives, as a team could only have one captain: "Anton is the masthead."" March 24, 2006, Africa News, 'South Africa; Extraordinary Man of Many Parts': "The [Michael] O'Dowd legend lives on in the memories of colleagues at Anglo American, where they would take turns researching obscure subjects to casually drop into conversations to see if they could find something on which he could not contribute authoritatively. They never did. ... For most of our history as one of Africa's leading independent think tanks he was our chairman (1978-2005). More than that, he was a father figure and mentor. He became head of the Free Market Foundation after he and Dirk Hertzog reconstituted the foundation with the support of Harry Oppenheimer and Anton Rupert 30 years ago to combat the interventionism that characterised the 1970s and caused SA's declining economic fortunes." January 27, 2006, Financial Mail (South Africa), 'Obituary - Anton Rupert.': "His brother, Jan, was a senior group executive, and though Rupert had reservations about bringing family members into firms, he later recruited his son, Johann. This allowed Edwin, the son of Rupert's original and lifelong business partner Dirk Hertzog, to join Rembrandt as well and build up the group's hospital interests."

Horne, Alistair

Source(s): Adrian Hanni (visited the Cercle in a 1990 meeting)

As a boy during World War II, he was sent to live in the United States. He attended Millbrook School, where he befriended William F. Buckley, Jr., who remained a lifelong friend until Buckley's death on February 27, 2008. Horne served in the RAF in 1943–44 and with the Coldstream Guards from 1944–1947. He worked as a foreign correspondent for The Daily Telegraph from 1952–1955. He is an Honorary Fellow of St Antony's College, Oxford. Horne is the biographer of British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, a work originally published in two volumes. In early June 2008 he finished a soon-to-be-published authorised biography of Henry Kissinger (author's statement, Paris, June 13, 2008). As a result of the Iraq War, his 1977 book A Savage War of Peace: Algeria 1954-1962 has recently been of interest to American military officers. It was also recommended to U.S. President George W. Bush by former United States Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger. In October, 2006 the book was republished[1] and in January 2007, by phone from his home in England, Alistair Horne was part of an Iraq War discussion panel on the Charlie Rose Show on PBS. According to the July 2, 2007 edition of the Washington Post, Horne reportedly met with President Bush sometime in mid-2007 at the administration's request. Staff writer Peter Baker reported that they discussed philosophy and history.

Horten, Alphons

Source(s): 2014, Johannes Grossmann, p. 473 (visited in the 1970s)

From the same family as Titus Maria Horten (1882-1936), a Catholic Dominican priest. Busdestag member for the CDU 195-1972. Also involved in J. Weck & Co.

Howard, Michael

Source(s): 18 June 2000, Sunday Telegraph / Lobster Magazine, Issue 40, winter 2000-2001

Who's Who: Born in 1941. Junior Counsel to the Crown (Common Law), 1980–82; a Recorder, 1986. Contested (C) Liverpool, Edge Hill, 1966 and 1970; Chm., Bow Group, 1970–71. PPS to Solicitor-General, 1984–85; Parly Under-Sec. of State, DTI, 1985–87; Minister of State, DoE, 1987–90; Secretary of State for: Employment, 1990–92; the Environment, 1992–93; the Home Dept, 1993–97; Shadow Foreign Sec., 1997–99; Shadow Chancellor, 2001–03. Jt Sec., Cons. Legal Cttee, 1983–84; Jt Vice-Chm., Cons. Employment Cttee, 1983–84; Vice-Chm., Soc. of Cons. Lawyers, 1985. Pres., Atlantic Partnership; Chm., Northern Racing Ltd; Dep. Chm., Entrée Gold Inc. PC 1990; QC 1982; MP (C) Folkestone and Hythe, since 1983; Leader of the Conservative Party and Leader of the Opposition, 2003–05

He was called to the Bar (Inner Temple) in 1964 and specialized in employment law and planning issues. The late 1960s saw his promotion within the Bow Group where he became Chairman in 1970 shortly after the general election in which he was again defeated at Edge Hill. Howard entered the Government early, becoming Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Department of Trade and Industry in 1985 with responsibility for regulating the financial dealings of the City of London. This junior post became very important as he oversaw the Big Bang introduction of new technology in 1986. After the 1987 election he became Minister for Local Government where he became involved in two major political controversies. On behalf of the Government, he accepted the amendment which became Section 28, and defended its inclusion. He then guided through the House of Commons the Local Government Finance Act 1988 which brought in Mrs Thatcher's new system of local taxation, officially known as the Community Charge but almost universally nicknamed the poll tax. Howard personally supported the tax and was respected by Mrs Thatcher for minimizing the rebellion against it within the Conservative Party. After a period as Minister for Water and Planning in 1988/89, in which time he was responsible for implementing water privatization in England and Wales, Howard was promoted to the Cabinet as Secretary of State for Employment in January 1990 when Norman Fowler resigned "to spend more time with his family". Howard therefore took on responsibility for legislation abolishing the closed shop. He campaigned vigorously for Mrs Thatcher in the leadership contest following her resignation in November 1990. He retained the same cabinet post under John Major and made many attacks on trade union power as part of the 1992 general election campaign. His work in the campaign led to his appointment as Secretary of State for the Environment in the reshuffle after the election. He undertook some diplomacy to encourage the United States to participate in the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, but was soon after appointed as Secretary of State for the Home Department in a 1993 reshuffle initiated by the sacking of Norman Lamont. His tenure as Home Secretary was especially notable for his tough approach to crime, which he summed up in the soundbite "Prison works". When he was Home Secretary he released high-level drug dealer John Haase from prison just 10 months into an 18-year sentence, along with his associate Paul Bennett. Haase's criminal career began with armed robberies in the 1970s. He moved on when he realised there was much more money to be made in heroin. He took control of the British end of the southern route for heroin smugglers, which runs from Afghanistan to Britain via Turkey and the Balkans. A member of Haase’s gang, Simon Bakerman, imprisoned for running an amphetamine factory, is Michael Howard’s cousin. His reputation was dented in 1996 when a critical inquiry into a series of prison escapes was published. In advance of the publication Howard made statements to assign blame to the prison service. Ann Widdecombe, his former junior minister in the Home Office, made a statement to Parliament about the dismissal of then Director of the Prison Service, Derek Lewis and famously remarked of Howard that "there is something of the night about him", a bitter and widely quoted comment that fatally damaged his 1997 bid for the Conservative Party leadership. The comment was taken as a "bitchy" reference to his dour demeanour, which she was implying was sinister and almost Dracula-like, related to his Romanian ancestry. Attended the June 2001 meeting of Le Cercle in Lisbon, Portugal. President and founding chairman of the Atlantic Partnership. After the 2001 General Election Howard was recalled to frontline politics when the Conservatives' new leader, Iain Duncan Smith, appointed him as Shadow Chancellor. After Duncan Smith was removed from the leadership by the parliamentary party, Howard was elected unopposed as leader of the party in 2003. In February 2004, Howard called on Tony Blair to resign over the Iraq war, because he had failed to ask "basic questions" regarding WMD claims and misled Parliament. In July the Tory leader stated that he would not have voted for the motion that authorised the Iraq war had he known the quality of intelligence information on which the WMD claims were based. At the same time, he said he still believed in the Iraq invasion was right because "the prize of a stable Iraq was worth striving for". His criticism of Blair did not earn Howard sympathies in Washington, where President Bush refused to meet him; Karl Rove is reported to have told Howard: "You can forget about meeting the president full stop. Don't bother coming." Howard is an old friend and cabinet colleague of Cercle member and Arms dealer Jonathan Aitken. Governor of the Ditchley Foundation.

Howell, Lord David

Sources: June 18, 2004, Chancellery of HRH Crown Prince Alexander II of Yugoslavia, 'Reception in honor of the "Le Cercle" conference

Who's Who: Lieut Coldstream Guards, 1954–56. Joined Economic Section of Treasury, 1959; resigned, 1960. Leader-Writer and Special Correspondent, The Daily Telegraph, 1960–64; Chm. of Bow Gp, 1961–62; Editor of Crossbow, 1962–64; contested (C) Dudley, 1964. MP (C) Guildford, 1966–97. A Lord Comr of Treasury, 1970–71; Parly Sec., CSD, 1970–72; Parly Under-Sec.: Dept of Employment, 1971–72; NI Office, March-Nov. 1972; Minister of State: NI Office, 1972–74; Dept of Energy, 1974; Secretary of State: for Energy, 1979–81; for Transport, 1981–83. Chairman: Select Cttee on Foreign Affairs, 1987–97; H of L Sub-Cttee on EC Foreign and Security Policy, 1999–2000. H of L Opposition spokesman on foreign affairs, 2000–; Dep. Leader of the Opposition, H of L, 2005–. Chairman: Cons. One Nation Gp, 1987–97; UK-Japan 21st Century (formerly 2000) Group, 1990–2001. Sen. Vis. Fellow, PSI, 1983–85; Vis. Fellow, Nuffield Coll., Oxford, 1993–2001. Dir of Conservative Political Centre, 1964–66. Director: Jardine Insurance Brokers, 1991–97; Monks Investment Trust, 1993–2004; John Laing Plc, 1999–2002; Adv. Dir, UBS (formerly SBC Warburg), 1997–2000; Advisor: Japan Central Railway Co., 2001–; Mitsubishi Electric, Europe, BV, 2003–; Kuwait Investment Office, 2003–; Hermitage Global Fund, 2007–. Mem., Internat. Adv. Council, Swiss Bank Corp., 1988–97. Pres., BIEE, 2006–. Governor, Sadler’s Wells Trust, 1995–98; Trustee: Shakespeare Globe Theatre, 2000–; Duke of Edinburgh’s Commonwealth Conferences, 2008–

Baron Howell of Guildford. Born in 1936. Educated at Eton and King's College, Cambridge. After five years as a journalist he unsuccessfully contested the constituency of Dudley in the 1964 General Election. Member of Parliament for Guildford from 1966-1997. Served in four other Government posts under Mr. Heath, including Minister of State for Energy and Minister of State for Northern Ireland. Member of the Privy Council since 1979. Secretary of State for Energy 1979-1981. Secretary of State for Transport 1981-1983. Writes a fortnightly column for The Japan Times in Tokyo since 1985. Regularly writes for the International Herald Tribune, E-biz Chronicle (New York) and to other newspapers and journals. Chairman of the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs since 1987-1997. Chairman of the UK-Japan 21st Century Group 1989-2002, the high level bilateral forum between leading UK and Japanese politicians, industrialists and academics. Member of the international advisory board of Swiss Bank Corporation from 1989-1996. Has been to the the Trilateral Commission several times since the 1990s. Advisory director and senior adviser to the board of SBC Warburg Dillon Read, London 1996-2000. Created a life peer as Lord Howell of Guildford in 1997. Chairman of the House of Lords European Sub-Committee on Common Foreign and Security Policy 1999-2000. Awarded the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Sacred Treasure of Japan in 2001. European Consultant to Japan Central Railway Company, to Mitsubishi Electric, Europe, BV and to the Kuwait Investment Authority. 2003 panelist of the Atlantic Partnership. Howell's website, 2003: "With the support of the Atlanticist and free market-minded new members there is every chance of turning the EU away from its centralist obsessions and even repatriating powers to national parliaments." President of the British Institute of Energy Economists (BIEE) since 2004. Attended a meeting of Le Cercle in Belgrade, Serbia on June 18, 2004. Upon taking his post at the BIEE, Howell wrote: "I am delighted and honoured to take on this role. There can be no doubt that after a decade of relatively problem-free energy flows there are now major dangers ahead on both the supply side and on the generation and distribution sides. For the UK the situation is about to change radically. We will shortly become again, after many years, a net importer of both oil and natural gas, the latter being supplied by new contracts with Norway, Russia , Algeria and possibly Iran. This takes these aspects of energy supply right back into the heart of international politics in the most sensitive areas on earth. Meanwhile , here at home, we now have to make crucial new decisions on nuclear power. It is no longer a question of ‘keeping options open’ on nuclear power generation. Decisions have to be made now for a decade ahead. Investment in offshore windfarms cannot conceivably fill the gap which will be left by any nuclear closures. Finally, we now have to move towards a new generation of techniques for conservation and low energy consumption. There is much work to be done." At a Chatham House meeting in April 2005. October 19, 2006, subject matter of Lord Howell's speech to the Japan Society: "A new structure of International Relations is now in the making. As American power and influence diminishes, it will be replaced not by another bloc or superpower, such as The European Union or China, but by a complex new mesh or web of relationships between nations large and small. A vital strand in this new pattern will be the linkage between the UK and Japan. This linkage has the capacity to re-shape global affairs, including energy security and influence on both Middle Eastern and Asia-Pacific stability, to an extent far greater than hitherto realised. Lord Howell will explain how this scene will develop." Member of the advisory council of New Europe, a cross-party eurosceptics group. Deputy Opposition Leader in the House of Lords and spokesman for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in the House of Lords. May 17, 2006, Viva Le Canada, 'The Commonwealth as the Ideal Model for International Relations in the 21st Century': "The Lord Howell argues that the Commonwealth is becoming a completely transformed entity and that an enlarged and reformed version of it should be centre stage in addressing the problems of the new international order... The Commonwealth normally refers to 53 member countries, formerly members of the British Empire. The Commonwealth's membership includes both republics and monarchies. The Head of the Commonwealth is Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and the Headquarters are at Marlborough House in London. Her Majesty also reigns as monarch directly in a number of states, known as Commonwealth Realms, notably the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, New Zealand and others. The Commonwealth's 1.8 billion citizens, about 30 per cent of the world's population, are drawn from the broadest range of faiths, races, cultures and traditions. About half of this population are less than 25 years old. Members range from vast democratic countries like India, Canada and Australia to smaller city states like Singapore. The Commonwealth has three intergovernmental organisations: the Commonwealth Secretariat, the Commonwealth Foundation, and the Commonwealth of Learning."

Hoskinson, Samuel M.

Source(s): Samuel M. Hoskinson 1998 speech about NATO expansion to Le Cercle (at the 2000-2002 Atlantic Circle website)

Senior member of the National Security Council Staff where he served under three National Security Advisors: Henry Kissinger, Brent Scowcroft, and Zbigniew Brzezinski. Vice chairman National Intelligence Council. Manager for international corporate strategy at the Bechtel Group. He later provided international consulting services to foreign and domestic clients. Executive vice president, CFO and director of Africa Petroleum, Inc., together with Cercle director Richard T. McCormack; Charles E. Waterman, a senior CIA officer and vice chairman of the National Intelligence Council; and Paul Bristol, executive chairman of the International Oil Club in London. President of the Alliance for a New Kosovo, together with Frank Carlucci, ambassador William Walker and Army Lt. Gen. Robert Gard. Promoted Brzezinski's strategic outlook in this Cercle speech.

Hurtado, Alvaro Gomez

Source(s): Cercle lists: 1982 Wildbad Kreuth; 1985 Washington D.C. ("Ambassador (Retired). Candidate for the Presidency")

Gómez was a son of the former President of Colombia, Laureano Gomez. Gomez came from an aristocratic family. In 1932 Gómez gained control of the Conservative party in Colombia, a role which he relished. Under his leadership the party was highly disciplined, and provided strong opposition to the ruling Liberal Government. In 1936 he founded the Colombian daily El Siglo. He was widely viewed as a brilliant parliamentarian and political tactician. Got into trouble for his open sympathy for fascism; he was an admirer of Adolf Hitler and Francisco Franco. In Colombia, this was agreeable to Laureano Gómez. He had publicly shown loyalty to the Franco regime as early as 1937. During a visit of Franco officials that year, the Conservatives arranged a banquet at which Dr. Gómez stated his approval: "Spain, marching forward as the sole defender of Christian civilization, leads the Western nations in the reconstruction of the empire of Hispanidad, and we inscribe our names in the roster of its phalanxes with unutterable satisfaction.... We bless God who has permitted us to live in this era of unforeseen transformations, and who has given it to us to utter, with a cry that springs from the very depths of our heart: 'Up Catholic, Imperial Spain!' " He was exiled several times, the last time from 1946 to 1948. President of Colombia 1950-1951, through acting president Roberto Urdaneta Arbeláez 1951-53 (had a heart attack). Fled to Franco's Spain after a military coup.

January 13, 1981, Executive Intelligence Review (EIR), 'Jesuits run both sides in Salvador': "[El Salvador president Jose Napoleon] Duarte's mentor, Rafael Caldera [president Venezuela], is-together with the self­confessed leader of Colombia's fascists, Alvaro Gomez Hurtado [Le Cercle]-a founding member of the European Center for Documentation and Information (CEDI), a think tank that is closely associated with the Mont Pelerin Society and the Black International's Pan European Union of reactionary Count Otto von Hapsburg [Habsburg]. Hapsburg is also a member of CEDI"

May 28, 1951, Time magazine, 'Colombia: First to Korea': "For the first time in 127 years, Colombian troops marched off last week to fight on foreign soil.* At a field Mass under the colonnade of the national Capitol in Bogotá, President Laureano Gomez presented battle colors to the Batalión Colombia, a 1,082-man combat team of volunteers for the war in Korea. Colombia is the 15th nation to send ground troops to Korea, the first Latin American country to join in the fighting. Commanded by Lieut. Colonel Jaime Polania Puyo, a veteran of 22 years in the Colombian army, the battalion has been training for four months in mountain country around Bogotá to get ready for Korea's rugged terrain. The troops are equipped with U.S. Army uniforms and materiel (paid for with Colombian cash), and have been checked out on North American infantry weapons by twelve Spanish-speaking U.S. Army noncoms." June 22, 1953, Time, 'Colombia: The Horrible Night Is Over': "President Laureano Gómez, a harsh, angry, forbidding man, ruled.Colombia (pop.: 12,000,000) with a will so stern that other men instinctively cringed and obeyed him. More than any other Colombian of this century, he dominated his country's life. But one afternoon last week, ten of the Colombian army's tanks clanked up and took positions around his modest suburban house, and then—simply, surprisingly—Laureano Gómez, 64, slid like a wilted leaf down history's drainpipe. The presidency Laureano Gómez lost had been the goal of his entire life. As far to the right as his friend, Spain's Franco, he led and symbolized Colombia's Conservative Party during its long years out of power. In 1945, when the Liberals split over presidential candidates, he pushed the Conservatives' silver-haired Mariano Ospina Pérez into office. Ospina, under the willful thumb of Gómez, felt obliged to return the favor in 1949. Clamping on a state of siege, using military police to drive Liberals from the rural polls, Ospina dutifully engineered Laureano's election. Gómez never lifted martial law, instead used it to press a bloody civil war with the hated Liberals out in the countryside. The war brought death to perhaps 20,000 people. Never relenting, Gómez drove the Liberals clear out of public life. Struck down by two heart attacks, he went into partial retirement, gave some administrative chores to Acting President Roberto Urdaneta Arbeláez, but kept the real power for himself. Cool Officer. That is how matters stood late last year, when General Rojas Pinilla, a career officer of moderate Conservative sympathies, returned to Bogotá from duty with the Inter-American Defense Board in Washington. What he saw shocked him. His friend Ospina, having announced new presidential ambitions for 1954, was being hounded out of public life by Gómez. The fighting with Liberal guerrillas was still going on, and Rojas' army was being forced to carry out the government's share of the butchery. Laureano was preparing an extremist constitution on the Spanish-Portuguese model, which would make the President all-powerful. Big, straight-talking General Rojas, an engineer officer with a record of 33 years' service, must have looked to Gómez like one man who might stand up to him. He demanded that Acting President Urdaneta fire the army chief. Urdaneta made out a retirement order—to go into effect the minute Rojas left Bogotá airport last April on an airline junket to Germany. Rojas' baggage was already on the plane when a loyal officer brought word of the order. He canceled the flight, and the firing was held off for the time being, to avoid trouble with the army. Sunny Spain. Last week, though still in bad health, Laureano Gómez decided to force the issue. He stalked into the Presidential Palace and abruptly resumed the full presidency, ousting Urdaneta. Implacable as ever, he immediately fired Rojas. The general, weekending at a country town, got the word by telephone, flew back to Bogotá, went to a battalion barracks in the heart of the city and waited. Soon the new Minister of War, named by Gómez that morning, arrived to take charge; Rojas quietly arrested him. Then the general sent tanks and troops into the city. In an hour, without a single killing or even much excitement, Rojas seized the government. Gómez, under house arrest, prepared to go into exile in Spain. That night Rojas offered the presidency to Ospina, then Urdaneta. When both declined, he took the title for himself, pending new elections, and set up an all-Conservative cabinet including three brother officers. Over the radio from the palace, he promised "clean elections" and "no more bloodshed, no more quarrels among the sons of Colombia." He also pledged scrupulous observance of all international obligations and sent personal greetings to the Colombian battalion in Korea, the only Latin American contingent fighting with the United Nations forces. Colombia threw off angry-eyed old Laureano Gómez with general rejoicing. This week 30,000 people gaily jammed narrow Seventh Avenue to cheer for the tall, ruddy general on the palace balcony. Liberals saw the hope of an end to Laureano's hinterlands slaughter. At Ospina's house, when the news came, drinks flowed and guests gathered, and the greeting they all used was a quotation from the national anthem: "The horrible night is over."" February 8, 1954, Time magazine, 'Colombia: Missionary Freeze': "After Lieut. General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla overthrew the ultra-Conservative regime of President Laureano Gomez last summer, some U.S. Protestant missionaries hopefully reported an apparent slackening in government restrictions on Protestants in Colombia. But President Rojas is a Conservative too, and state Catholicism is a prime plank of any Conservative government in Colombia. Last September the Rojas regime banned Protestant activity in 18 "mission territories" in remote parts of the country. Last week the government announced a further curb: Protestants may no longer engage in religious activities outside their churches, though within the churches they will not be molested. For the present, the decree will probably have the effect of freezing the Protestants in their present position: 11,958 members (out of a total population of 11,260,000) and 202 churches."

Alvaro is mostly remembered for being one of the writers of the Colombian Constitution of 1991 and for failing three times to win election to the presidency. MP 1944-46 and 1949-51. Senator 1951-52. Ambassador to Switzerland 1947-48, Italy 1953, the United States 1983-85, France 1991-93. Unsuccessfully ran for the presidency of Colombia three times: In 1974 against Alfonso López Michelsen, in 1986 against Virgilio Barco and in 1990 against César Gaviria. In 1988, Gomez was kidnapped by the M-19 guerrillas (anti-CIA; kidnapped and executed union leader Jose Raquel Mercado in 1976 for this), then led by Antonio Navarro. Navarro released him after the intervention of Álvaro Leyva. Professor at Sergio Arboleda University. Assassinated in 1995. Roman Catholic.

June 17, 1988, Toronto Star, 'Abduction divides Colombia': "BOGOTA - The kidnapping of prominent opposition leader Alvaro Gomez Hurtado late last month has pushed Colombian politics into a tailspin. The abduction, now believed to have been carried out by the M-19 guerrilla movement, has hit Colombia's small ruling class where it hurts most and underlines the government's inability to implement a solution for growing political violence and sabotage by Colombian rebels, analysts and politicians say. "The country is in crisis," Colombian attorney-general Horacio Serpa Uribe told The Star. "The kidnapping escalates the crisis and is polarizing Colombians even more. We need substantial democratic reforms." Four armed men kidnapped Gomez Hurtado, 69, a two-time presidential candidate and publisher of the conservative daily El Siglo, and killed his bodyguard May 29 as the two left a Bogota church. It was first thought that Colombian drug traffickers were responsible but the government now says it has proof that an urban cell of M-19 calling itself Colombians For National Salvation is responsible. Gomez Hurtado, an influential member of the Conservative party, had been actively pressuring the Liberal government of Virgilio Barco to broaden the state of siege that has been in force in Colombia for 30 years in order to end the growing influence of four main guerrilla groups that control large areas of the countryside. One of the key demands of the kidnappers has been a call for a national dialogue to shed light on - and end - the dirty war in which hundreds of people have been assassinated. The victims include members of Colombia's two traditional political parties, human rights activists, students and peasants. Death squads Most political parties, including the Union Patriotica [FARC], which has lost more than 600 of its members through political assassination during the past two years, have roundly denounced the kidnapping as a ploy to force political change. But now, for the first time, Colombian television stations have started allowing family members of victims who disappear to speak openly and they have featured programs on human rights in an attempt to comply with the kidnappers demands. "The kidnapping is aimed at sensibilizing people to the dirty war," one man said. "But you can't carry out a kidnapping to sensibilize people to disappearance." While drug- and crime-related violence have been endemic to Colombia in recent years, political killings and kidnapping by security forces and death squads is a relatively new phenomenon. Part of an official investigation into the killings leaked to the weekly magazine Semana in early May confirmed that some members of the armed forces are directly linked to the crimes. President Barco has reacted to criticism of his leadership by naming eight new cabinet members and increasing the armed forces budget. Some sectors opposing his style of government have suggested he should give more power to the armed forces, set up a ruling coalition with the opposition Conservatives or resign so that the congress can choose a replacement - an alternative that is permitted by law. Most analysts suggest the fate of Gomez Hurtado is key to the immediate future of Colombia. "There is a growing sense of anarchy," one Western diplomat says. "The situation has deteriorated with the kidnapping. It is more critical now than at any other time.""

July 21, 1988, AP, 'Former Presidential Candidate Released, Calls For Talks With Rebels': "The government, which made no promises after newspaper editor Alvaro Gomez Hurtado was abducted May 29, indicated after his release Wednesday night that it might talk to the guerrillas. ... Gomez Hurtado, the Conservative party candidate who lost the 1986 presidential race to President Virgilio Barco Vargas, is the some of former President Laureano Gomez Hurtado. ... In a telephone interview, he said he was released on the outskirts of Bogota, where he caught a taxi to his home. About 5,000 people joyfully screaming "Alvaro, Alvaro, Alvaro" gathered in a park in front of his apartment building within an hour. ... As the editor of the Bogota daily El Siglo, Gomez Hurtado's columns favored a military solution to the guerrilla problem. But in the interview, he seemed to have changed his position. "The episode of my kidnapping has been a confirmation that we are living in difficult times and that it is necessary to look for national reconciliation," he said, referring to the possibility of peace negotiations. The April 19 Movement, one of five guerrilla groups in Colombia, had said it kidnapped Gomez Hurtado and was demanding peace talks. Barco's government refused to make any promises to the rebel band, known as M-19. But the rebels agreed last week to release Gomez Hurtado anyway, perhaps because the kidnapping outraged Colombians more than any previous guerrilla undertaking. Shortly after Gomez Hurtado was released, Barco put out a cautious feeler that seemed to indicate a willingness to begin peace talks with the rebels. ... "I was treated well, and when I needed any medicine, it was given to me without delay," he said. In a communique released on week ago in Panama City, the M-19 said it would release Gomez Hurtado. The communique, read by Papal Nuncio Jose Sebastian Laboa, came after five hours of negotiations in the Vatican Embassy in the Panamanian capital. It said the decision had been made "in the spirit of finding routes that lead to a more equitable society, to the preservation of human rights and reconciliation among Colombians." Peace talks with the estimated 10,000 to 20,000 leftist guerrillas is a volatile issue in Colombia. Army generals, business leaders and congressmen say the guerrillas tricked President Belisario Betancur with their demands for peace talks in 1982. The opponents say the guerrillas used the negotiations to recuperate from severe setbacks against government security forces. Betancur's government negotiated a cease-fire with four of the five leftist guerrilla groups, including the M-19, but the truce collapsed within a year. Barco's government has kept up contacts with one of the guerrilla groups, the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces. Those talks have gone nowhere. Fighting between the group and government security forces has been fierce since Barco took office on Aug. 7, 1986."

December 15, 1988, New York Times, 'Massacres Are Jolting Colombia': "Colombian public opinion seems no less confused. Polls show that only about 10 percent of Colombians sympathize with the guerrillas and 2 out of 3 favor a tougher response by the armed forces, yet 70 percent oppose a rightist military coup and 80 percent believe that negotiations with the guerrillas offer the best hope of peace. ... Having kidnapped a prominent conservative politician, Alvaro Gomez Hurtado, last June in order to force the Government to initiate peace talks, the guerrillas rejected President Barco's peace initiative on the ground that he was demanding their surrender. And to prove they were not defeated, they launched their biggest offensive in years. Yet two guerrilla groups, the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces and the April 19 Movement, continue to demand negotiations with the Government and this month declared a unilateral cease-fire through Christmas as a way of supporting a competing peace plan proposed by an opposition politician."

September 28, 1988, PR Newswire, 'Colombian embassy replies to Amnesty International': "In a conference on human rights in Colombia, held today at American University under the auspices of Amnesty International, Luis Guillermo Velez, minister plenipotentiary of the Colombian Embassy in Washington, said that guerrilla groups and narcotics traffickers are the principal violators of human rights in Colombia. Specifically, he said that more than 500 members of the leftist-oriented Political Union Party (UP) have been assassinated by death squads organized and paid for by the narcotics traffickers. This information was revealed in the latest edition of "Foreign Affairs.""

October 30, 1998, Associated Press, 'Colombia Commander Arrest Ordered': "The former commander of a notorious army intelligence unit is being charged with organizing the assassination of Colombia's main opposition leader three years ago, probably on orders from a senior official, judicial sources said Friday. Former Col. Bernardo Ruiz Silva, for whom an arrest warrant was issued in mid-October, is accused of planning the Nov. 2, 1995, killing of Alvaro Gomez Hurtado, the officials said. Ruiz was still at large Friday and believed to be in Colombia, said the sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity for security reasons. Prosecutors had hoped to keep the arrest warrant secret until they captured Ruiz, but news of the charges was leaked by Colombian media. Ruiz is wanted on charges of aggravated homicide, intent to murder and conspiracy, a spokesman for the chief prosecutor's office said. Gomez, a three-time presidential candidate and head of the Conservative Party, was shot to death in broad daylight as he got into his car after teaching a class at a Bogota university. The assassination occurred during a period of great political turmoil, when Gomez was demanding that then-President Ernesto Samper resign because of evidence he was elected in 1994 with $6 million in contributions from drug cartels. Four former soldiers, all of whom had worked under Col. Ruiz, have been arrested for allegedly carrying out the assassination. Some have implicated Ruiz, who at the time of the killing commanded the 20th Intelligence Brigade, the sources said. In all, six people have been arrested in the case. The officials said prosecutors believe Ruiz was acting on the orders of higher-ranking officials, perhaps even someone within the Samper administration. The television news program CM& reported Thursday night that two generals and several leading politicians have also been implicated in the assassination. It did not name them, however, and no further arrest warrants have been issued. Some Colombian media have theorized that the assassination was ordered because Gomez was involved in a plot to overthrow [liberal President] Samper [1994-1998]. Without naming names, Samper repeatedly asserted that conservative politicians were trying to organize a coup against him. Former U.S. Ambassador Myles Frechette has said he was approached in August 1995 by Samper opponents who sought Washington's support for a coup. Frechette said he refused to help the conspirators, whom he has not named. Ruiz was relieved of his command in late 1997 and the 20th Intelligence Brigade was dissolved in May. The State Department, Colombian prosecutors and international human rights groups had repeatedly accused the brigade of sponsoring death squad killings."

May 27, 2008, The Times, 'Manuel Marulanda': "Manuel Marulanda Velez, Colombian guerrilla leader, was born in about 1930. He died of a heart attack on March 26, 2008, aged about 79 Commander of Colombia's biggest guerrilla fighting force who took up arms during the bloody protests of the late 1940s ... He took up arms during the political warfare of the late 1940s, and never returned to "normal" life. He eventually became the overall commander of Colombia's biggest and oldest guerrilla army, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or Farc, holding that position for 18 years. ... When an army general, Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, seized power in 1953 and initiated a "pacification" policy, most of the Liberal chieftains laid down their arms, but Marulanda did not. Nor did he surrender when the Liberals and Conservatives concluded a power-sharing agreement, known as the National Front, a few years later, after the departure of Rojas Pinilla. Marulanda at first supported the dissident Liberal offshoot known as the Movimiento Revolucionario Liberal (MRL), founded by Alfonso Lopez Michelsen, the rebellious son of a former Liberal president. But later he moved close to the Colombian Communist Party, which was calling on peasants expelled from their land by the political violence to form "self-defence" communities and resist outside attacks. Marulanda and 48 other "primitive rebels", all former Liberal guerrillas, set up one such community, Marquetalia, in the mountains not far from the capital. A leading Conservative politician, Alvaro Gomez Hurtado, described Marquetalia as an "independent republic" and called on the Government to crush it. The military duly launched an all-out assault on the rebel stronghold in May 1964, forcing Marulanda and his followers to scatter. Within two years he and other local guerrilla commanders under Communist influence came together to found the Farc in the south of Tolima department in April 1966. The Farc at that time consisted of about 400 poorly armed peasants, under the overall command of Jacobo Arenas. The aims of the Farc were idealistic: "Colombia for the Colombians, with equality of opportunities and equitable distribution of wealth...where we can build peace with social equality and sovereignty." This was enough to attract a stream of recruits in rural areas, and the organisation grew steadily, despite sporadic attempts by the military to destroy it. In the mid-1980s the Conservative President of the day, Belisario Betancur, invited its commanders to a peace conference. A truce was declared in May 1984 to enable talks to take place, and the two sides subsequently agreed that guerrillas who laid down their arms could return to civilian life and form their own legal political party, the Patriotic Union (UP). Marulanda remained aloof, and the murder by death squad over the next few years of thousands of former guerrillas justified his suspicions: he would never agree to take part in any peace process that involved a cessation of hostilities, which would leave the guerrillas defenceless against paramilitary gangs. Marulanda became overall commander of the Farc in 1990."

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May 1, 2010, The Times, 'Leaders 'gave drug baron sanctuary and smuggling routes'; Nicaragua': "The head of the Sandinista Government in Nicaragua protected one of the world's top drug barons and helped him to establish trafficking routes through the country, a former highranking officer has claimed. During the 1980s Daniel Ortega, the revolutionary leader and current President, gave Pablo Escobar, the head of Colombia's Medellín cartel, access to drug corridors as well as sanctuary and a military guard, according to the allegations. Cuba and Panama, then led by Fidel Castro Enhanced Coverage Linking Fidel Castro and Manuel Noriega, are also said to have participated in the deal, with Panama acting as a financial and money-laundering centre and Cuba protecting shipments. The claims have been made by Victor Boitano, a former colonel and member of the Nicaraguan Army's high command. Speaking to The Times this week Colonel Boitano said: "A mechanism was established here in Managua [the Nicaraguan capital] for the use of soldiers for personal protection of Escobar, for his residence and for the shipping of drugs." Escobar was allowed to use land routes, Nicaraguan waters and Los Brasiles airport, then controlled by the military, he added. The Sandinista National Liberation Front had worked with radical leftwing movements, such as the Colombian guerrilla group M19, to overthrow the dictator Anastasio Somoza in 1979 and it was through those groups that contacts with Escobar arose, he added. "It was a good opportunity for the Government of Daniel Ortega to have liquid cash like that. He, Noriega and Castro did this deal with Pablo Escobar to use Nicaraguan territory to protect Escobar and to open up the drug routes which currently exist." Colonel Boitano, who said that he had received death threats for speaking out against Mr Ortega's Government, was then in charge of looking after left-wing movements to which the Government gave its protection. Contact between Escobar and Mr Ortega, he said, was managed by Tomás Borge, the Interior Minister, a relationship that brought the Sandinista Government $350 million, "an immense fortune" for the time. Escobar was given refuge in a residential area south of Managua during the 1980s, Colonel Boitano said, adding that he had seen the drug lord in a safe house on the city's southern highway. Escobar eventually left for Colombia. He was killed by police in 1993. Colombian drug traffickers and the insurgent group Farc continued to operate smuggling routes through Nicaragua and Farc maintained a presence there. "There are members of the Farc, of its high command, here in Nicaragua today." Nicaragua is still awash with arms from the Somoza era and the Sandinista revolution. Colonel Boitano said that the Sandinistas had long sent the weapons to the Colombian guerrillas. "The principal supply of arms to Farc in Colombia has been Nicaragua." Nicaragua has always denied involvement in the drug trade. In an interview with the Nicaraguan daily newspaper La Prensa in 2008, Mr Borge said that Managua had received an offer to act as a stopover point for Colombian drug traffickers, which had been discussed by the Sandinista leadership "but on principle we could not [agree]". 'It was an opportunity for Ortega to have liquid cash like that'"

July 19, 1984, New York Times, 'U.S. accuses Managua of role in cocaine trafficking': "A Government affidavit filed in a United States District Court today accuses the Nicaraguan Government of direct involvement in cocaine trafficking between South American countries and the United States. The affidavit, sworn testimony by an agent of the United States Drug Enforcement Administration, Ernest S. Jacobson, said the Sandinista Government, in cooperation with a Colombian drug dealer, had recently built a new airstrip and hangar in Managua for use by cocaine traffickers. It also said a Nicaraguan Government official had been encouraging smugglers to begin using a new cocaine laboratory recently built in Nicaragua. ... The affidavit was filed in Federal District Court in Miami as part of a complaint against six men who were charged today with involvement in the cocaine trafficking. Three of the men, all Miamians, were arrested today, a spokesman for the Drug Administration said. They were identified as Carlos A. Bustamante, Paul Elzel and Felix Dixon Bates. Also charged were Mr. Vaughan, Pablo Escobar, a Nicaraguan, and Jorge Luis Ochoa of Colombia. 4-Month Undercover Operation The affidavit said the information about Nicaraguan involvement in the cocaine trafficking had resulted from a four-month undercover operation. It said the informant had tape-recorded phone conversations and taken photographs to substantiate the charges. At the end of the investigation early this month, the drug agency seized 1,452 pounds of cocaine, which the informant purportedly had flown to Florida from Managua. The affidavit also said the drug agency had independently corroborated the informant's information. The informant had been smuggling cocaine from South America since 1981, the affidavit said, and was recruited by drug dealers in Miami last April to fly cocaine from Colombia to the United States. He had agreed to work for the drug agency, it said. In Colombia, the informant was told that Colombian drug dealers had begun using ''a new airfield with a 6,000-foot strip in Nicaragua,'' the affidavit said. It added that the Colombian drug dealers ''had reached an agreement with the Sandinistas'' who it said were helping Colombians ''in developing the airfield and erecting a hangar.'' Unloading of Cocaine Described On May 30, the affidavit said, the Drug Administration informant picked up about 1,500 pounds of cocaine in Colombia and flew to Managua, where he was ''met by Federico Vaughan, an aide to the Minister of the Interior of Nicaragua.'' The cocaine ''was offloaded by Sandinista military personnel'' and by Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Escobar, according to the affidavit. The informant left Managua a few days later, leaving the cocaine behind, the affidiavit said."

August 2, 1983, Heritage Foundation, 'The PLO's growing Latin American base': "The Soviet Union has established a garrison in Cuba, while Eastern bloc states have joined Moscow in creating a base of operations in Nicaragua and Grenada. Yet another external force is escalating its interference in this Hemisphere -- the terrorist Palestine Liberation Organization. The PLO works closely with Nicaragua's radical Sandinista regime and is helping those who are trying to overthrow El Salvador's democratically elected government. At camps in Cuba and the Middle East, the PLO trains cadres of terrorists, which head back to Latin America to undermine established regimes. While the PLO is not the cause of Latin America's most basic problems, it is exploiting them. In turn, the PLO increasingly uses its growing Latin American base to reinforce its international terrorist campaign against the United States and Israel. ... Early covert contacts between the PLO and Nicaraguan rebel forces began in 1969 when Sandinistan leaders Pedro Arauz Palacios, Tomas Borge (now the Sandinistan Minister of the Interior), and Eduardo Contreras were given PLO training in Lebanon. Later that year, joint Cuban-PLO training of Sandinistas was begun in Lebanon, Algeria, and Libya. Tomas Borge was a major link in funneling Libyan money and PLO technical assistance into Nicaragua, and he arranged shipments of arms from North Korea and Vietnam into Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Honduras. PLO-Sandinista links became public on February 5, 1978, when Benito Escobar, of the Sandinista Front for the Liberation of Nicaragua (FSLN), and Issam Sli of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, issued a joint communique from Mexico City. The communique spoke of the "bonds of solidarity which exist between two revolutionary organizations," and condemned American "imperialism" and Israeli "Zionism." Immediately after taking power in July 1979, the Sandinista regime signed what was called a government-to-government agreement with the PLO, allowing it to open an "embassy" in Managua with a staff of seventy. Since then, the PLO has been active in Nicaragua. For one thing, the PLO presumably had a hand in the Sandinista policies which drove the entire Jewish community of Nicaragua into exile. For another thing, intelligence sources confirm that of the thirteen camps on the Nicaraguan northwest coast for training revolutionaries from El Salvador and elsewhere, at least three are run by the PLO. A U.S. State and Defense Department joint backgrounder on Central America reports that up to fifty Libyan and PLO advisers have been active in Nicaragua, servicing equipment and training and arming guerrillas. The PLO has loaned the Sandinista regime over $12 million, Libya has given it $100 million in aid (and is considering a $300 million investment in agricultural projects), and Algeria has shipped Nicaragua more than thirty Soviet-made tanks and large quantities of arms."

Hurtado, Enrique Gomez

Source(s): Cercle lists: 1982 Wildbad Kreuth; 1983 Bonn; 1984 South Africa; 1985 Washington D.C.

Brother of Alvaro.

February 16, 1993, Calgary Herald, 'Drug lord brings chaos to Bogota': "Two large car bombs exploded in the heart of Bogota Monday morning, causing four deaths, huge destruction and chaos, and helping to achieve one of drug baron Pablo Escobar's main tactical objectives: making life impossible in the Colombian capital. The first bomb exploded close to the municipal courthouses, wrecking homes, shops and a petrol station, and sending a dark mushroom of smoke into the air. Two minutes later a bigger bomb, estimated by police experts at over 200 kg of dynamite, was detonated near one of the city's main hotels. Getting to the disaster scene was complicated by nearly hysterical policemen clutching at reporters to try to bar access to the devastation. The ruins of a dozen cars were blazing, firemen were running their hoses, and thick smoke and steam billowed across the street. The injured were carried to ambulances, taxis and private cars as shards of glass fell from shattered windows. Local hospitals reported about 120 casualties, among them the radical conservative senator, Enrique Gomez Hurtado, and one of his bodyguards. Police and army units cordoned off large areas of the centre, while radio stations broadcast appeals for people to stay at home, and above all not to drive into Bogota and worsen the traffic chaos. The city's telephone system also quickly overloaded and failed. The objective of the bombers appears to be to make ordinary life impossible in the capital, and to provoke security measures so tough that they produce public resentment and pressure on the government to negotiate a new surrender agreement on Escobar's own terms. The drug chief successfully used a car bomb campaign in his first surrender negotiations two years ago, but the recent attacks have so far hardened public opinion. The government response to the first big bombing of Escobar's latest offensive, two weeks ago in Bogota, was to raise the price on his head to $ 7 million. A rival trafficking clan has also offered $ 1.5 million to anyone who kills him. They have begun killing his associates and employees, and placing their own bombs to destroy his property. Colombia appears to be, once again, drifting into a savage spate of narco-terrorist warfare."

February 15, 1993, UPI, 'Car bombs explode in Bogota, killing at least four people': "Suffering slight injuries in the second blast was Sen. Enrique Gomez Hurtado, who was in his office. ''My car disappeared from the street. All that remained was a piece of scrap metal. Everything else was destroyed. It seems one of the bombs was placed in my car,'' Gomez Hurtado told reporters at the scene. The senator said one of his police bodyguards who was near the car at the time of the explosion was seriously wounded and taken to the hospital. Authorities said no group immediately took responsibility for the attacks, but police said the method used by the attackers points to the Medellin cocaine cartel run by fugitive drug lord Pablo Escobar. The Medellin cartel has declared a ''total war'' against the government of Colombian President Cesar Gaviria because Gaviria rejected Escobar's terms for turning himself in. Escobar escaped from prison last July."

February 28, 1993, Houston Chronicle, 'Escobar's escape the biggest blow to Columbian leader ': "When [liberal] President Cesar Gaviria won the presidency almost three years ago [in office 1990-1994], his style was compared to that of John F. Kennedy. And when he promised an end to drug trafficking, negotiations to end the hemisphere's longest-running insurgency, and economic modernization, his approval rating shot past 80 percent. Talks with the guerrillas began, and Gaviria, citing lack of public support for a frontal assault on the powerful narcotics organizations, offered leniency and reduced sentences to drug barons who surrendered. The constitution was rewritten, banning extradition -- as the drug traffickers demanded. Now, almost three years through his four-year term, Gaviria, at 46 one of the youngest presidents in the hemisphere, has hit hard times. And the times are made harder because many believed that Gaviria offered the only hope of moving the country out of the cycle of violence that has plagued it for decades. He had taken up the banner of the late reformist presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galan, who was killed by drug traffickers in 1989. Gaviria's ""prestige is at an all-time low,'' said a sympathetic veteran political observer. ""Everything hit him at once and he has not been able to do anything to recoup. '' Talks with the guerrillas broke off and fighting has increased. Medellin cocaine cartel leader Pablo Escobar surrendered, then humiliated the government by walking out of prison. His gang is again terrorizing the country with car bombs and assassination threats. The violence has overshadowed the progress Gaviria made in opening up the economy and taking steps toward regional integration with Venezuela and Mexico. The three are negotiating a free-trade pact. What seems to bother people most is again having to live with the uncertainty of random violence and the omnipresent signs of a country under siege. Passengers must arrive at airports three hours before takeoff for security checks. Streets where prominent officials live are sealed off by police barricades. Newspapers and other threatened targets are cordoned off. Heavily armed soldiers and police patrol streets and set up mobile roadblocks. ""What I really hate is the feeling that we are going backward toward 1989 (the height of narco-terrorism), instead of forward,'' said a prominent journalist who has been supportive of Gaviria. ""Expectations were so high, and now to be back to this is really disillusioning. '' In its annual national poll released in January, Semana magazine, the nation's largest weekly and generally protective of the government, found Gaviria's approval rating had dropped from 79 percent in January 1992 to 22 percent last month. ... Gaviria is also under fire from those who believe that the war against the traffickers is not winnable and therefore the state should negotiate with Escobar before traffickers destroy the country. Enrique Gomez Hurtado, an opposition senator who was slightly injured in a car bomb attack earlier this month, said the war was ""undertaken on the wrong terms,'' and urged talks with Escobar." Escobar was killed in December 1993 through a joint effort of the U.S., the rival Cali Cartel and other opponents of Escobar. The Cali Cartel largely came to an end in 1995 when most of its top leaders were arrested.

October 3, 2001, BBC Monitoring Latin America (El Espectador web site, Bogota), 'Colombia: Congressman submits bill to abolish demilitarized zone': "Yesterday, Conservative Congressman Enrique Gomez Hurtado submitted a bill in the Senate that seeks to end the term of the demilitarized zone DMZ . The bill, which consists of a single article, states the need to repeal Law 418 of 1997, which was extended two years later with a few modifications and serves as the legal foundation for the DMZ, established for purposes of the peace talks between the government and the FARC Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia . According to Gomez, "now that President Andres Pastrana has said that the law is what has allowed chaos to rule in Caguan, we must end it." Gomez has been a staunch critic of the peace process and has sponsored debates in Congress demanding tighter controls in the DMZ by the executive branch and effective actions by the armed forces against guerrillas."

April 26, 2001, Heritage Foundation reports, 'Helping Colombia fix its plan to curb drug trafficking, violence, and insurgency': "Colombia, America's fourth largest trading partner in Latin America, is the world's largest exporter of cocaine and heroin and a focal point for money laundering and arms trafficking in the Western Hemisphere. Its government has waged a losing battle against insurgents and drug traffickers for over two decades, and drug-related violence is now spilling into neighboring countries. In 1999, the Clinton Administration backed new Colombian President Andres Pastrana's agenda to curb drug smuggling. Plan Colombia included provisions for more aggressive eradication and interdiction efforts, encouraging rural guerrillas to disarm through peace talks, replacing coca farmers' lost income with alternative crop and employment programs, and strengthening the country's historically weak government. ... Moreover, insurgents have made money by protecting crops, airstrips, and cocaine labs for nearly three decades, and there are now complaints that the FARC is producing cocaine inside its own safe haven. n18 [n18 Statement by Senator Enrique Gomez Hurtado at The Heritage Foundation, Washington, D.C., August 28, 2000.] The distinction is crucial, because Plan Colombia deals with the guerrillas through a "peace process," while narcotraffickers and members of self-defense groups are subject to arrest."

Listen to Enrique Gomez Hurtado, a former high court judge from Colombia who still has shrapnel in his leg from a bomb sent to kill him by the infamous drug lord Pablo Escobar. In 1993, his country was a free-fire zone not unlike Mexico today, and Gomez issued this chilling -- and prescient -- warning to an international drug policy conference in Baltimore: "The income of the drug barons is greater than the American defense budget. With this financial power they can suborn the institutions of the State, and if the State resists . . . they can purchase the firepower to outgun it. We are threatened with a return to the Dark Ages."

One should not waste time in pointing out those who compete to see who is the best bootlicker of Bush. One of the best bootlicker is senator Enrique Gómez Hurtado. It must be made clear that while Venezuela is taking gigantic steps to achieve tangible human rights and where a truly participative democracy is taking place, Mr. Hurtado has conveniently ignored the assassination of labor leaders, human rights activists, among others in Latin America, opting instead to try to push through an OAE bill condemning Venezuela.

On April 13, the Colombian senate approved a resolution proposed by Senator Enrique Gomez Hurtado that condemns the “dictatorial regime” of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez Frias and calls for the Organization of American States to apply the Interamerican Democratic Charter to Venezuela. According to Article 21 of the Charter “In the event of an unconstitutional alteration of the constitutional regime that seriously impairs the democratic order in a member state, any member state or the Secretary General may request the immediate convocation of the Permanent Council to undertake a collective assessment of the situation and to take such decisions as it deems appropriate.” What is meant by “such decisions” is not specified in the Charter, but it is generally accepted to include all actions up to and including military intervention by OAS states, including the United States.

Member of the Partido Conservador Colombiano, or Columbian Conservative Party, the other party in Colombia being the Colombian Liberal Party (PLC). Ambassador.

February 21, 2000, Associated Press Online, 'Colombia Town Scared by Massacre': "The dusty roads around this remote northern town became a killing ground last week when a three-day rampage by right-wing militiamen left a trail of disfigured corpses and burned-down shacks. As many as 20 unarmed villagers were reported killed and many others were forced to flee in the latest violence in Colombia's decades-old conflict, which has claimed at least 35,000 lives _ most civilians. The villages targeted in the attacks in northern Sucre state form part of a traditional leftist rebel stronghold now being challenged by landowner-backed paramilitary groups. The two rarely fight directly, instead killing villagers they believe to be sympathetic to the other side. ''This time they didn't fire a single shot. They beheaded everyone,'' said a 30-year-old farmer whose brother was dragged from his house and killed by the men wearing camouflage uniforms and carrying rifles. As officials searched for bodies over the weekend in some of the more remote hamlets, police said a separate paramilitary attack on Saturday claimed the lives of five peasants in Apartado, a town housing many war refugees near the border with Panama. The latest rightist violence followed the opening of debate in the U.S. Congress last week over a massive increase in military aid to Colombia as part of a proposed $1.6 billion package for fighting narcotics trafficking. Human rights organizations oppose the plan, saying Washington should not give more aid to the Colombian military, which has been accused of tacitly supporting the paramilitary groups. A paramilitary chief interviewed on Colombian radio Sunday was unrepentant about the killings near Ovejas. ''The guerrillas have disguised themselves as farm workers and hidden their weapons in the houses,'' said Santander Losada, the regional commander of a group calling itself the United Self-defense Forces of Colombia. Losada told RCN radio his men had killed 47 members of the country's largest rebel band, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC. But villagers who fled to Ovejas insist the killing was indiscriminate. One field worker was hacked to death with a machete, they said, because he had on the rubber work boots commonly worn by the rebels. ''We aren't guerrillas. We're just poor peasants. They killed anyone who came by,'' one man, who asked to remain anonymous, told The Associated Press. Still shaking with fear, Mercedes Isabel Simancas said that after killing her son, the militiamen returned to kill her husband. Some were luckier. When the militias arrived, one man fled with his six children into a nearby jungle, where they hid for two nights. ''I left everything behind. Chickens, pigs, everything,'' he said. A battalion of government troops that reached the area on Sunday reported skirmishing with paramilitary squads, but Losada said the militias will not withdraw from the region. ''We will remain in the zone, to liberate it from the FARC rebels who want to split Colombia in two,'' he said. The 15,000-member FARC is engaged in peace talks with the government to end the nearly 36-year conflict. The talks have dragged on, and many conservative Colombians say the rebel group has feigned interest in peace while strengthening itself militarily. Some on Friday urged President Andres Pastrana to seek a halt to the killings by opening parallel negotiations with the 5,000-strong paramilitary groups, a proposal the FARC fiercely opposes. ''It's a necessary step in the peace process,'' said Sen. Enrique Gomez Hurtado of Pastrana's own Conservative Party."

Colombia:

Ramsey Clark's International Action Center, 'Fact sheet - Colombia: The Pentagon's new target': "Colombia is the northern-most country of South America, with ports on both the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea. It is rich in natural resources, with an abundance of oil, natural gas, coal, nickel, and emeralds. Its agricultural riches include coffee and flowers, and there are vast forest and river resources. Approximately 30 percent of Colombia’s 40 million people are peasants. This includes several Indigenous communities with their own languages and customs. Colombia is facing the worst depression since the 1930s. Unemployment is running at an official rate of 20 percent, with some areas suffering 50 percent unemployment. A majority of the country lives below the poverty level. The Colombian peso has lost over half its value against the dollar since 1998. These problems are compounded by the Colombian government’s pro-International Monetary Fund neoliberal economic policies of budget austerity and privatizations."

Ramsey Clark's International Action Center, 'Fact sheet - Colombia: The Pentagon's new target': "The government: Colombia’s government has been dominated by two traditional parties, the Conservatives and the Liberals. These two parties have ruled essentially uninterruptedly for the past 150 years. The current president, Andres Pastrana of the Conservative Party, favors International Monetary Fund-backed neoliberal economic policies of austerity and privatization.
The Colombian Armed Forces: The U.S.-trained Armed Forces officially includes about 145,000 soldiers, mostly draftees. Many of the generals have been linked to gross human rights violations by international human rights groups. In addition to the Armed Forces, the 105,000 National Police engage in combat against the insurgencies. A host of other special units reinforce these main forces.
The revolutionary insurgencies: The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC-EP) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) are the country’s two largest guerrilla armies, together administering about 50 percent of the Colombian national territory. They are fighting for fundamental social change, including land reform, social ownership of the country’s wealth, and a restructuring of the Armed Forces.
The paramilitary death squads: Colombia's government uses paramilitary death squads as a matter of counterinsurgency policy. Right-wing paramilitary organizations like the “United Self-Defense Units of Colombia” (AUC) routinely attack the civilian population in an effort to terrorize the population into not supporting the insurgencies or the popular mass movements. They maintain close links with the Armed Forces—in many cases carrying out orders directly on behalf of the Army and security agencies—and have received organizational support from the United States Defense Intelligence Agency. The death squads and armed forces combined are responsible for the vast majority of the at least 40,000 Colombians killed in the last ten years.
The mass movements: Colombian workers, peasants, students, and others have powerful and militant mass organizations, carrying out vast protest campaigns despite death squad and government terror. For example, in September 1999, 20 million Colombians staged a two-day general strike against the government’s neoliberal economic policies."

Ramsey Clark's International Action Center, 'Fact sheet - Colombia: The Pentagon's new target': "In 1998, after a series of stunning military victories by the FARC-EP, the United States government dramatically increased its military aid to Colombia. Military funding tripled from $89 million in 1997 to $289 million in 1998. This funding included advanced Blackhawk attack helicopters and sophisticated intelligence equipment. The United States is Colombia’s largest trading partner and principal arms supplier. In December 1998, the Clinton administration announced plans to build a joint U.S.-Colombian military base in Colombia. The U.S. also began to train an elite 1,000-troop counterinsurgency battalion, using trainers from the elite U.S. “Green Berets.” The U.S. admits to having between 200 and 300 combat troops in Colombia at any one time. In June 2000, the U.S. Congress passed a $1.3 billion military aid bill. Ninety percent of those funds go to Colombia’s armed forces and police. The bill provides 42 Huey and 18 Blackhawk helicopters, along with Special Forces training for two more elite combat units. The main objective of the aid package is the “push into the South,” a FARC-EP stronghold. The Colombian revolutionaries and mass movements have called the package a “declaration of war.” ... The U.S. aid package is part of a massive $7.5 billion program called “Plan Colombia.” This plan, drawn up by Washington and articulated by President Pastrana, is a rescue package for Colombia’s ruling elite. It’s centerpiece is the U.S. military aid. The European Union, Japan, and other countries are being asked to provide economic aid for the notoriously corrupt Colombian government to hand out. A wide number of Colombian labor, community and human rights groups have gone on record opposing the Plan Colombia."

Ramsey Clark's International Action Center, 'Fact sheet - Colombia: The Pentagon's new target': "The dramatic escalation of U.S. intervention in Colombia is being portrayed by the U.S. State Department as part of the “war on drugs.” U.S. and State Department propagandists claim that the FARC-EP is involved in the cocaine industry in Colombia. This lie has been challenged by the likes of President Andres Pastrana and former U.S. ambassador to Colombia Myles Frechette. Even the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency admitted in an Aug. 1, 1999 interview with Bogota’s El Tiempo that they had no evidence that the FARC-EP was involved with drug trafficking. The FARC-EP does impose heavy taxes on drug cartels operating in its zones of control. It also forces drug traffickers to pay peasant growers a fair wage. But this hardly makes the FARC-EP and the drug kingpins allies. On the contrary, the drug lords work hand in hand with the paramilitary death squads to fight the FARC-EP In June 2000, the FARC-EP hosted a conference in the zone on Illegal Drug Crops and the Environment. FARC-EP spokesperson Raul Reyes put forward a far-reaching zone to demonstrate his organization’s commitment to eradicating drugs with a pilot crop substitution program in Cartegena de Chairá. Both the Colombian government and the U.S. government oppose this program."

Ramsey Clark's International Action Center, 'Fact sheet - Colombia: The Pentagon's new target': "In January 1999, President Pastrana opened talks with the FARC-EP on the possibility of a political solution to the 35-year old insurgency. As a precondition to the talks, the government withdrew the armed forces from five municipalities, roughly the size of Switzerland. The FARC-EP now administers that zone. ... Pastrana has also recognized the political status of the ELN and has made some moves to opening talks with them. The ELN advocates a National Convention to address Colombia’s social problems."

Huyn, Count Hans

Source(s): November 1988 – Issue 17, Lobster Magazine, 'Brian Crozier, the Pinay Circle and James Goldsmith' (quoting the Langemann papers); present at all Cercle meetings early 1980s (lists)

Hans Huyn was born in Warsaw, Poland, in 1930. A descendant of a noble Austro-Hungarian family that was involved in the defense of this Habsburgian empire in the 19th century. Studied in Munich, Paris, and South-Africa in Law, History, Philosophy, and Languages. Started his career in diplomacy, and was involved in some of the early negotiations dealing with the European Economic Community (EEC). Married Rosemary Gräfin Huyn in 1959, a descendant of Archduchess Maria Theresia of Austria (1717-1780), the first and only female head of the Habsburg dynasty. From 1963 to 1965, as an officer in the German Foreign Service, he was involved in European affairs and the Treaty of Elysée, also known as the Franco-German Treaty of 1963. This treaty was established as a result of clandestine meetings between De Gaulle, Pinay, Adenauer, and Strauss, with Jean Violet as a go-between. Retired from the Foreign Service in 1965 and became a journalist and lecturer. Government director of the Bundesfinanzverwaltung (Federal Finance Commission) in the late 1960s. Foreign policy advisor to Franz-Joseph Strauss in the Bundestag from 1971-1976, and Brian Crozier described him as a close friend of Strauss. Co-founder of the anti-communist Europäischen Konferenz für Menschenrechte und Selbstbestimmung (European Conferences on Human Rights) in Bern, Switzerland, in 1974. The ECHRS's 1974 topic titles included 'A Soviet handbook on war as an instrument of policy' and 'The whole of Europe must be kept free from communist dictatorship'. En