American Security Council

Source(s): 1988, Russ Bellant, Old Nazis, the new right, and the Republican party', p. 53 (has spoken to the USCAB)

Astronaut 1967-69. Staff National Aeronautics and Space Council. Inspector general, Air Force Systems Command, Andrews Air Force Base 1974-76. Director for the F-16 Multinational Air Combat Fighter Program, Aeronautical Systems Division, Wright-Patterson 1976-80. Associate administrator for the Space Transportation System 1981-. Director of the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization 1984-89. Executive vice president Hughes Aircraft 1989-92. Co-founder of Crescent Investment Management in New York in 1991, in partnership with Mansoor Ijaz (Pakistani descent; his father was a pioneer in Pakistan's nuclear weapons program; BA in nuclear physics and MS in mechanical engineering; commentator on political and financial news for ABS, CBS, CNN, the BBC, the German ARD and Fox; negotiator with the Sudanese government for Clinton to hand bin Laden over to the US (bin Laden fled to Afghanistan instead and Ijaz claimed it was national security advisor Sandy Berger who overruled Albright in bringing bin Laden in); Middle East correspondent and terror analyst for Fox; Benador Associates; very close to Abrahamson) and Turkey's Global Group. James Woolsey later served as Crescent's vice chairman with Prince Alfred von Liechtenstein being another board member. The firm specializes in national security and Middle East oil investments. Chairman of Oracle Corporation 1992-95. Chairman GeoEye, the world's largest space imaging company.

STRATESEC:

SEC info on Stratesec in 1997: "Marvin Bush, director... James A. Abrahamson, director... Revenues increased by 108.6% from $5.8 million in 1996 to $12.1 million in 1997. The increase was due to work completed for new clients and an increase in work completed on existing projects. Revenues from the World Trade Center project, which commenced in October 1996, increased from $1.6 million in 1996 to $6.6 million in 1997." SEC info on Stratesec in 1998: "Revenues decreased by 45% from $12.1 million in 1997 to $6.6 million in 1998. The decrease was due to the closeout of the World Trade Center Project." No more mentioning of the World Trade Center Complex in the SEC filings after that.

October 29, 2000, St. Petersburg Times, 'Influence and bailouts a business tradition in Bush family': "Stratasec: Marvin [Bush] was recruited to join the board of this secretive Virginia security company that serves international corporations and governments. The company is awash in ex-government security and military personnel. Among them: Barry McDaniel, who served during the Reagan years as deputy director of readiness for the U.S. Army Materiel Command; and retired U.S. Air Force General James A. Abrahamson, who served as director of President Reagan's "Star Wars" Strategic Defense Initiative. The company touts such major customers as Dulles airport near Washington, as well as Los Alamos National Laboratories (where former scientist Wen Ho Lee pleaded guilty to improperly downloading nuclear weapons design secrets). KuwAm Corp.: The investment company, with roots in Kuwait (the country "liberated" by President Bush's Gulf War), is a large backer of Stratasec. Stratasec chief executive Wirt Walker also is a managing director of KuwAm. And KuwAm chairman Mishal Yousef Saud Al Sabah also sits on Stratasec's board."

SEC info, Stratesec Inc., accession Number 925328-1-500017, filed on May 4, 2001: "Lt. General James A. Abrahamson, USAF (Retired), age 67, has served as a director of the Company since December 1997. General Abrahamson is the Chairman and CEO of International Air Safety, LLC. ... General Abrahamson was formerly Commissioner of the White House Commission on Aviation Safety and Security (Gore Commission) [with FBI director Louis J. Freeh, Raymond W. Kelly and former CIA director John Deutch of Raytheon]. ... Barry W. McDaniel, age 52, has served as Chief Executive Officer of the Commercial Services division since December 2000, and as a director since January 1999. Prior to joining the Company, Mr. McDaniel was employed by BDM International from 1989 to 1996, most recently as Vice President of Material Distribution and Management Systems. ... Wirt D. Walker, III, [distant cousin of Bushes] age 55, has served as Chief Executive Officer of the Company since January 1999; he has served as a director of the Company since 1987, and as Chairman of the Board of Directors since 1992. Since 1982, Mr. Walker has served as a director and the Managing Director of KuwAm Corporation, a private investment firm." Held 25,000 shares in Stratesec-linked company KuWan as of April 2001.

January 20, 2002, Margie Burns for American Reporter (the first (award-winning) online newspaper), 'Secrecy surrounds a Bush brother's role in 9/11 security': "- A company that provided security at New York City's World Trade Center, Dulles International Airport in Washington, D.C., and to United Airlines between 1995 and 2001, was backed by a private Kuwaiti-American investment firm with ties to a brother of President Bush and the Bush family, according to records obtained by the American Reporter. ... Marvin Bush has not responded to repeated telephoned and emailed requests for comment on this story. The American Stock Exchange delisted Stratesec's stock in October 2002. Securacom also had a contract to provide security at Los Alamos National Laboratories, notorious for its security breaches and physical and intellectual property thefts. According to its present CEO, Barry McDaniel, the company had an ongoing contract to handle security at the World Trade Center "up to the day the buildings fell down." Yet instead of being investigated, the company and companies involved with it have benefited from legislation pushed by the Bush White House and rubber-stamped by Congressional Republicans. Stratesec, its backer KuwAm, and their corporate officers stand to benefit from limitations on liability and national-security protections from investigation provided in bills since 9/11. ... The World Trade Center and the Metropolitan Washington Airport Authority - which operates Dulles - were two of Securacom's three biggest clients in 1996 and 1997. (The third was MCI, now WorldCom.) Stratesec (Securacom) differs from other security companies which separate the function of consultant from that of service provider. The company defines itself as a "single-source" provider of "end-to-end" security services, including everything from diagnosis of existing systems to hiring subcontractors to installing video and electronic equipment. It also provides armored vehicles and security guards. When, following the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center, the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey began its multi-million-dollar, multiyear revamping of security in and around the Twin Towers and Buildings 4 and 5, Securacom was among numerous contractors hired in the upgrade. The companies doing security jobs received due mention in print, in security industry publications and elsewhere. The board membership of a son of former President Bush went unnoticed, at least in print. According to SEC filings, Securacom/Stratesec acquired the $8.3 million World Trade Center contract in October 1996. The project generated 28 percent of all revenues for the company in 1996. SEC filings indicate that revenues from the World Trade Center project commenced in 1996 at $1.6 million, peaked in 1997 at $6.6 million ($4.1 million in the first half), and diminished in 1998 to less than $1 million. ... McDaniel makes clear that Securacom's contract with United Airlines was a single-site contract, in Indianapolis (at least five years ago), and not local. The work was finished several years before he joined the board, and was not in or near Washington. The Dulles Internation contract is another matter. Dulles is regarded as "absolutely a sensitive airport," according to security consultant Wayne Black, head of a Florida-based security firm, due to its location, size, and the number of international carriers it serves. Black has not heard of Stratesec, but responds that for one company to handle security for both airports and airlines is somewhat unusual. It is also delicate for a security firm serving international facilities to be so interlinked with a foreign-owned company: "Somebody knew somebody," he suggested, or the contract would have been more closely scrutinized. As Black points out, "when you [a company] have a security contract, you know the inner workings of everything." And if another company is linked with the security company, then "What's on your computer is on their computer." In this context, retired FAA special agent Brian F. Sullivan is angry, and eloquent. "You can have all the security systems in the world, but the people behind the systems make the difference." The Bush administration, says Sullivan, "spit in the faces" of the victims' families, in pushing for last-minute protections for foreign-owned security companies (in the Homeland Security bill). Sullivan points out that "not one single person" in an upper-level position has lost a job as a result of 9/11, "not in the FBI, CIA, FAA, DOT." As he sums up, "No accountability, no progress." Stratesec got its first preventive maintenance contract with Dulles Airport in 1995, generating $0.3 million that year. The Dulles project generated revenue of $1.2 million in 1996, $2.5 million in 1997, and $2.3 million in 1998, accounting for 22% of the company's revenues in 1996 and in 1998 Like other specialists, Professor Dale B. Oderman of Purdue University's aviation technology department, concurs that Dulles "was considered a very high profile target" as the primary international airport near the nation's capital. It serves as port of entry to about 15 international airlines as well as serving eight of the 11 major us passenger carriers. In comparison, Reagan Airport hosts only Air Canada from outside the U.S., and Baltimore-Washington Airport hosts about a half dozen." Stratesec did not handle screening of passengers at Dulles. According to a contracting official for the Metropolitan Washington Airport Authority, its three-year contract was for maintenance of security systems: It maintained the airfield access system, the CCTV (closed circuit television) system, and the electronic badging system. In 1997, the World Trade Center and Dulles accounted for 55 percent and 20 percent of the company's earned revenues, respectively. The World Trade Center and Dulles projects figured largely in both Securacom's growing revenues from 1995 to 1997 and its decreases from 1997 to 1998. Stratesec continued to refer to "New York City's World Trade Center" as a former client through April 2001. It listed Dulles Airport and United Airlines as former clients through April 2002. As with the World Trade Center - which also had electronic badging, security gates, and CCTV - the ultimate problem with Dulles' security controls was not the controls themselves, but that they could be sidestepped. All the hijackers had to do was buy a ticket. As former FAA special agent Sullivan comments, "If they [attackers] knew about the security system, they knew how to bypass it." One obvious question for investigators is how much potential hijackers could have known about the security system. From 1993 to 1999, KuwAm - the Kuwait-American Corporation -- held a large and often controlling interest in Securacom. In 1996, KuwAm Corporation owned 90 percent of the company, either directly or through partnerships like one called Special Situations Investment Holdings and another called "Fifth Floor Company for General Trading and Contracting." KuwAm owned 31 percent of Securacom in 1998 and 47 percent of Stratesec in 1999. It currently holds only about 205,000 shares of Stratesec; Walker, KuwAm's managing director, holds 650,000. Marvin Bush was reelected annually to Securacom's board of directors from 1993 through 1999. His final reelection was on May 25, 1999, for July 1999 to June 2000. Throughout, he also served on the company's Audit Committee and Compensation Committee, and his stock holdings grew during the period. Directors had options to purchase 25,000 shares of stock annually. In 1996, Bush acquired 53,000 shares at 52 cents per share. Shares in the 1997 IPO sold at $8.50. Records since 2000 no longer list Bush as a shareholder. Stratesec and KuwAm were and still are intertwined at the top. Walker, while a principal at Stratesec (a director since 1987, chairman of the board since 1992, and formerly CEO since 1999), was also on the board of directors at KuwAm and is still managing director (both since 1982). Mishal Yousef Saud Al Sabah, the chairman at KuwAm, also served on Stratesec's board from 1991 to 2001. Walker and Al Sabah had major stock holdings in each other's companies. The sons of both also held shares in the two companies. Stratesec, which currently lists 45 employees, hired KuwAm for corporate secretarial services in 2002, at $2,500 per month. For several years, Walker has also been chairman and CEO of an aircraft company, Aviation General, about 70 percent owned by KuwAm. The Saudi Arabian embassy, the Kuwait embassy, and KuwAm have office suites in the Watergate complex, where both Stratesec and Aviation General held their annual shareholders' meetings in 1999, 2000, and 2001. Bush was reelected to his annual board position there, across the hall from a Saudi Arabian Airlines office. (This year, the companies' shareholders meetings switched to the fifth floor, in space also hleased by Saudis and Kuwaitis.) ... McDaniel was asked in a brief telephone interview whether FBI or other agents have questioned him or others at Stratesec about the company's security work in connection with 9/11. The concise answer: "No." Asked the same question regarding KuwAm, Walker declined further comment, and referred a reporter to the public record."

February 4, 2003, Prince George's Journal (Maryland), 'Bush-Linked Company Handled Security for the WTC, Dulles and United': "George W. Bush's brother was on the board of directors of a company providing electronic security for the World Trade Center, Dulles International Airport and United Airlines, according to public records. The company was backed by an investment firm, the Kuwait-American Corp., also linked for years to the Bush family. The security company, formerly named Securacom and now named Stratesec, is in Sterling, Va.. Its CEO, Barry McDaniel, said the company had a ``completion contract" to handle some of the security at the World Trade Center ``up to the day the buildings fell down." It also had a three-year contract to maintain electronic security systems at Dulles Airport, according to a Dulles contracting official. Securacom/Stratesec also handled some security for United Airlines in the 1990s, according to McDaniel, but it had been completed before his arriving on the board in 1998. McDaniel confirmed that the company has security contracts with the Department of Defense, including the U.S. Army, but did not detail the nature of the work, citing security concerns. It has an ongoing line with the General Services Administration - meaning that its bids for contracts are noncompetitive - and also did security work for the Los Alamos laboratory before 1998. Marvin P. Bush, the president's youngest brother, was a director at Stratesec from 1993 to fiscal year 2000. But the White House has not publicly disclosed Bush connections in any of its responses to 9/11, nor has it mentioned that another Bush-linked business had done security work for the facilities attacked. Marvin Bush joined Securacom when it was capitalized by the Kuwait-American Corporation, a private investment firm in D.C. that was the security company's major investor, sometimes holding a controlling interest. Marvin Bush has not responded to telephone calls and e-mails for comment. KuwAm has been linked to the Bush family financially since the Gulf War. One of its principals and a member of the Kuwaiti royal family, Mishal Yousef Saud al Sabah, served on the board of Stratesec. The managing director at KuwAm, Wirt D. Walker III, was also a principal at Stratesec, and Walker, Marvin Bush and al Sabah are listed in SEC filings as significant shareholders in both companies during that period. Marvin Bush's last year on the board at Stratesec coincided with his first year on the board of HCC Insurance, formerly Houston Casualty Co., one of the insurance carriers for the WTC. He left the HCC board in November 2002. But none of these connections has been looked at during the extensive investigations since 9/11. McDaniel says principals and other personnel at Stratesec have not been questioned or debriefed by the FBI or other investigators. Walker declined to answer the same question regarding KuwAm, referring to the public record."

February 15, Margie Burns for the Washington Spectator, 'Family Business at the Watergate': "Securacom got the $8.3 million World Trade Center security contract in October 1996 and received about $9.2 million from the WTC job from 1996 (a quarter of its revenues that year) to 1998. But in 1998, the company was "excused from the project" because it could not fulfill the work, according to former manager Al Weinstein, and the electronic security work at the WTC was taken over by EJ Electric, a larger contractor. ... On top of the massive capital infusion from the Kuwaitis, millions were generated through its Initial Public Offering statement in 1997, and revenues from large contracts. Stratesec also obtained capital from numerous investors. Why was that, if the companies were so troubled? Former managers speculate that the Bush connection was helpful. A partial list of companies investing in Stratesec while Marvin Bush was on the board of directors includes several well-known investment management companies, including Morgan Stanley Dean Witter, Munder, Fidelity, Putnam, and John Hancock. According to Jeff Gallup, a former Stratesec manager who left the company for a position at Landtek, Inc., Stratesec installed the initial security-description plan—the layout of the electronic security system—at the World Trade Center. Gallup knows the WTC site well, since Landtek, like EJ Electric, was a prime contractor at the trade center. He was "intimately involved" with WTC security, he said in a phone interview last year, up to September 12, 2001, when "the F.B.I. left my office with all the contents of the WTC visitors database," by then three-quarters of a million visitors' badges. It is regrettable that the F.B.I. has not been equipped with an adequate computer system to analyze this information."

October 1, 2001, Electrical Construction and Maintenance, 'E-J Electric workers survive World Trade Center attack': "Nine electricians from E-J Electric Installation Co. escaped from the World Trade Center before the 110-story Twin Towers collapsed. ... E-J Electric, which had a satellite office in Tower 2, built and maintained the World Trade Center's entire security system. On the morning of Sept. 11, the electricians were doing routine maintenance work when the first hijacked commercial airliner slammed into Tower 1. ... While all nine of the electricians were accounted for, [Anthony E.] Mann said he lost many friends in the tragedy. “I have several friends in my community that are missing and presumed dead,” Mann said. “If you're from this area, everyone you know knows someone who is missing. It's sad to see the friends missing with three little kids. It's horrible.” Mann visited Ground Zero, where E-J is helping with the rescue and recovery effort. He described the site as “beyond words.” ... Silverstein Properties and the U.S. unit of the Australian shopping center group, Westfield, took over the leases for the World Trade Center from the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey just seven weeks before the tragedy, according to CNN.com. The leases, which were estimated to be worth $3.2 billion, included 10.6 million sq ft of office space in the Twin Towers and two nine-level buildings and 427,000 sq ft of retail space in the shopping mall. The president of Silverstein Properties, Larry Silverstein, vowed to rebuild the site, but not necessarily as Twin Towers. Instead, the World Trade Center may be constructed as four 50-story office towers. “He definitely wants to rebuild it as a symbol of our resolve against terrorism,” Mann said. Vice President Jim Usher said he would like the World Trade Center to stand tall and proud once again. “I would love to see them rebuild,” he said."

CRESCENT:

August 8, 2005, This is Money, 'Share Purchase Agreement with Invicta Networks Inc.': "We welcome the investment by Crescent Technology Ventures PLC. The Company's distinguished Directors and Advisers, including Lt Gen James Abrahamson (USAF Ret), Lt Gen Tom McInerney (USAF Ret), former CIA Director James Woolsey, Dr John Foster and Mansoor Ijaz, have long been contributors to US and global security initiatives."

August 2002, Vanity Fair, 'The journalist and the terrorist': "There is a lot else about Danny and the people who picked him up that is dissimilar, but every reporter has got to start somewhere. And the place Danny Pearl began, shortly after 9/11, was with a phone call to a number in Manhattan. On the line that morning was Mansoor Ijaz, founder and chairman of Crescent Investment Management, LLC, and a U.S. born-and-bred Pakistani-American with unusual friends and interests. His business partner is Lieutenant General James Abrahamson, former director of Ronald Reagan's Star Wars program; and the vice-chairman of his board is R. James Woolsey, director of the CIA under Bill Clinton. For a time Ijaz was also chums with Clinton and his national-security adviser Samuel Berger. This came in handy in April 1997, when, as a private citizen, Ijaz negotiated Sudan's counterterrorism offer to the U.S. and again in August 2000, when Ijaz had Pakistan and India on the seeming verge of cooling the Kashmir cauldron. The deal broke down, as did the relationship with the White House. But soon enough Ijaz was back, as tight with George W. and Condie as he'd been with Bill and Sandy. Danny called on a tip from Indian intelligence, which said Ijaz was wired with leading jihadis. Figuring that a prominent Pakistani-American who came recommended by Indian spooks to get to Muslim militants must have been a gold mine for Danny. Ijaz made introductions to three sources: Shaheen Sehbai, editor of The News, Pakistan's largest English-language daily; a jihadi activist he declines to name; and--most fatefully-- Khalid Khawaja, a Muslim militant and a onetime agent with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence Agency (ISI) who counts among his very best friends Osama bin Laden. Within weeks, Danny ... was in the capital, Islamabad, 700 miles to the north, for a several-hour session with Khalid Khawaja. ... But despite his talk of bin Laden's being "a man like an angel," Khawaja was sufficiently broad-minded [LOL] in his allegiances that he got the Taliban to agree to receive Ijaz and ex-CIA director Woolsey. ... Danny made another valuable acquaintance in Hamid Mir, editor of Islamabad's Urdu-language Daily Ausaf and self proclaimed "official biographer" of Osama bin Laden. In their last chat, in early November, bin Laden had boasted of possessing chemical and nuclear weapons. Mir is a Taliban enthusiast. Quietly, though, Danny was onto something much more compelling than the daily bombing reports: he'd found links between the ISI and a "humanitarian" organization accused of leaking nuclear secrets to bin Laden. The group--Ummah Tameer-e-Nau (UTN)--was headed by Mr. Bashiruddin Mahmood, former chief of Pakistan's nuclear-power program and a key player in the development of its atomic bomb. Mahmood--who'd been forced out of his job in 1998 after U.S. Intelligence learned of his affection for Muslim extremists--acknowledged making trips to Afghanistan as well as meeting Taliban supreme leader Mullah Mohammad Omar. ... That's not how the CIA saw it. According to the agency, Mahmood and another nuclear scientist, Caudry Abdul Majid, met with bin Laden in Kabul a few weeks before 9/11-- and not to talk about whole-wheat bread. U.S. pressure got the scientists detained in late October, and they admitted having provided bin Laden with detailed information about weapons of mass destruction. But, for what was termed "the best interests of the nation," they were released in mid- December. ... General Hamid Gul--a former ISI director with pronounced anti-American, radically Islamist views--identified himself as UTN's "honorary patron" and said that he had seen Mahmood during his trip to brief bin Laden. Danny and LeVine also discovered that UTN listed as a director an active-duty brigadier general, and ran down a former ISI colonel who claimed that the agency was not only aware of Mahmood's meeting with bin Laden months before his detention but had encouraged his Afghan trips. ... Sheikh, for his part, stayed at a Kandahar guesthouse for several days, conferring with Taliban leader Mullah Muhammad Omar and--reports had it--Osama bin Laden, who was said to refer to him as "my special son." When he crossed the Pakistan frontier in early January 2000, an ISI colonel was waiting to conduct him to a safe house in Islamabad. He went next to Afghanistan, and reportedly helped devise a secure, encrypted Web-based communications system for al-Qaeda. His future in the network seemed limitless; there was even talk of one day succeeding bin Laden. Then came 9/11. Tracing the hijackers' funding, investigators discovered that in the weeks before the Trade Center attack someone using the alias Mustafa Muhammad Ahmad had wired more than $100,000 to hijacking ringleader Mohammad Atta. On October 6, CNN reported that the U.S. had decided that Mustafa Muhammad Ahmad and Sheikh were one and the same. With recruits picked up from other jihadi groups, Sheikh and Ansari, meanwhile, were mounting their first big operation, the October I suicide truck-bomb attack on the Kashmir assembly, which left 38 dead."

ABRAHAMSON ARTICLES WITH CRESCENT PARTNERS:

August 1998, Christian Science Monitor, 'US attack is `best gift' for Sudan' (summary): "Looks at the effects on Sudan of the United States bombing of a pharmaceutical factory in Khartoum, Sudan. Sympathy for Sudan aroused by the US strike; Claim by US that it had evidence that the El Shifa factory was producing precursors to nerve gas; Rejection of this accusation by Sudanese officials; Relations between the US and Sudan."

November 10, 1998, Plain Dealer, 'Let Muslims deal with bin Laden': "The U.S. government's indictment last week of Saudi militant Osama bin Laden on charges he masterminded the bombings of U.S. embassy facilities in Kenya and Tanzania last August is not likely to reduce the terrorist threat posed to American citizens, and may inflame Islamic radicals to renew attacks on American targets. Alternative solutions such as embracing the emerging efforts within orthodox Islam to self-police its most radical adherents now should be encouraged by the..."

November 8, 1998, Mansoor Ijaz and James A. Abrahamson and San Jose Mercury News, 'Let Muslims Help Combat Terrorism': "THE U.S. government's indictment this week of Saudi militant Osama bin Laden on charges he masterminded the bombings of U.S. embassy facilities in Kenya and Tanzania last August is not likely to reduce the terrorist threat posed to American citizens and may very well inflame Islamic radicals to renew attacks on American targets. Alternative solutions such as embracing the emerging efforts within orthodox Islam to self-police its most radical adherents should now be encouraged by..."

December 5, 2001, Los Angeles Times, 'Clinton Let Bin Laden Slip Away and Metastasize: Sudan offered up the terrorist and data on his network. The then-president and his advisors didn't respond': "President Clinton and his national security team ignored several opportunities to capture Osama bin Laden and his terrorist associates, including one as late as last year. I know because I negotiated more than one of the opportunities. From 1996 to 1998, I opened unofficial channels between Sudan and the Clinton administration. I met with officials in both countries, including Clinton, U.S. National Security Advisor Samuel R. "Sandy" Berger and Sudan's president and intelligence chief. President Omar Hassan Ahmed Bashir, who wanted terrorism sanctions against Sudan lifted, offered the arrest and extradition of Bin Laden and detailed intelligence data about the global networks constructed by Egypt's Islamic Jihad, Iran's Hezbollah and the Palestinian Hamas. Among those in the networks were the two hijackers who piloted commercial airliners into the World Trade Center. The silence of the Clinton administration in responding to these offers was deafening. As an American Muslim and a political supporter of Clinton, I feel now, as I argued with Clinton and Berger then, that their counter-terrorism policies fueled the rise of Bin Laden from an ordinary man to a Hydra-like monster. Realizing the growing problem with Bin Laden, Bashir sent key intelligence officials to the U.S. in February 1996. The Sudanese offered to arrest Bin Laden and extradite him to Saudi Arabia or, barring that, to "baby-sit" him--monitoring all his activities and associates. But Saudi officials didn't want their home-grown terrorist back where he might plot to overthrow them. In May 1996, the Sudanese capitulated to U.S. pressure and asked Bin Laden to leave, despite their feeling that he could be monitored better in Sudan than elsewhere. Bin Laden left for Afghanistan, taking with him Ayman Zawahiri, considered by the U.S. to be the chief planner of the Sept. 11 attacks; Mamdouh Mahmud Salim, who traveled frequently to Germany to obtain electronic equipment for Al Qaeda; Wadih El-Hage, Bin Laden's personal secretary and roving emissary, now serving a life sentence in the U.S. for his role in the 1998 U.S. embassy bombings in Tanzania and Kenya; and Fazul Abdullah Mohammed and Saif Adel, also accused of carrying out the embassy attacks. Some of these men are now among the FBI's 22 most-wanted terrorists. The two men who allegedly piloted the planes into the twin towers, Mohamed Atta and Marwan Al-Shehhi, prayed in the same Hamburg mosque as did Salim and Mamoun Darkazanli, a Syrian trader who managed Salim's bank accounts and whose assets are frozen. Important data on each had been compiled by the Sudanese. But U.S. authorities repeatedly turned the data away, first in February 1996; then again that August, when at my suggestion Sudan's religious ideologue, Hassan Turabi, wrote directly to Clinton; then again in April 1997, when I persuaded Bashir to invite the FBI to come to Sudan and view the data; and finally in February 1998, when Sudan's intelligence chief, Gutbi al-Mahdi, wrote directly to the FBI. Gutbi had shown me some of Sudan's data during a three-hour meeting in Khartoum in October 1996. When I returned to Washington, I told Berger and his specialist for East Africa, Susan Rice, about the data available. They said they'd get back to me. They never did. Neither did they respond when Bashir made the offer directly. I believe they never had any intention to engage Muslim countries--ally or not. Radical Islam, for the administration, was a convenient national security threat. And that was not the end of it. In July 2000--three months before the deadly attack on the destroyer Cole in Yemen--I brought the White House another plausible offer to deal with Bin Laden, by then known to be involved in the embassy bombings. A senior counter-terrorism official from one of the United States' closest Arab allies--an ally whose name I am not free to divulge--approached me with the proposal after telling me he was fed up with the antics and arrogance of U.S. counter-terrorism officials. The offer, which would have brought Bin Laden to the Arab country as the first step of an extradition process that would eventually deliver him to the U.S., required only that Clinton make a state visit there to personally request Bin Laden's extradition. But senior Clinton officials sabotaged the offer, letting it get caught up in internal politics within the ruling family--Clintonian diplomacy at its best. Clinton's failure to grasp the opportunity to unravel increasingly organized extremists, coupled with Berger's assessments of their potential to directly threaten the U.S., represents one of the most serious foreign policy failures in American history. * Mansoor Ijaz, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, is chairman of a New York-based investment company."

September 7, 2001, Mansoor Ijaz, R. James Woolsey and James A. Abrahamson for the New York Times, 'Pakistan:Leaving U.S. Sanctions in Place Would Be Grave': "The Bush administration is preparing to lift punitive sanctions imposed on India for its nuclear program. But clearing this hurdle to bolster political, economic and military ties with India while maintaining even sterner sanctions on Pakistan would be seen throughout the Middle East as discrimination of the first order. Islamabad would be pushed in dangerous directions, particularly toward increased reliance on its nuclear and missile programs. ... India and Pakistan's greatest enemies are poverty and insularity, not each other. Lifting U.S. sanctions from both nations could help usher in an era of prosperity for the region while checking pressures to rely on military might. ... Pakistan is a deeply flawed state today. Reversing the current trends there is important for U.S. security. Simultaneously removing the sanctions on both India and Pakistan is a good place to start."

October 1, 2001, Ijaz, Mansoor; Woolsey, R. James; Abrahamson, James A. for Newsweek, 'The Battle Ahead: America and the world must prepare for a long fight' (Newsweek summary: "Provides a projection of the United States' global war against terrorism. Need for constant radical thinking on how to fight against terrorists; How a solid alliance, including Islamic states such as Turkey, Indonesia, and Pakistan, is crucial; Importance of Russia as an ally to the U.S."): "In the coming months, years and perhaps decades, America's global war against terrorism will demand radical thinking on how to fight an enemy whose goal is to instill fear and confusion, whose armies are militia networks strewn across the globe and whose war finances are untraceable bundles of cash. The American people must accept at the outset that capturing or killing one individual will not rid them or the world of the scourge. Osama bin Laden, in fact, is no longer just a man..."

May 5, 2003, Weekly Standard, Mansoor Ijaz, Nabil Barakat and James Abrahamson for , 'How to Win Iraq's Hearts and Minds: Some ideas for how to rebuild Iraq'. A reasonable article that is giving tips to the U.S. government to rebuild Iraq into a democratic society and dispell rumors that war was about oil. All three men sat on the board of Crescent Investment Management in New York.

October 5, 2004, Financial Times (By James Abrahamson, Mansoor Ijaz and Alfred Von Liechtenstein), 'Turkey's route to empowerment': "The debate over Turkish accession has aroused strong passions on both sides. Proponents argue that a modern and market-oriented Muslim democracy could provide a much-needed physical and political buffer between Europe and many of the Islamic world's authoritarian regimes, which are breeding and bleeding extremism. But opponents fear Turkey's entry would shift Europe's centre of gravity too far to the east, thereby lowering its economic and political standards and diluting its historical secular Christian identity and value system. Whether the EU commissioners decide to recommend Turkey's accession or not, all sides agree that the overriding strategic objective is to strengthen the country's democracy and move it even further towards a market-based economy. A new framework should be made ready to fill the policy vacuum that an EU "No" decision would create. Such a plan should move towards securing Turkey's long-term potential away from mostly military and strategic objectives and towards developing strong macro-economic, judicial and social institutions suited to the modern era. But this modernisation process must seek to avoid confrontations with Europe over which identity - secular and European or traditionalist and Islamic - Turkey ultimately chooses. ... US technological assistance to the Turkish army, which is 500,000 strong and bigger than any army in Europe, would boost the EU's military capabilities and enable it to send peacekeeping forces into troubled spots where a US military presence is not always welcome. It would also enable Turkey to act as a primary force for improving European counter-terrorism efforts in areas such as narcotics, illegal weapons and weapons of mass destruction as well as border security. Turkish Nato training schools, for example, could become home to a hybrid version of the international military and education training programmes run by the Pentagon over the past three decades to modernise and secularise armies in troubled countries. Equally important will be supporting growth in Turkey's secular democratic institutions. Absolute guarantees for human rights and women's rights, not yet enshrined in the Turkish constitution, could be imported from Canada's judicial and parliamentary systems without creating partisan rancor among European politicians who complain about Washington's undue influence over Ankara. ...Prince Alfred von Liechtenstein, Mansoor Ijaz and Lt Gen James Abrahamson (USAF retired) jointly serve on the advisory board of Crescent Investment Management in New York"

January 24, 2006, Abrahamson and Ijaz for the Free Lance-Star (Fredericksburg, Virginia), 'A disabling electromagnetic pulse could be terror's next weapon': "America's greatest failure in the years leading up to the Sept. 11 attacks was one of imagination--failing to imagine how terrorists might turn jetliners into flying missiles or box cutters into lethal weapons. The world cannot afford to make such a mistake twice. And yet, four years after the worst terrorist attacks in modern memory, greater resolve is needed to counter and prepare for what is perhaps the terrorists' ultimate use of weapons against Western civilization--a bloodless attack aimed at disabling large segments of the highly interdependent infrastructure on which our societies depend. One method of delivering such warfare: detonation of a nuclear weapon at high altitude, causing an electromagnetic pulse. ... Any computer or microprocessor within a 200-mile radius of the blast would probably be destroyed, along with all its data. Cars and trucks wouldn't start, making it impossible to move food, fuel, and other vital necessities of everyday life. Backup generators would be rendered useless, affecting primary care facilities like hospitals and clinics. ... Evidence is mounting that EMP weapons have caught the eye of countries with clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and equally nefarious geopolitical agendas. Earlier this year, Iran exploded its Shahab-3 long-range ballistic missile in midflight by what appeared to be a pre-timed self-destruct mechanism, according to Jane's Missiles and Rockets. Why? Perhaps to test a delivery vehicle for launching an EMP weapon. In the re-emerging nexus between states and terror groups, al-Qaida could play an all-important role in EMP attacks as well. An Iranian-made nuclear warhead attached to a Scud missile bought from North Korea for the paltry sum of $100,000 would be ideally suited for launch from an oceangoing freighter, of which al-Qaida owns a number. A nuclear-tipped Scud launched from a freighter anchored off the U.S. coast near a major metropolitan city would unleash catastrophic consequences if successfully detonated. ... MANSOOR IJAZ, chief executive of Crescent Technology Ventures PLC, received his bachelor's degree magna cum laude in physics from the University of Virginia and his master's in mechanical engineering from MIT. LT. GEN. JAMES ABRAHAMSON (USAF RET.) was director of President Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative from 1984 to 1989 and remains involved in related U.S. security efforts."

July 11, 2007, New York Post, 'Monaco Mania': "Guests returning from the Monte Carlo wedding of Mansoor Ijaz, the former Fox News Mideast correspondent, and Belgian beauty Valerie Martin are raving over the fireworks, the belly dancers, and the genius of jazzman Herbie Hancock, a groomsman who performed at the nuptials. Fox's Geraldo Rivera and former Oracle chairman Gen. Jim Abrahamson were fellow groomsmen."

Source(s): 1991, Russ Bellant, 'Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party' (digital version): "Several member organizations of the [American Security Council's] Coalition for Peace Through Strength are also close to South Africa's apartheid regime [in direct coordination with ASC leadership]. In 1983, for instance, Jack Abramoff went to South Africa as chairman of the College Republican National Committee to begin an ongoing relationship with the extreme right National Student Federation (NSF)".

Born in 1958. His father, Franklin Abramoff, was president of Diners Club International and worked closely with Alfred Bloomingdale [Knights of Malta; President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board under Reagan; 12 year affair with the 36 year younger Vicki Morgan, who was murdered almost a year after Bloomingdale's death], a personal friend of Ronald Reagan. Chairman College Republican National Committee (CRNC) 1981-1985 (23-27 years old). In 1983 founder and chairman of the International Freedom Foundation (IFF), which cooperated with the American Security Council in keeping apartheid in South Africa in place. The IFF received $1.5 million a year in financing from the South African government until 1992. 1991, Russ Bellant, 'Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party' (digital version): "[ASC's National Security] Caucus Chair Howard Phillips cosponsors trips to South Africa (at a $4,000 fee) which offer "confidential intelligence and financial briefings" and meetings "with the very highest officials of government, business, banking and the military in South Africa." Also promised are "military intelligence briefings." Ads for such trips are placed in John Birch Society publications. [f-339] The Conservative Caucus lobbies vigorously for UNITA and attempted to initiate a corporate campaign against Gulf Oil/Chevron for buying Angolan oil. [f-340] ... Several member organizations of the [American Security Council's] Coalition for Peace Through Strength are also close to South Africa's apartheid regime. In 1983, for instance, Jack Abramoff went to South Africa as chairman of the College Republican National Committee to begin an ongoing relationship with the extreme right National Student Federation (NSF). ... Phillips and Abramoff [who soon also set up the South Africa-financed International Freedom Foundation] have both supported campaigns calling for the dismissal of Chester Crocker and George Shultz from the State Department because they are seen as insufficiently supportive of South Africa. [f-341] The "Dump Schultz" campaign grew out of a meeting of the Council for National Policy, [f-342] a secret membership group that has included Phillips, Abramoff, then-National Security Council officials Oliver North [central Iran Contra figure as CIA director William Casey's assistant] and John Lenczowski, WACL chair John Singlaub [co-founder CIA; SOPAG chair at the Pentagon; ASC startegy board chair; chair OSS Society with all the top special operations and top CIA veterans], and many others with ASC interlocks. [f-343] CNP's secret quarterly meetings bring together right-wing funders (such as Joseph Coors) and foreign policy activists. [f-344] The June 1987 speaker was Richard Secord. [f-345] Secord was a major player in the Iran Contra-gate arms for hostages private network."

Abramoff was a rather unusual ASC affiliate member due his staunchly Jewish background. Reagan appointed him a member of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council in 1986. Director National Security Caucus Foundation (NSCF; name 1978-1986: Congressional Division of the [ASC's] Coalition for Peace Through Strength) at the turn of the century, headed by long-time ASC head John Fisher and various other leading ASC veterans on the board. These connections continued until 2004 when the NSCF was dissolved. nscf.net/NSCF Board Members.htm (Feb. 10, 2003): "NSCF Board of Directors: John M. Fisher, Chairman and C.E. O. ... Rear Admiral Robert H. Spiro Jr. (USNR) Ret, President and C.O.O. ... James G. Gore, Jr., Esq. Secretary* ... Dr. Young H. Kim, Vice President* [Virginia] ... Manuel Celaya, Director [Colombia] ... Hon. Walter Fauntroy, Vice President*. Chairman, National Black Leadership Roundtable. ... Ruis Coias, Director [Portugal] ... Hon. Sang Chul Kim, Director, Chairman, Asia Pacific Society ... Jack Abramoff, Esq., Director ... Dr. Thomas K. Lee, Director ... Karen Vitiello, Vice President*. USAir, Inc. ... Gregg Hilton, Executive Director*... Andre Soussan, Director Politique Internationale ... Mrs. O. K. Edmunds, Director*... Silver Spring, Maryland 20904 ... * Members of the Executive Committee ..."
nscf.net/congresscochairs.htm (accessed: February 23, 2001): "The Congressional Co-Chairmen of the National Security Caucus: ... (Text copyright 1997 by Congressional Quarterly Inc.) ... Trent Lott ... John McCain ... Richard Shelby ... Ted Stevens ... Bob Graham ... Joseph I.. Lieberman ... Charles [Chuck] Robb..."

From 1999-2003 Abramoff was secretary/treasurer of the Maldon Institute, a MI6, CIA and ASC-linked ultra-right propaganda front. In the early 2000s Abramoff was a partner of the Alexander Strategy Group, which created the Korea-U.S. Exchange Council (parallel to Abramoff's NSCF ties to Korea) in which Henry Kissinger, Ed Feulner, ambassador Richard Walker (Long-time expert on Korea; said to be CIA; former WACL member; member national committee Council for the Defense of Freedom, originally named the Council Against Communist Aggression; ambassador to Korea; director of the Korea Society, together with Robert D. Hormats of Goldman Sachs and the Atlantic Inst., and others from J. P. Morgan and Boeing, just as advisors as Alexander Haig, George H. W. Bush, and Gerald Ford) and Otilie English (lobbyist for a Committee for a Free Afghanistan and supporter of the Mujahidin in the 1980s; traveled deep inside Afghanistan and seen as an expert on that country; came back to the U.S. with 7 hours of taped interviews with Al Qaeda prisoners, one who supposedly repeatedly threatened that they would be "coming to the U.S.". Washington representative to the Northern Alliance in 2000 and 2001; advisor to Haron Amin, the Northern Alliance spokesman during the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan) were directors.

Became a lobbyist at Preston Gates Ellis & Rouvelas Meeds LLP in December 1994, after the firm decided it needed a person with strong ties to the conservative wing of the Republicans. Abramoff was already close to Newt Gingrich and Dick Armey in this period. DeLay has called Abramoff "one of (his) closest and dearest friends". In 1995, Abramoff began representing Indian tribes with gambling interests. He became involved with the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians. One of Abramoff's first acts as a tribal gaming lobbyist was to defeat a Congressional bill to tax Indian casinos. From these casinos his lobbying firm would receive many millions a year, whch was used to buy influence in Congress and the Senate.

Mariani Islands

Abramoff and his law firm were paid at least $6.7 million by the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) from 1995 to 2001, which made manufactured goods with the "Made in the USA" label but was not subject to U.S. labor and minimum wage laws. After Abramoff paid for DeLay and his staffers to go on trips to the CNMI, they crafted policy that extended exemptions from federal immigration and labor laws to the islands' industries. Abramoff also negotiated for a $1.2 million no-bid contract from the Marianas for "promoting ethics in government" to be awarded to David Lapin, brother of Daniel Lapin. Abramoff also secretly funded a trip for James E. Clyburn (D-SC) and Bennie Thompson (D-MS). In 1999 Congressman Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) went on an Abramoff-funded trip to the Marshall Islands with John Doolittle (R-CA), Ken Calvert (R-CA), delegates of Guam, American Samoa, Virgin Islands and eight staffers.

Documentation also indicates that Abramoff's lobbying team helped prepare Rep. Ralph Hall's (R-TX) statements on the House floor in which he attacked the credibility of escaped teenaged sex worker "Katrina", in an attempt to discredit her testimony regarding the state of the sex slave industry on the island.

September 25, 2006, TPM Muckraker, 'For Abramoff, Lawmaker Slandered Teen Sex Slave': "In November of 1997, Rep. Ralph Hall (R-TX) publicly questioned the credibility of a teenage girl's claims that she'd been the victim of the sex trade in the Northern Mariana Islands. The statement, which Rep. Hall entered into the Congressional Record, was prepared by Jack Abramoff, the lobbyist for the islands. "[S]he wanted to do nude dancing," Hall's statement said of the fifteen-year-old girl. She had earlier told federal investigators that she'd been forced to work for a local nightclub in a nightly live sex show. You can read the entirety of Hall's statement here. Press accounts at the time detailed how the girl had been taken from her parents in the Phillippines, and forced to perform sex acts on stage and before video cameras at a Northern Marianas sex club. A 1998 Department of Labor report confirmed those reports. Hall's challenger in Texas' 4th District, history professor Glenn Melancon, has made the episode a campaign issue. "When investigators discovered child prostitution and forced abortions on the Mariana Islands, Congressman Ralph Hall was paid for covering it up and publicly attacking one of the raped children," read postcards his campaign distributed to voters. Hall has called the charge an "outright lie." His office did not respond to our request for comment on this story. But records show that Abramoff's staff contacted Hall's office fifteen times in the two months leading up to his statement in the Congressional Record. Hall has also denied being paid for making the statement, but oddly enough has revealed that "[Tom] DeLay gave him money 10 years ago," according the to the district's local paper, The Herald Banner. DeLay was Abramoff's closest ally in Congress with regard to the Marianas. But Federal Election Commission records do not show contributions to Hall from DeLay or his PAC during that period. The former Majority Leader was known for routing donations through third parties to hide their origin. Hall was a Democrat at the time he says he took DeLay's money -- he switched parties in 2004. Hall visited the Marianas islands on an Abramoff-sponsored junket in 1997, according to emails. ... For months, activists and members of Congress pushed for labor reforms in the Northern Marianas, an American territory that was rife with cases of human rights abuses. The teenaged girl Hall attacked (referred to by lawyers and activists by her stage name, "Katrina," to protect her anonymity) was just one of those cases. The billing records from Abramoff's lobbying firm, Preston Gates, show that Abramoff and his associates logged long hours helping CNMI dodge such charges. ... As detailed in the findings of a Department of Labor investigation, Katrina was taken away from her parents in the Philippines at the age of fifteen to work at a nightclub in the Northern Marianas. Once there, she was forced to sell drinks, dance naked, and perform videotaped "sex acts on stage with customers." She and the other employees lived in barracks set up by the Philippino club owner until Katrina was able to run away and contact the Philippine Consulate. She was eventually given asylum in Hawaii, where she lives today."

Spring 2006 issue, Ms. Magazine, 'Paradise Lost: Greed, Sex Slavery, Forced Abortions and Right-Wing Moralists': "[In] 1975, the islands’ indigenous population of subsistence farmers and fishermen voted to become a commonwealth of the United States—a legal designation that made them U.S. citizens and subject to most U.S. laws. There were two critical exceptions, however: The U.S. agreed to exempt the islands from the minimum wage requirements of the Fair Labor Standards Act (allowing the islands to set their own lower minimum wage, currently $3.05, compared to $5.15 in the U.S.) and from most provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act. This has allowed garment manufacturers to import thousands of foreign contract guest workers who, ironically, stitch onto the garments they make the labels “Made in Saipan (USA),” Made in Northern Marianas (USA)” or simply “Made in USA.” ... The guest worker designation means that these foreign laborers can remain on the islands for an indefinite period but are not eligible for U.S. citizenship. If workers complain about conditions, not only can they be terminated at the whim of their employer, but because they’re exempt from U.S. immigration law, they can be summarily deported. ... the workers [produce] for J. Jill, Elie Tahari and Ann Taylor. These name brand companies don’t own the factory; like Liz Claiborne, The Gap, Ralph Lauren and others, they subcontract production to factories like this, scattered around the tiny Micronesian island of Saipan. Counters above the sewing machines indicate how many pieces the women have completed. According to workers, if they can’t finish a set quota of garments in a day, they may have to stay later and work for free, or they won’t be eligible for future overtime opportunities—which they desperately need. Coming from rural villages and the big city slums of poor Asian countries, these garment workers began their sojourn in the Marianas with a huge financial deficit, having paid recruiters as much as $7,000 to obtain a one-year contract job (renewable at the employer’s discretion). Many of them borrow the money—a small fortune in China, where most are recruited—from lenders who charge as much as 20 percent interest. In a situation akin to indentured servitude, workers cannot earn back their recruitment fee and pay annual company supplied housing and food expenses of about $2,100 without working tremendous hours of overtime. Before being able to save her first dollar, a worker who owes, say, $5,000 to her recruiter has to work nearly 2,500 hours at Saipan’s current minimum wage—which equals six more 40-hour workweeks than exist in a year. And that’s assuming she gets paid. Increasingly, workers are filing formal complaints that they have not received their wages, with some women going without paychecks for over five months. Still, workers at RIFU and other Saipan garment factories labor six days a week, sometimes up to 20 hours a day. ... Such abuses have helped a highly profitable garment industry to flourish in the islands. At its peak, the industry annually exported to the U.S. garments worth $1 billion wholesale (with a retail value conservatively estimated at $2 billion). Considering that the success of the industry was tied closely to its low wages and exploitative guest worker program—and the fact that it was exempt from tariffs or quotas on exports to the U.S. mainland—it’s not surprising that both the Marianas’ government and the garment manufacturers have fought long and hard to maintain the deal. Enter Jack Abramoff ... While at the Washington, D.C., offices of the Preston, Gates, Ellis & Rouvelas Meeds law firm in 1995, Abramoff and his team were hired as lobbyists for the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. At the time, the islands’ sweet deal was in trouble, as a decade’s worth of rumblings about labor conditions and immigration abuses there had finally led members of Congress and the Clinton administration to press for legislation to eliminate the island’s exemptions from U.S. minimum wage and immigration laws. But Abramoff, using his close ties to Republicans in the House, worked mightily to block such reforms. Many of his efforts focused on the House Resources Committee, which has jurisdiction over U.S. territories, including the Marianas. Although members of both houses of Congress and both political parties repeatedly pushed to bring the Marianas under federal immigration and minimum wage laws, not a single legislative attempt has succeeded—most killed in the House Resources Committee. Beginning in 1995 and continuing to the present day, at least 29 different bills—some to raise the minimum wage, some to close off the immigration exemption, and some to deny use of the “Made in USA” label on products of the CNMI—were introduced by Sens. Frank Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.) and by Reps. George Miller (D-Calif.) and David Bonier (D-Mich.). Twice—in 1995 and again in 2000—the U.S. Senate voted unanimously for Murkowski’s wage and immigration reforms only to have the bills die in the House Resources Committee. Even a 1999 bill, sponsored by New Jersey Republican Rep. Bob Franks, died in the Resources Committee, despite having 243 co-sponsors—a substantial majority of House members, and enough to ensure passage on the floor. Abramoff also cultivated powerful allies in the House leadership, notably Tom DeLay, who, as majority whip at the time, could keep a bill off the House floor even if the Resources Committee voted in its favor. ... Abramoff was in almost daily contact with DeLay’s top aides concerning Marianas-related matters. DeLay himself, the billing records showed, met or talked with Abramoff about the Marianas at least two dozen times in 1996 and 1997 alone. Abramoff would later summarize his early Marianas lobbying successes in the 2001 letter to Tenorio: “We worked with the House leadership to assure the [minimum wage] bill would not move to the House floor, even if the [Resources] committee did act. It also allowed us to acquire some very powerful allies, such as Majority Whip Tom DeLay.” Three of DeLay’s former aides would end up joining Abramoff’s lobby ing team and working on the Marianas account. Abramoff was well-compensated for his lobbying efforts, bringing in nearly $11 million in fees from the Marianas government and from the islands’ garment manufacturers between 1995 and 2004. And his clients got exactly what they hoped for. “Our team has combated and defeated every single attack on the CNMI,” Abramoff wrote to Tenorio in 2001. One of Abramoff’s favorite tactics for influencing members of Congress was to arrange Saipan junkets. As many as 100 people connected to the U.S. Congress—members themselves, or their staffers—traveled to the islands, sometimes with spouses or other family, including nearly half the Republican members of the House Resources Committee or their staffers. In addition to meetings with local officials, the trips—frequently all-expenses paid—typically entailed a stay at the Hyatt Regency resort, snorkeling in the crystalline waters and golf at one of the islands’ four championship courses. Among the visitors were DeLay, his wife and daughter, and six of his aides. During his 1998 New Year’s holiday trip, he told Saipan officials, as was later reported in The Dallas Observer, "When one of my closest and dearest friends, Jack Abramoff, your most able representative in Washington, D.C., invited me to the islands, I wanted to see firsthand the free-market success and the progress and reform you have made.” At a New Year’s Eve dinner on Saipan, DeLay lavishly praised the governor—in a moment caught on camera and later shown by ABC’s 20/20—“You are a shining light for what is happening in the Republican Party, and you represent everything that is good about what we’re trying to do in America, in leading the world in the free-market system.” Two years later, DeLay still saw the islands through rose-colored lenses, as he told The Washington Post: “[The CNMI] is a perfect petri dish of capitalism. …It’s like my Galapagos Island.” Even today, DeLay remains a booster. When Ms. contacted him, he was in Texas and unavailable for comment, but his spokesman Michael Connolly said, “I can’t think of anything that would have changed his position on the Mariana Islands. He stands by the things he has said in the past and he stands by the votes he’s made that pertain to the islands.” To find the dark underbelly of Delay's "Shining light," simply cross a busy Saipan street and walk a few yards down a dirt road. At 10:30 p.m., knots of Chinese women are just getting off work at a nearby garment factory and making their way through the steady rain that slices the black night. These women eschew the more expensive, factory-owned barracks in favor of tiny homes constructed of corrugated tin, with thin wooden doors. In one tin dwelling, three women share a queen-sized bed that rests on a slab of concrete. The smell of frying vegetables wafts from the “kitchen”—a few hot plates and water-filled plastic buckets set outside on a concrete counter. Nine people share one toilet. As they cluster outside, near a thin clothesline that doubles as a closet, one woman says that she’s worked here for two years and is nowhere close to paying the money back to her recruiter; the others shake their heads in agreement. Their fear is palpable: They’re afraid to use their names or to be photographed, even from the back. “I heard that the lender might break my family’s legs if I don’t pay the money soon. I worry about it a lot,” one 35-year-old Chinese woman told Ms. a few days earlier, speaking through a translator. “I can’t imagine how long it will take to pay the money back. It’s very hard to be here. The only foods I can afford to buy are rice and some very cheap precooked vegetables. My teeth are always bleeding,” she says, her eyes like wet stone. Most guest workers here are from poor Asian countries: China, the Philippines, Bangladesh, Thailand. Most have only a third- or fourth-grade education. Of the nearly 30 workers interviewed by Ms., almost all had left children back home with relatives, hoping they’ll earn enough in Saipan to finance their offspring’s education. “The recruiter told us that in America it’s a very free country, and because we had never been here we believed them,” says a 22-year-old garment worker from China’s rural Fujian Province. “They were lying.” Despite the squalid living conditions, the young guest workers want to stay at their jobs long enough to make their sacrifices worthwhile. But if they happen to get pregnant while working in Saipan, they’re faced with a new nightmare. According to a 1998 investigation by the Department of Interior Office of Insular Affairs, a number of Chinese garment workers reported that if they became pregnant, they were “forced to return to China to have an abortion or forced to have an illegal abortion” in the Marianas. ... Women recruited to work in Saipan as waitresses, or in other legitimate jobs, often end up being forced to become strippers or prostitutes... “I thought I was coming to work as a dancer,” says a young Filipina woman, her voice barely a whisper as she speaks behind a curtain of her hair. “I was so surprised on the first night in the club when they told me I had to strip. The only way to get tips was by picking up the money with your breasts and your vagina. And there was a VIP room in the back where people could have sex.” She points to a yellowed building with boarded-up windows and a security camera in the stairwell just off a busy street. There, she and the other strippers, all young Filipinas, were locked inside during the day and not allowed to leave except for work. Eventually, she and a friend escaped their employer after one of them rappelled down from a second-story balcony, using a rope made out of pants. ... The saddest tale we’re told in the Marianas comes from a 24-year-old Filipina who is afraid to give her name. She and the 22-year-old woman sitting on a couch beside her came to Saipan last fall after recruiters offered them $400 a month to work as waitresses. Her 14-month-old son had died of dehydration the year before when she didn’t have enough money for his medication. So, she couldn’t turn down the recruiters, she whispers, because she believed it would enable her to provide a better life for her surviving 3-year-old son. But, “they forced me to work like a prostitute,” she says. They were expected to have sex with as many as four men per day and given but one daily meal of noodles. “The boss lady told me if I don’t work, I won’t return back to the Philippines or see my son, and they will file a complaint and I’ll go to jail.” As she talks in the shelter where they’ve now hidden for five months, the other girl folds her body into a ball, tears streaking her face. Tom Delay insists that he's never heard such stories. “Sure, when you get this number of people, there are stories of sexual exploitation,” he told the Galveston County Daily News in May 2005. “But in interviewing these employees one-on-one, there was no evidence of any of that going on. Most Saipan prostitutes are former garment workers. No evidence of sweatshops as portrayed by the national media. It’s a beautiful island with beautiful people who are happy about what’s happening." Reformer Rep. George Miller, however, heard completely different stories on his visit to the islands. ... “It’s so ironic that people who talk about themselves as having family values are allowing these guest workers to be exploited in the harshest possible ways,” says Miller. “Their money and lobbying allowed the continuation of the worst of human behavior. Hopefully, now DeLay’s influence is diminished and there’s an opportunity to provide some protections.” For guest workers in Saipan, drowning for years in wretched conditions, Miller’s legislation offers but a faint outline of a lifeboat on the horizon. “This is a dark, dark place in America,” says one former garment worker while driving beneath the warm tropical sun past one of the covert abortion clinics. “It’s a nightmare here.”"

Ties to Bush

February 11, 2006, Time magazine, 'First Photo of Bush and Abramoff': "Just how close was the relationship between the White House and disgraced lobbyist Jack Abramoff? The Bush Administration again faced questions about those ties after an e-mail Abramoff sent a journalist friend surfaced last week in which Abramoff wrote that he had met President Bush almost a dozen times over the past five years, and even received an invitation to the President's Crawford, Texas, ranch along with other large political donors. Bush "has one of the best memories of any politician I have ever met," Abramoff mused in the e-mail last month, adding that, He "saw me in almost a dozen settings, and joked with me about a bunch of things, including details of my kids." The White House, however, has continued to assert that the President had no recollection of ever meeting Abramoff. When TIME reported in January that it had viewed unpublished photographs of Abramoff with Bush, aides responded that the pictures meant nothing since the President is photographed with thousands of supporters and White House visitors every year. Now, finally, the first such photo has come to light. It shows a bearded Abramoff in the background as Bush greets an Abramoff client, Raul Garza, who was then the chairman of the Kickapoo Traditional Tribe of Texas; Bush senior advisor Karl Rove looks on. The photograph was provided to TIME by Mr. Garza. The meeting took place in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building adjacent to the White House on May 9, 2001. Told about the photograph in January, the White House said it had no record that Abramoff was present at the meeting. Shown the photograph today, White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan said the White House had still found no record of Abramoff's presence but confirmed that it is Abramoff in the picture. McClellan told TIME: "The President has taken countless, tens of thousands of pictures at home and abroad over the last five years. As we've said previously a photo like this has no relevance to the Justice Department's investigation [of Abramoff]." This meeting, however, was a relatively small gathering attended by some two dozen people, including Garza and another Indian tribal leader who was Abramoff's client. At least two tribes, the Coushatta of Louisiana and the Mississippi Band of Choctaw, contributed $25,000 each to the anti-tax group Americans for Tax Reform, which is headed by Grover Norquist, a well-known conservative ally of the White House. Garza, who is also known by his Indian name, Makateonenodua, meaning "black buffalo," is under federal indictment for allegedly embezzling more than $300,000 from his tribe. Talking about the photo, Abramoff has told friends, "I was standing right next to the window and after the picture was taken, the President came over and shook hands with me, and we chatted and joked." A photograph of that scene as described by Abramoff was shown to TIME two weeks ago. Abramoff's lawyers have said that their client has long had photographs of himself with Bush, but that he has no intention of releasing any of them. Abramoff would not comment on the matter."

Russian ties

April 6, 2005, Washington Post, 'A 3rd DeLay Trip Under Scrutiny 1997 Russia Visit Reportedly Backed by Business Interests': "A six-day trip to Moscow in 1997 by then-House Majority Whip Tom DeLay (R-Tex.) was underwritten by business interests lobbying in support of the Russian government, according to four people with firsthand knowledge of the trip arrangements. ... DeLay also dined with the Russian executives and two Washington-based registered lobbyists for the Bahamian-registered company, sources say. One of those lobbyists was Jack Abramoff... Lobbyist Julius "Jay" Kaplan, second from left, reportedly met with Rep. Tom DeLay in Moscow. He is pictured with Former Secretary of State Alexander Haig, Naftasib's Marina Nevskaya, Alexander Koulakovsky and Dr. Robert Spiro. (Gregg Hilton -- American Foreign Policy Council)."

August 20, 2004, Kommersant newspaper (Russia), 'YUKOS in an Emergency Situation': "[NaftaSib president Aleksandr] Kulakovsky and [vice president Marina] Nevskaya are not particularly well known in Russia, but are more familiar to Americans. In August 1997, NaftaSib paid for the Moscow leg of US House of Representatives leader Tom DeLay's trip to Moscow. Nevskaya accompanied him in Moscow. It was claimed in the American press that she taught at the Military Diplomatic Academy, where personnel for the Main Intelligence Division of the Russian Joint Staff are trained. In January 1998, before a visit by Viktor Chernomyrdin to the United States, the management of NaftaSib held several meetings with lobbyists, including the American Security Council Foundation (ASCF), as "people close to the circle of Viktor Chernomyrdin" (quoted from an AFSC press release). After that visit, part of the "Gore-Chernomyrdin program," Russian companies began to work much more actively in Iraq. According to its official report for 2003, NaftaSib is controlled by Kulakovsky and entrepreneur Mikhail Khimich. Their business has direct dealings with YUKOS. NaftaSib owns 77% of SIDANKO-Vostok, the biggest trader for the Angar oil refinery, which is part of YUKOS. NaftaSib-Irkutsk and SIDANKO-Vostok are suppliers of petroleum products to Siberia and the Russian Far East. SIDANKO-Vostok also supplies petroleum products to military units in Irkutsk and exports oil through the port of Nakhodka. SIDANKO-Vostok used to manage SIDANKO assets in the Far East, but most of them were divided between YUKOS, Rosneft and the Alliance Group in 1999 and 2000. In addition, NaftaSib is the co-owner of Unicor Bank in Moscow. It operates development projects in Moscow and owns 90% of the Tula Salt Co. In 2001, the Radiotelemir television company, which Khimich was the head of, launched the 7TV channel (formerly Children's Project). That company was sold a year later by NaftaSib. That company's most noteworthy connection is with the Ministry of Emergencies, however. Official statistics identify NaftaSib as 49% owner of the service companies for that ministry that call themselves Emerkom: Emerkom-Spetsmontazh, Emerkom-Kompleks, Emerkom-Demayning and Emerkom-Avia. Emerkom is the subsidiary of the Emergencies Ministry that provides humanitarian aid. It is in practice the Emergencies Ministry trading company, through which the ministry buys supplies for humanitarian aid. Emerkom also trades in oil. Emerkom is one of the 170 Russian companies on the list received by Kommersant from the US Congress of companies having preferential rights to trade with Iraq within the Oil-for-Food program. According to the Washington Post, that company and Zarubezhneft were accused in 2002 of secretly financing ex-president of Iraq Saddam Hussein. Emerkom does not hide its ties with NaftaSib. Emerkom provided a Kommersant correspondent with a list of telephone numbers for NaftaSib representatives."

2006, Matthew Continetti, 'The K Street Gang: The Rise and Fall of the Republican Machine' (digital): "[In 2005 Delay, his wife, staff, Abramoff and a few others] golfed, met with Russian religious leaders, visited tourist attractions, and spoke with Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin [all in Russia]. The trip cost over $57,000. When the delegation stayed for two nights at the Le Meriden Moscow Country Club, Abramoff had the room next to the DeLays. The hotel bills show that the group made extensive use of the minibar. One night they attended a sumptuous dinner party hosted by the heads of NaftaSib, a Russian energy company. DeLay met NaftaSib's president, Alexander Koulakovsky, and its executive vice president, Marina Nevskaya. NaftaSib was another client of Abramoff's at Preston Gates."

March 1, 2006, Boston Globe, 'Abramoff pushed plan to drill for oil in Israel: Established firm with two Russians': "Documents reviewed by the Globe show that in November 2001 Abramoff sought a banker's letter vouching that his newly created company, First Gate Resources, could undertake a $5 million project. The letter was addressed to the then-Israeli oil commissioner. A former Abramoff lobbying partner, Ronald Platt, said in an interview that he was shown a brochure about First Gate that listed the company officers as Abramoff and two Russian energy company executives of a Moscow firm called Naftasib. ''They supposedly had some kind of technology for determining oil and gas resources, they had discovered vast oil and gas deposits in the Israeli desert, and [Abramoff believed that] if these were exploited it would change the whole dynamic of the Middle East," Platt said. Abramoff's venture never got off the ground, but the plan provides significant new insights into the lobbyist's ties to Naftasib and its two senior executives. ... His drilling company was set up in a way that shields the names of its officers. A company called First Gate Resources was set up under Delaware incorporation laws on Feb. 6, 2001, and dissolved in 2004, according to records. E-mails released by a Senate committee probing Abramoff show that he counted on his Russian partners to write a letter to Israeli officials pledging financial support for his plan to drill for oil. ... Abramoff wrote an e-mail to a lobbying partner on Nov. 4, 2001, with the subject line of ''first gate," saying he needed the letter ''mega fast. This is something Alexander and Marina were supposed to get but have not done so. Our permit in Israel depends on it and we are running short of time." ... Abramoff, an Orthodox Jew who frequently expressed a desire to help Israel, then drafted a letter to be sent by a bank to Yehezkiel Druckman, who was Israel's oil commissioner at the time. The draft said that ''based on our experience with First Gate Resources Inc. we believe that the company has the means and the financial backing to undertake a project/transaction costing $5 million." The e-mails do not make clear whether the letter was sent or what happened to Abramoff's dream of finding oil in Israel. Druckman, who is no longer the oil minister, could not be reached for comment. The Israeli Embassy in Washington said it had no information on the Abramoff effort. However, an Israeli oil specialist, Philip Mandelker, said that First Gate Resources did try to get a lease for petroleum. ''My understanding is that First Gate Resources had been in contact with the Israeli authorities in about 2001 about the possibility of acquiring petroleum exploration rights," said Mandelker, who works for Zion Oil and Gas, a Texas company with no connection to Abramoff that is looking for oil in Israel. Mandelker, who has discussed the matter with Israeli officials, said First Gate never got the required permits. Israel does have significant natural gas resources, but the country imports nearly all of its oil. A report by the US Department of Energy says that about 460 oil wells have been drilled in Israel since the 1940s ''with little success." But the report quotes Israeli officials as saying that the country could have large oil reserves beneath natural gas fields. Within weeks of the effort to establish the oil-drilling plan, Abramoff discussed with the same Russian partners a plan to purchase night-vision equipment for settlers in territory occupied by Israel, according to his e-mails. One e-mail sent to Abramoff on Oct. 15, 2001, says that it will cost $28,000 to purchase the equipment, and is signed by a person identified as ''Vadim, assistant to Mrs. Nevskaya." It is from an e-mail account at ''naftasib.com," the company where Nevskaya worked. Shortly thereafter, an Abramoff-related group, Capital Athletic Foundation, listed an $18,000 ''donation of thermal imager," suggesting the equipment was bought and sent to the settlers."

Abramoff is particularly close to the extremist Religious Right in the United States. In 2002 co-founder American Alliance of Christians and Jews (AACJ), with Religious Right extremists Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell. February 2, 2006, The Nation, 'Abramoff's Evangelical Soldiers': "In a January 6 press release issued three days after Abramoff's indictment, [Focus on the Family founder James] Dobson declared, "If the nation's politicians don't fix this national disaster, then the oceans of gambling money with which Jack Abramoff tried to buy influence on Capitol Hill will only be the beginning of the corruption we'll see." ... What Dobson neglected to mention--and has yet to discuss publicly--is his own pivotal role in one of Abramoff's schemes. In 2002 Dobson joined a coterie of Christian-right activists, including Tony Perkins, Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, to spearhead Abramoff's campaigns against the establishment of several Louisiana casinos that infringed on the turf of Abramoff's tribal clients. Dobson and his allies recorded messages for phone banking, lobbied high-level Bush Administration officials and took to the airwaves. Whether they knew it or not, these Christian soldiers' crusade to protect families in the "Sportsmen's Paradise" from the side effects of chronic slot-pulling and dice-rolling was funded by the gambling industry and planned by the lobbyist known even to his friends as "Casino Jack." The only Christian-right activist confirmed to be completely aware of Abramoff's rip-off was Ralph Reed. He and Abramoff have a long and storied history together. When Abramoff chaired the College Republican National Committee in the early 1980s, Reed served as the organization's executive director. They reunited in 1989, when Abramoff helped Reed organize the remains of Pat Robertson's failed 1988 presidential bid into the Christian Coalition. In 1997, with the Christian Coalition under IRS investigation and Reed facing accusations of cronyism from the group's chief financial officer, he left to start his own consulting firm, Century Strategies. Reed contacted Abramoff right away. "I need to start humping in corporate accounts," Reed told him in 1998. "I'm counting on you to help me with some contacts." Though Abramoff apparently was not fond of Reed, he viewed him as useful. ... With a steady supply of gambling industry cash, Abramoff dumped a phone-bank budget of more than $60,000 into Reed's war chest for PR efforts against his clients' rivals, the Jena Choctaws (Reed had asked for $150,000)--supplementing the $10,000 in tribal gambling money he directed to Reed's 2001 campaign for chair of the Georgia GOP and the nearly $4 million he ultimately funneled into Reed's personal account. Reed then recruited Falwell to record a phone message against the bill. He also solicited the help of his former boss at the Christian Coalition, Pat Robertson, thanking him for his "leadership for our values." Like the answering of a prayer, tens of thousands of Louisiana Republicans suddenly were bombarded with the voice of God against vice, played by Robertson and Falwell. On March 22, 2001, the bill was resoundingly defeated in the legislature. "You are the greatest!!!" an ecstatic Abramoff wrote to Reed. Miracle accomplished, Abramoff tapped Reed's services again in January 2002, when his clients learned that then-Louisiana Governor Mike Foster had secretly approved a casino site for the Jena Choctaws. ... Abramoff transferred more cash to Reed to blast Dobson's tirade against the Jena casino across Louisiana airwaves. Abramoff was confident his Bush Administration contacts would make sure all the right people heard Dobson's hit. ... But Abramoff's fun didn't stop there. Reed urged a Who's Who of the Christian right to lobby Norton against the Jena compact with a stream of breathless letters. ... American Family Association chair Don Wildmon sent a lengthy missive to Norton filled with statistics on gambling's adverse social impact. The Eagle Forum's Phyllis Schlafly sent another. ... Despite the best efforts of Abramoff and the Christian soldiers Reed recruited, in December Norton approved the Jena compact. Soon after, Louisiana's new governor, Kathleen Blanco, reversed the deal on the basis of her opposition to casino growth. ... In July 2002, at the height of the anti-Jena campaign, Bauer and Rabbi Daniel Lapin, a fixture at Christian-right events, founded the American Alliance of Christians and Jews. On the group's board were Dobson, Robertson, Falwell and one Jack Abramoff. Lapin's organization, Toward Tradition, which administered the AACJ, received $25,000 from one of Abramoff's gambling industry clients in 2000; took $75,000 from Abramoff and his clients; and then, upon Abramoff's written instructions, hired the wife of Tony Rudy to the tune of $5,000 a month. Rudy, who was Tom DeLay's deputy chief of staff at the time, later a lobbyist, has been named in Abramoff's guilty plea. While Abramoff cooperates with federal prosecutors, his former Christian-right surrogates have abstained from coming clean about their relationship with him."

November 6, 2011, CBS 60 Minutes upload toYoutube, 'Jack Abramoff: The lobbyist's playbook' (digital version): "[Narrator:] He would provide freebees and gifts, looking for favors to his clients in return. He'd lavish certain congressman and senators with access to private jets and junkets to the world's greatest golf destinations, like St. Andrews in Scotland, free meals in his own upscale Washington restaurant, and the best tickets to all the areas' sporting events, including two sky boxes at Washington Redskins games. ... [Abramoff:] I spent over a million dollars a year on tickets to sporting events, concerts and all the venues and what not. ... I had two people on my staff whose virtual full-time job was to book tickets for these guys. ... The congressman or senator could take two dozen of his favorite people from their district. ... We'd say: You know, when you are done working on the hill, we would like you to consider to come work for us. And the moment I said that to them, or any of my staff said that to them, we would own them. Every request from our office, every request from our clients, everything that we want, they are going to do. And not only that, they are going to think of things we can't think of to do. ... Right, evil! Yes, terrible! Shameful. Absolutely! It's the worst thing that could happen [in our country]. [reporter and Abramoff both acting upset] I admit, I was involved in a system that I should not have been in. I'm a shamed of the fact that I was there. The very reason now why I'm speaking about it. ... [Narrator:] One of the offices he keyed on was his good friend, the majority leader Tom Delay, eventually hiring his deputy chief of staff and his press secretary, and going into business with Delay's chief of staff. ... We probably had very strong influence in a 100 offices at the time. ... In those days I would view that as a failure, because there were at least 335 offices that we didn't have strong influence in. ... [Bob Ney, senator from Ohio 1984-1995, congressman from Ohio 1995-2006, and part of Abramoff's corrupt network:] I wanted to be speaker of the house, and Jack Abramoff was the beautiful light of day to get to the person I had some conflicts with, Tom Delay. ... But I will still tell you, in that point in time, in order to get a drink at [Abramoff's restaurant] Signatures, you had to shove White House staffers of George Bush the heck away from the bar. It was packed with people and there were members [of both houses of congress]... Now, that doesn't mean that everybody did everything for Jack, but if you want to talk about strict interpretation of violation of the laws of food and drink, [they were broken to the extreme]... [Abramoff:] So, what we did, we crafted language that was so obscure, so confusing, so uninformative, but so precise, to change the U.S. code. ... [No one would know these laws were inserted] except the chairmen of the committees. Members don't read the bills. ... Bribery [you can] call it, because that's ultimately what it is. That's what the whole system is. ... It is done every day. And it is still being done. The truth is there are very few members that I could even name or can think of who didn't at some level participate in that. [Narrator:] [Abramoff] was devoutly religious and exhorbitantly charitable. He said he gave away 80 percent of his earnings. [Abramoff:] Most of the money I made, I gave away to either communal or charitable causes. So, frankly, I thought I was one of the most moral out there. [Narrator:] Things began to unravel for Abramoff when the Washington Post published a largely unflattering portrait of him in 2004, reporting that he charged his clients ten times more than any other lobbyist in town. [February 22, 2004, Washington Post, 'A Jackpot From Indian gaming Tribes: Lobbying, PR Firms Paid $45 Million Over 3 Years'] ... [Abramoff:] You can't take a congressman to lunch for $25 and buy him a hamburger or a stake, or something like that. But you can take him to a fundraising lunch and not only buy him that stake, but give him $25,000 extra, and call that a fundraiser. They get all the same access and the same interaction with that congressman. So the people who make the reforms are the people in the system. No, the system hasn't been cleaned up at all. There's an arrogance on the part of lobbyists, and certainly there was on the part of me and my team, that no matter with what they come up with, we are smarter than they are and we'll overcome it. We'll just find another way through. That's all."

Source(s): 1968 National Strategy Committee list

He was a student and then faculty member at the Army War College from 1950 to 1951, before being deployed to fight in the Korean War. He consecutively served as Commanding General, 25th Infantry Division, Chief of Staff of X Corps, and Chief of Staff Eighth United States Army during the Korean War. After the war, he was Commanding General, 101st Airborne Division, from June to December 1953. He later served as Commanding General, U.S. Army Forces in the Middle East in 1958. From 1959 to 1960, he commanded V Corps. He concurrently served as Commanding General, Third United States Army, and Commanding General, Fort McPherson, Georgia, from 1960 to 1961. After receiving his fourth star in 1961, he became Commander-in-Chief, United States Strike Command, from 1961 to 1966. General Adams retired in 1966. He was president of Paul D. Adams & Associates from 1966 to 1971. Died in 1987.

Source(s): December 16, 1983, New York Times, 'Foreign Affairs': "There are conservative ''think tanks'' in the Washington area that make a point of having good relations with such ultras as Salvador's Roberto D'Aubuisson and Guatemala's Mario Sandoval Alarcon, who are officially shunned by the U.S. because of their murderous reputations. Among them are the Council on Inter-American Security, the American Security Council, and the National Strategic Information Center, the last organized in the 1960's by William Casey, now C.I.A. Director."

April 17, 2003, Associated Press, 'Former Vice President Mario Sandoval dies at 79': "Former Vice President Mario Sandoval Alarcon, a leading figure in conservative Guatemalan politics for decades, died Thursday at the age of 79, his family said. Sandoval served as vice president between 1974 and 1978 in the government of Gen. Kjell Laugerud, whose election victory over Gen. Efrain Rios Montt was widely questioned. He ran unsuccessfully for president himself in 1982 and 1986 for the National Liberation Movement, a right-wing party which participated in the CIA-organized overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954. Sandoval helped found the party and served as its secretary-general from 1958 to 1993, participating in several international anti-Communist organizations. A party biography said that at the time of the 1954 ouster of Arbenz, Sandoval was imprisoned because of clandestine organizing against Arbenz's left-leaning government. He became private secretary to Col. Carlos Castillo Armas, who took power after Arbenz was overthrown. Sandoval earlier had helped Castillo Armas break out of a prison in 1950. Sandoval also served as an ambassador and congressman and represented his country at the funeral of Spanish strongman Francisco Franco in 1975. The party biography said Sandoval had been named an honorary citizen of the states of Texas and Florida and of the cities of Jacksonville, Florida, and Houston, Texas."

March 8, 1982, The Globe and Mail (Canada), 'Guatemalans cast ballot for new leader': "The most extreme of these is Mario Sandoval Alarcon, a 58-year-old lawyer and a ferocious anti-Communist, who had promised to restore peace by utterly eradicating the guerrillas, though without resort to the torture or the death squads now used in Guatemala's counter-insurgency efforts."

December 19, 1982, Miami Herald, 'U.S. Bankrolling Sandinistas' Foes': "Sources confirmed the CIA had funded and watched over the activities of the contras, using Argentine and Honduran military officers as go-betweens. ... The Argentines' involvement with the contras began in early 1981, according to FDN sources, when former National Guard Col. Emilio Echeverri made contacts with a loosely knit group of Argentine intelligence agents and their collaborators in Central America. Buenos Aires officials became interested in Central America when many of Argentina's Montonero guerrillas turned up in Nicaragua after the Sandinista victory in 1979. ... Argentine military advisers trained the first group of Nicaraguan contras in neighboring Guatemala, sometimes on land owned by rightist poltician Mario Sandoval Alarcon, they said. About 70 former national guardsmen later went to Argentina in three groups of 20 to 25 for six-week training courses at an army counterinsurgency school, exile sources said."

December 20, 1984, San Diego Union-Tribune, 'Assassination foiled': "Unidentified gunmen opened fire on far-right political leader Mario Sandoval Alarcon but bodyguards foiled the assassination attempt, his party said. A press bulletin issued by Sandoval's National Liberation Movement claimed that "unidentified individuals" barged into a cocktail party at noon Tuesday and opened fire on Sandoval Alarcon. Sandoval Alarcon was vice president in the 1974-78 military-backed government of Gen. Kjell Eugenio Laugerud. Published reports have alleged he has ties with death squads in Guatemala as well as in neighboring El Salvador."

June 24, 1984, Gwynne Dyer, a member of RIIA and the IISS, for the San Diego Union-Tribune, 'Guatemalans have two `right' choices': ""The terror is aimed at forcing people to vote for the right," said Vicinio Cerezo, the leader of Guatemala's Christian Democratic Party, a very brave man who has attended the funerals of dozens of his party workers over the years. But the only real question in the Guatemalan election on July 1 is which part of the right will win. Without army intervention, the winner would all too likely be the National Liberation Movement (MLN), whose leader, Mario Sandoval Alarcon, once described it as "the party of organized terror." If elected, he promised a senior Western diplomat recently, his party would put all suspected subversives in front of a firing squad. A government led by Sandoval Alarcon would condemn Guatemala to international ostracism: "It'd be like trying to sell Hitler," a U.S. diplomat in Guatemala City said. So the army, which has ruled Guatemala since the last more or less representative government was overthrown by a CIA-backed invasion in 1954, has moved to safeguard its power. It has created a new "official" party which will keep the self-declared fascists of the MLN and their 5,000-man private army in the background. Aided by total military control of the countryside, and an estimated 50 murders or disappearances a week in the capital since the death squads were unleashed again in February, the army's party is guaranteed to win. Guatemala is returning to its normal pattern. The pattern was rudely interrupted by General Efrain Rios Montt, a fanatical convert to a California-based fundamentalist Protestant sect known as the Church of the Word. He was brought to power in March 1982 by a group of rebellious young officers who were convinced that the army was losing the guerrilla war in the backlands, despite the unbridled military terrorism of the existing regime. It was true: The army was losing ground badly to four leftist guerrilla armies operating in the Mayan Indian areas where half of Guatemala's 7 million people live. Rios Montt was embarrassingly devoted to a foreign sect run by aging, born-again hippies, but he had two great merits: He was honest, and he was a real expert in counterinsurgency. He immediately enforced a quite unaccustomed degree of honesty in government departments, and transformed the way the guerrilla war was being fought. It did not get prettier as a result: "The kill rate was quite high," a local source remarked, "and what it shows is that terror, when applied with political good sense, works." A local Indian living in the formerly guerrilla-infested province of El Quiche put it even more plainly. "The army used to come openly, bombing and killing whoever they could find, but now the tactics have changed. Now the people themselves are compelled to kill their neighbors." Rios Montt's real innovation was a program called "rifles and beans" (fusiles y frijoles). Guatemala's Indians had historically stayed out of the political quarrels of the ruling ladino (mixed-race) population until the guerrillas began mobilizing them as a base -- and even that required a good deal of compulsion and terror, despite the Indians' poverty. "We're finding it a little difficult to convince the Indians that we are fighting for them," remarked a guerrilla representative in Mexico a couple of years ago. Under Rios Montt the government counterterror became more selective, and was combined with civil action projects and food supplies for those who cooperated. Moreover, a local civil defense militia half a million strong was conscripted and armed to control the villages. About 300,000 Indians became refugees during these operations, but the guerrillas have lost most of their bases. However, this military victory did not save Rios Montt, who was overthrown last August by his own defense minister, General Oscar Humberto Mejia Victores. Guatemalan senior officers felt humiliated by Rios Montt's stubborn reliance on the seven junior officers (known as the "seven dwarfs") who had brought him to power. They were also impatient with his unwillingness to compromise with the United States, which has not given Guatemala any military aid since 1977. Mejia was more willing to fall in with Washington's plans for Central America. The weekend before the coup he was in Honduras meeting Gen. Frederick Woerner, the second-ranking officer in the U.S. Southern Command, to discuss reactivating Condeca, the right-wing military pact between Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. A day later Mejia was flown to the U.S. carrier Ranger to meet the defense ministers of those countries. On the day of the coup, Maj. William Mercado, the U.S. deputy military attache in Guatemala, was filmed at the presidential palace, walkie-talkie in hand, talking to the officers whom Mejia had sent to tell Rios Montt his time was up. "The U.S. has been pressing me for months to involve Guatemala against Nicaragua," the deposed president said afterwards. "Now it has found someone who is willing to do it." But President Reagan couldn't deliver the military aid Mejia expected: Congress refused to grant it. "We attracted all sorts of diplomatic criticism for agreeing to go along with the Condeca plan," said an aggrieved senior figure in the Guatemalan regime last November. "And the gringos have given us nothing." So the arrangement collapsed, and Guatemala is still on its own. But Guatemala's army is still successfully applying the fusiles y frijoles formula in the rural areas, and it is not about to relinquish power in the capital, either. The elections this July are part of the traditional process of restoring a legitimate facade to the army's rule after an internal power struggle, and the death squads will make sure democracy doesn't go too far. Everything is under control in Guatemala. Dyer, a Canadian-born journalist now living in London, is a member of the International Institute for Strategic Studies and the Royal Institute of Foreign Affairs."

July 3, 1984, Miami Herald, 'Guatemalan Centrists Take Early Lead': ""We've had the first election in many years in which the Guatemalan people have been satisfied," said Vinicio Cerezo, head of the Christian Democratic party and a frequent critic of past elections. Unofficial results in the national races, with 2,432 of the country's 4,090 ballot boxes counted, including 793 in the capital, showed the following results: Christian Democrats, 17.6 percent; National Centrist Union, 15 percent; Movement for National Liberation, in alliance with the Authentic National Center, 12.1 percnter, 12.1 percent; and National Renovation party, 8 percent. Defaced or blank ballots accounted for 19 percent. The National Centrist Union, formed last year, appeared to forge its surprisingly strong first showing at the expense of several rightist parties. The share of the vote captured by three army-backed parties that formed a winning coalition in the 1982 presidential election dropped to 14 percent from 35 percent in 1982. The Union's success also appeared to came at the expense of the ultra-rightist Movement for National Liberation, which traces its roots and its name to the CIA-backed exile army that overthrew leftist President Jacobo Arbenz in 1954. Since then, the Movement and its leader, Mario Sandoval Alarcon, representing the most conservative landowners and industrialists, have been Guatemala's most powerful political force, though they never won the presidency. The Movement captured 12 percent of the vote Sunday in coalition with another rightist party, the Authentic National Center. The two parties' combined tally in the 1982 elections was 34.6 percent. Because of the system used to allot deputies to rural districts, the Movement could win more assembly seats than the Centrist Union, sources in both parties said."

April 17, 2003, World News Connection, 'Guatemala: Alleged Death Squad Founder Dies in Guatamala': "The Guatemalan far-rightist politician considered by many the father of the modern Central American death squad movement died here Thursday of a heart attack at the age of 79, his family reported. Mario Sandoval Alarcon, revered by many radical anti-communists along the isthmus, had called his political organization "the party of organized violence." He was a mentor to, among others, Roberto D'Aubuisson, the late Salvadoran rightist believed to be the founder of his nation's prolific death squads blamed in the 1970s and early '80s for thousands of summary executions of suspected leftists. Sandoval Alarcon, known widely as "El Mico" (the Monkey), died at his home in Guatemala City, his family said. Holding the reins of the National Liberation Army (ELN) and in cahoots with the Catholic hierarchy, Sandoval launched a CIA-backed coup and overthrew President Jacobo Arbenz on July 3, 1954. Upon seizing power he formed the Nationalist Democratic Movement (MDN), which elected as president the head of the counter-revolutionary movement, Colonel Carlos Castillo, who was assassinated in 1956 as the result of internal partywrangling. In the 1957 fraudulent elections that were later nullified, MDN candidate Miguel Ortiz won the presidency. In the 1960s Sandoval consolidated his role as a political leader and changed his party's name to the National Liberation Movement (MLN), the so-called "party of organized violence." At the same time he was accused of organizing and leading death squads, such as the "White Hand," which tortured and assassinated popular, leftist political leaders and Marxist sympathizers. Sandoval, in an alliance with the Democratic Institutional Party, backed Colonel Carlos Arana's successful run for the presidency in 1970, while he himself went on to lead congress for four years. In 1974, Sandoval became vice president under General Kjell Eugenio Lauguerud Garcia. In 1982, he ran for president on the MLN ticket, but the election was nullified by the coup that put General Jose Efrain Rios Montt in power. The MLN's power began to decline soon after and it was eventually dissolved. Description of Source: Panama City ACAN-EFE in English -- Independent Central American press agency that is a joint concern of Panama City ACAN (Agencia Centroamericana de Noticias) and Madrid EFE "

May 15, 2003, The Times, 'Mario Sandoval Alarcon': "Mario Sandoval Alarcon, politician, was born on May 18, 1923. He died on April 17, 2003, aged 79. Mario Sandoval Alarcon was a key figure in Guatemalan politics during the turbulent Cold War era, when hundreds of thousands of people died in a long-running civil war between left-wing guerrillas and a succession of conservative regimes. He was involved in the CIA-inspired overthrow of a reformist government in 1954, and was one of the founders of the National Liberation Movement (MLN), which was on the far Right of the political spectrum. He was a fierce nationalist, never accepting the independence of Belize, a former British colony to which Guatemala had a historic territorial claim. Sandoval Alarcon stood twice for president, in 1982, when the results were annulled by a military coup, and in 1986. Earlier he had served as vice president in the military-led government of General Kjell Laugerud between 1974 and 1978, and was speaker of congress in the 1970-74 period, when another general ruled the country. He retired in 1990, and the MLN, which had been unable to adapt to recent changes in Guatemalan politics, was wound up soon afterwards. He was an anti-communist of a particularly implacable kind. In the mid-1960s he was behind the creation of paramilitary death squads, including the notorious Mano Blanca (White Hand), which kidnapped, tortured and murdered people suspected of left-wing sympathies. For all his extremist views, Sandoval Alarcon was clear-headed enough to realise that the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 would have a profound impact on his own country, and he supported the protracted negotiations with the guerrillas that finally culminated in peace accords in 1996. Even his enemies recognised his personal honesty, and his courage in continuing in public life despite losing the use of his voice from cancer of the throat. Mario Sandoval Alarcon studied law at San Carlos University in Guatemalan City, where he first became involved in politics, founding an anti-communist student organisation. He later became a leading light in the World Anti-Communist League, founded in 1966 as a public relations front for Taiwan and South Korea. His first political appointment was as private secretary to President Carlos Castillo Armas, the army colonel who replaced the deposed left-wing President Jacobo Arbenz in 1954. After the assassination of Castillo Armas in 1957, he spent two years in exile in Spain."

April 5, 1984, New York Times, 'Abroad at Home; Operation Success': "The Reagan Administration defends all this as realism in a hard world: necessary measures to weaken a left-wing Government that makes trouble for us in Central America. But there is a precedent that mocks the argument of realism. Thirty years ago the United States overthrew a Government in Central America. In June 1954 a coup organized by the C.I.A. removed the elected President of Guatemala, Jacobo Arbenz. The Eisenhower Administration ran a massive disinformation campaign to paint him as a dangerous radical. The C.I.A. called that venture ''Operation Success.'' Some success. In place of a democratic Government the U.S. installed a colonel, Carlos Castillo Armas. Guatemala began years of military rule, violence, torture and misery - years that have not ended. ''Guatemala has the worst civil rights record of any country in South America,'' Senator Jim Sasser of Tennessee said recently. Successive military leaders have slaughtered their people in an effort to stamp out rebellion. Amnesty International, in a report this week on the use of torture by governments, mentioned thousands kidnapped in Guatemala between 1978 and 1982 and found dumped dead by roadsides with flesh burned and limbs amputated. Has the interest of the United States been served in Guatemala? Hardly. Central America's most populous country has become a center of instability. A historian of the 1954 coup, Ronald Schneider, said 10 years later: ''While the short-run outcome of the intervention in 1954 was viewed at the time as a success for the United States in the Cold War, in a larger perspective it is increasingly difficult to see it as such. Indeed, in light of subsequent events it might reasonably be considered little short of disaster.'' The story of the 1954 coup is told in chilling detail in a recent book, ''Bitter Fruit,'' by Stephen Schlesinger and Stephen Kinzer. It is chilling especially because it shows the moral price paid by American officials for involvement in such dirty business. John Foster Dulles, his brother Allen and other Americans appear in shameful postures. There is a worrying footnote to the Schlesinger-Kinzer book. The authors got a good deal of official information on the American role in the 1954 coup, but they wanted the full records of the C.I.A. For five years the agency said it had only a few papers. Then the authors sued under the Freedom of Information Act. The agency ''discovered'' 180,000 documents on the coup in its library but said they were too sensitive to produce. Last month a Federal judge in Washington, Thomas A. Flannery, upheld the C.I.A.'s refusal to produce what are by now 30-year-old documents. ''Conditions in Central America are extremely sensitive today,'' he said, ''and any information about past covert activity by the United States in this area could have harmful effects.''"

November 4, 1984, Manchester Guardian Weekly, 'Fighters for human rights face torture': "The Amnesty report has detailed entries on the human rights situation in 117 countries up to the end of 1983. El Salvador and Guatemala are singled out as particularly serious offenders against human rights activists, many of whom have been tortured and killed. ... Amnesty gives as one example among many the Guatemalan lawyer, America Yolanda Urizar, abducted by armed men in an army jeep and never seen again. Her legal work with trade unions had made her a target for death threats. Both these Central American countries have experienced large-scale programmes of killings, mutilations and disappearances of women, children and men by the governments' security forces, Amnesty says. In Sri Lanka security forces killed members of the Tamil minority. The military government in Turkey is also singled out in the report for the practice of "systematic and widespread torture". In military prisons alone there are 21,000 political prisoners, according to Amnesty. There are no figures for civilian gaols. South Africa's record of detention without trial for political prisoners, the death in detention of two political detainees, and "substantial allegations of gross ill treatment" are also among the report's grimmest reading. In both eastern and western Europe Amnesty reports torture. In Spain there are reports of police torturing people held under anti-terrorist laws. In the Soviet Union prisoners are held in labour camps and psychiatric hospitals. Amnesty says it is studying shootings in Northern Ireland to assess charges that the Government has a deliberate policy of having suspected guerrillas killed. Flogging with leather whips and electric cables was practised in Iran, which was holding thousands of prisoners, according to the Amnesty report. In Iraq, detainees had their nails pulled out and limbs broken during interrogation."

October 2, 1989, The Globe and Mail (Canada), ' Latest round of violence in Guatemala marked by bombs, kidnapping, torture': "In the past few months, dozens of students, labor leaders, human-rights activists, peasants and, for the first time, political and business leaders, have been kidnapped, assassinated, or have simply disappeared. Bodies have once again started to show up bearing signs of terrible torture and missing limbs. The capital has also been the site of bomb attacks, including one outside the Camino Real Hotel, a favorite tourist spot. People now openly compare the attacks with la violencia, the horrifying violence of the early 1980s in which as many as 50,000 people died or disappeared at the hands of right-wing death squads and the army. Unionists and human-rights workers report that a white-panelled van, which they call the "death van," has started making the rounds of the city's neighborhoods. Those kidnapped by the van's operators never reappear, the workers said. "Right now there is an indiscriminate repression that we did not really expect," said Ramiro Menchu of the Guatemalan Organization of Unionized Workers. "The methods are the same ones they used in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the same kind of psychosis, the same methods of torture, and it doesn't matter if the victims are men, women or children.""

March 3, 1999, Knight Ridder/Tribune, 'An estimated 200,000 killed: Guatemalan truth commission report finds U.S.complicity in reign of terror': "The report of an independent truth commission in Guatemala made the front page of the New York Times last Friday, but few Americans will understand what happened there or why it should matter to them. That's because our government really doesn't want them to know. And no wonder. The commission found compelling evidence of U.S. complicity in the reign of terror that it chronicled. How deeply was the United States involved? Declassified documents from the CIA include transcripts of interrogation sessions where victims were tortured, in the presence of people who were co-operating with U.S. intelligence. Other documents show that our government had extensive and up-to-date knowledge of massacres and other atrocities, while they maintained a close working relationship with the Guatemalan military at all levels. The United States supplied weapons, training, and other aid to the military throughout most of 34 year period (1962-96). Through some of the worst periods of killings, our government provided crucial political support, to keep the Guatemalan government from being isolated by the rest of the world. In the early '80s, when the army was murdering whole villages _ and our government was fully aware of the details _ President Reagan repeatedly told Congress that Guatemala was improving its human rights record. These are some of the worst crimes committed by any state since Hitler's Germany, and the commission estimated that 200,000 people were killed. In the majority of the 626 massacres committed by the military and their allies, the commission found "evidence of multiple acts of savagery, ... such as the killing of defenseless children, often by beating them against walls or throwing them alive into pits where the corpses of adults were later thrown; the amputation of limbs; the impaling of victims; the killing of persons by covering them in gasoline and burning them alive; the extraction, in the presence of others, of the viscera of victims who were still alive; the confinement of people who had been mortally tortured, in agony for days; the opening of the wombs of pregnant women, and other similarly atrocious acts ... the rape of women, during torture or before being murdered, was a common practice." Furthermore, the commission found that these "were not isolated acts or excesses committed by soldiers who were out of control, nor were they the result of possible improvisation by mid-level army command." Rather, they were part of a "higher, strategically planned policy." It is common to excuse American complicity in these crimes as a product of the Cold War, as though our government was merely tolerating some excesses by allies in a worldwide struggle against the Soviet Union. But this is overly apologetic, and misleading. First, there is a pattern to U.S. foreign policy in this region (as well as elsewhere), and it has little to do with the Soviet Union or Cuba. Fidel Castro was in prison in Batista's Cuba when the CIA overthrew Guatemala's democratically elected government in 1954, ensuring that the nation's poor would have no choice but to take up arms against a succession of military governments backed by the United States."

May 16, 2009, The Capital Times (Madison, Wisconsin), Opinion section: "Dear editor: ... My schoolmate at Stevens Point Pacelli, Brother James Miller, was shot in the back in Guatemala for refusing to let orphans be taken by the U.S./Guatemalan army. Fifteen priests and nuns have died at the hands of these Guatemalan barbarians. Sister Diane Ortiz was tortured there 110 times by her English-speaking U.S. military torture-masters. The Catholic bishop of Guatemala City had his brains smashed in with a brick after he released a report stating that the U.S. Army was responsible for most of the 500,000 peasants slain in the last 30 years."

January 3, 2001, Calgary Herald, 'Children victims of torture': "In Guatemala, the 12-year-old daughter of a human rights activist was allegedly raped by a police official in order to intimidate the family."

-- Castillo --

June 17, 2004, Associated Press, 'Guatemalans still divided on 50th anniversary of CIA-orchestrated overthrow of Arbenz': "In the 1950s, Guatemala found itself caught in the middle of the Cold War during which the United States and its allies launched anti-communist campaigns throughout the world. Guatemala posed no threat to the United States, but U.S. leaders at the time feared the country risked becoming a bastion of communism in the Americas, said Jorge Lujan, professor of history at the Guatemala Valley University. The CIA began its operation to overthrow Arbenz, dubbed PB Success, in 1954. The agency broadcast propaganda from Honduras through clandestine transmissions of "Liberation Radio" and helped military opposition figure Carlos Castillo Armas lead an invasion of Guatemala on June 17. The Americans flew planes overhead and distributed arms and propaganda inviting people to join in "the liberation." Sisniega, who was director and announcer of Liberation Radio, contends that the only support the CIA gave were arms and two airplanes. "Nobody told us what to say or how to manage things," he said. Ten days after the invasion, Arbenz resigned and Castillo Armas took his place. Arbenz's government was followed by a half-century of military regimes and fraudulent elections that unleashed a 36-year civil war in Guatemala in which 200,000 people, mostly civilians, died."

Source(s): His papers at the Online Archive of california show that Allderdice was associated with the ASC from 1961-1974

Vice president of the Pittsburgh Aviation Industries Corporation (PAIC) with a person names Thomas J. Hilliard. National States Rights Party.

Son of Taylor and Ellen (Hansell) A.; ed. pub. schs.; married Hester S. Semple, Dec. 16, 1935. Began with open hearth dept. Carnegie Steel Co., Pittsburgh, 1911; supt. open hearth dept. Nat. Tube Co., 1916-21; mgr. Pitts. office Manning, Maxwell & Moore, Inc., 1921-27; pres., treas. Arch Machinery Co., 1927-36; spl. agt. Frank M. Knox Co., 1936-39, Gen. Am. Transp. Corp. Republican. Club: Old Pueblo.

Source(s): Who's Who

Born in 1944. Lead principal engineer Boeing Co., Seattle (Boeing headquarters until 2001), 1966—1973, 1990—2004; lead preliminary design strength engineer Rohr Industries, Chula Vista, California, 1974-78; advance devel. strength engineer Rho Co., Bellevue, Washington, 1978—1982; structural analysis specialist on assignment to Lockheed Corp., Burbank, California, 1982—1983; specialist on assignment to Boeing, Seattle, 1978-82, 84-89; retired, 2004. Member national adv. board Am. Security Council, 1970-76.

Source(s): Very close... but good question

Instructor University Maryland Overseas Div., 1959-61; assistant professor political sci. Georgia Institute Tech., 1961-62; senior staff member Center for Strategic and International Studies, Georgetown University, 1962-66, Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, Stanford University, 1966-69; foreign policy coordinator Richard Nixon Presidential campaign, 1967-68; senior staff member National Security Council, 1969; deputy assistant to President The White House, Washington, 1971-72; president Potomac International Corp., 1972-80; senior foreign policy adv. to President The White House, 1978-80; assistant to President for national security affairs National Security Council, 1981-82; president Richard V. Allen Co., 1982-90, chairman, 1991—2003. Distinguished fellow, chairman Asian Studies Center Heritage Foundation, 1982-98; senior counselor for foreign policy and national security Rep. National Committee, 1982-88; senior fellow Hoover Institution, 1983—; vice chairman International Dem. Union, 1983-88; chairman German-Am. Tricentennial Foundation, 1983; member Pres.'s Task Force on U.S. Government International Broadcasting, 1991-92; member adv. board Catholic Campaign for Am., 1993-96; member Rep. Congl. Policy Adv. Board, 1998-2001; member U.S. Defense Policy Board, 2001—; fellow St. Margarets College, University Otago, New Zealand, 2008-, hon. fellow, department politics. Chairman committee on intelligence Republican National Committee, 1977-80; trustee St. Francis Preparatory School, Spring Grove, Pennsylvania; board member, co-chair Committee for Human Rights North Korea, 2001. Member Am. Political Sci. Association, Council on Foreign Relations, Intercollegiate Studies Institute (trustee), Committee on Present Danger (director 1976-90), Univ. Club, Burning Tree Club (Bethesda, Maryland), Metropolitan Club.

Published a series of national security highly praised by the ASC.

December 26, 1968, Rowland Evans and Robert Novak for the Washington Post, 'Nixon's Appointment of Assistant To Kissinger Raises Questions': "Beyond that, Allen is on close personal terms with several [American Security] Council staffers--particularly Col. Raymond S. Sleeper, a retired Air Force man and booster of high military hardware spending. Both Allen and Sleeper have addressed the National Strategy Information Center in New York with hard-line speeches."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Became responsible for CIA relations with the Mossad (KK/Mountain) and other allied intelligence agencies. Kept this task for the rest of his career. Legendary chief of the C.I.A.'s counterintelligence staff from 1954 to 1974. Known to have been a close associate of George White, the person who invented sexual entrapment operations that supposedly were later used in overseas CIA operations. September 5, 1977, Washington Post, 'The diaries of a CIA operative': "[The Papers] also provide documentary evidence that White met to discuss drugs and safe houses with such CIA luminaries as Dr. Sidney Gottlieb, ... and Dr. Robert V. Lashbrook... Other high-ranking CIA officials mentioned prominently include James Angleton, C. P. Cabell and Stanley Lovell."

January 1986 interview John Stockwell: "Allegedly [Angleton] had a team of assassins [according to Victor Marchetti]. ... We talked about this [Soviet infiltration] a lot and this was our understanding. The place had to be riddled with spies, but they were just not prosecuting them."

July/August 1983, Mother Jones, 'Their Will Be Done' (available since March 2009): "Pope Pius' [1944] decoration of Wild Bill Donovan [with the] Grand Cross of the Order of Saint Sylvester, the oldest and most prestigious of papal knighthoods... marked the beginning of a long-standing, intimate relation-ship between the Vatican and U.S. intelligence that continues to the present day. ...
In 1948, the SMOM gave one of its highest awards of honor, the Gran Croci al Merito con Placca, to General Reinhard Gehlen, Adolf Hitler's chief anti-Soviet spy. (Only three other people received this award.) ... The SMOM had given a different prestigious award in 1946 to another high-level CIA operative, James Jesus Angleton. "It had to do with counterintelligence," Angleton told Mother Jones...
[After an OSS post in Rome during WWII] he ran what was tantamount to the "Vatican desk" for the CIA. According to Angleton, the agency does not have a Vatican desk. Nor does it have an Israel desk, for that matter, yet Angleton also covered that area. The extreme sensitivity associated with Israel and the Vatican required that work relating to them be buried among Angleton's counterintelligence staff, which was well-suited for such assignments. ... [William] Casey and [Alexander] Haig are both members of the Knights of Malta, a legendary Vatican order dating back to the Crusades... There are many other knights with CIA connections. Clare Boothe Luce, for example... William Buckley, Jr. ... is a member, as is his brother James... "It has no political function," asserts former CIA director William Colby, who declined an invitation to join the illustrious order. ("I'm a little lower key," he confessed.) ... John McCone, a member of the SMOM and [1960s] director of the CIA...
A year-long Mother Jones investigation has revealed a [that] since World War II, the CIA has:
- subsidized a Catholic lay organization that served as the political slugging arm of the pope and the Vatican throughout the Cold War [fits Opus Dei, but also Catholic Action]; - penetrated the American section of one of the wealthiest and most powerful Vatican orders; - passed money to a large number of priests and bishops — some of whom became witting agents in CIA covert operations;
- employed undercover operatives to lobby members of the Curia (the Vatican government) and spy on liberal churchmen on the pope's staff who challenged the political assumptions of the United States;
- prepared intelligence briefings that accurately pre-dicted the rise of liberation theology; and collaborated with right-wing Catholic groups to counter the actions of progressive clerics in Latin America. ...
Of all the groups that are engaged in the U.S.-sponsored campaign against libera-tion theology, none has played a more significant role than Opus Dei ("God's Work"). ...
Much of what is known about Opus Dei comes from ex-members such as John Roche, a professor at Oxford University in England, who broke his oath of secrecy after leaving the order. According to Roche, self-flagellation with whips and spiked chains is a normal part of the rigid spiritual discipline that Opus Dei imposes on its full-time members, including college-age recruits of both genders. "Personal identity suffers a severe battering: some are reduced to shadows of their former selves, others become severely disturbed," writes Roche in a paper called "The Inner World of Opus Dei." "Internally, it is totalitarian and imbued with fascist ideas turned to religious purposes, ideas which were surely drawn from the Spain of its early years. It is virtually a sect or cult in spirit, a law unto itself, totally self-centered, grudgingly accepting Roman authority because it still considers Rome orthodox, and because of the vast pool of recruits accessible to it as a respected Catholic organization."
In recent years, Opus Dei has emerged internationally as one of the most powerful and politically committed of the Catholic lay groups. Detractors have likened the organization to a "saintly Mafia," for its members control a large number of banks and financial institutions, including Rumasa, the largest conglomerate in Spain's private sector. In the latter stages of the Franco regime, ten out of 19 cabinet officers belonged to or were closely allied with Opus Dei. Despite the active political role the order plays wherever it exists, Father Malcolm Kennedy, an American spokesperson for Opus Dei, insists it is "inconceivable…that Opus Dei leaders in any country would try to influence political decisions." ...
Opus Dei also controls a wide range of media assets (600 newspapers, 52 radio and TV stations, 12 film companies and 38 news agencies) and sponsors educational and social programs in various countries. These efforts have been endorsed by members of the American section of the SMOM such as William Simon (Citicorp) and Francis X. Stankard (Chase Manhattan Bank), who have spoken at Opus Dei seminars and other functions of the group. ...
In Chile, for example, Opus Dei elicited support from Chilean bishops for the overthrow of President Salvador Allende and worked closely with CIA-funded organizations such as the Fatherland and Liberty goon squads, which subsequently merged with DIN A, the dreaded Chilean secret police. In 1971, the CIA began financing the Chilean Institute for General Studies (IGS), which has been described as an Opus Dei think tank. Its members include lawyers, free-market economists and executives from influential publications. One of the leading IGS staffers was Hernan Cubillos, founder of Que Pasa, an Opus Dei magazine, and publisher of El Mercurio, the largest newspaper in Santiago (and one that was subsidized by the CIA). After the coup, a number of IGS technocrats became cabinet members and advisors to the Pinochet junta; Cubillos served as foreign minister.
Opus Dei powerbrokers have gained enormous influence inside the Vatican since they helped install the current pope. The courting of John Paul II began when he was still the archbishop of Krakow. He was asked to speak at Opus Dei colleges and at the group's international headquarters in Rome. In an effort to enhance Wojtyla's image as papabile, these speeches were printed by Opus Dei in book form and circulated among members of the Vatican hierarchy. When Karol Wojtyla became pope, he returned the favor by elevating Opus Dei to the unique status of a "personal prelature." Critics of Opus Dei fear that the pope's edict will allow its members to elude the authority of local bishops in special circumstances, thereby strengthening the order's tendency to function as a "church within a church." This was an important victory for Opus Dei, which had been rebuffed on previous occa-sions by both Pope John XXIII and Pope Paul VI. ...
In October 1982, President Reagan sent his roving ambassador, General Vernon Walters, a devout Catholic, to confer with John Paul II. The pope may have wondered why Reagan would se-lect a former deputy director of the CIA, one who had been involved, both before and after he joined the agency, in some of its most notorious coups: Iran, 1953; Brazil, 1964; Chile, 1973.
More recently, Walters has played a key role in organizing CIA-backed Nic-araguan exile groups based in Hon-duras who are seeking to overthrow the Sandinista government by force. Not surprisingly, the situation in Latin America was one of the main issues that Walters discussed with the pope. He also attempted to convince the Holy Father that the American bishops had erred in drafting their pastoral letter opposing nuclear weapons. Although John Paul II stood fast on the nuclear question, soon after Walters left the pope did demand that five priests with official positions in the Nicaraguan gov-ernment resign from office.
Toward the end of his papacy, Paul VI let it be known that he was not averse to a center-left coalition of the Italian Communist party and the Christian Democrats. This infuriated hard-line elements within the CIA. In 1976, the Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies [CSIS], a conservative think tank, sponsored a conference on the Communist threat in Italy. Panelists included former CIA director William Colby ... Clare Boothe Luce, who was U.S. ambassador to Rome at the same time; Ray Cline, another ex-CIA official; and John Connally, then a member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. Their message, which doubtless reached the pope, was unequivocal: Eurocommunism was a threat to U.S. security, and Marxists must never be allowed to participate in the Italian government.
This was not the first time pressures from outside the Vatican were exerted on Pope Paul. In 1967, Paul authored a controversial encyclical, Populorum Progressio, in which he criticized colonial repression and recommended economic and social remedies that were widely interpreted as a denunciation of capitalism. Shortly thereafter, an international group of businessmen asked the Holy Father to "clarify" his economic views. The delegation included George C. Moore, then chairman of Citibank. Pope Paul subsequently issued a statement in which he denied any hostility toward private enterprise. ...
Pope Paul helped fulfill the CIA's predictions by appointing socially conscious bishops and by encouraging church activists who opposed South Ameri-can military dictatorships. Paul's gesture toward the Left was, no doubt, a calculated maneuver directed at the hearts and minds of the Catholic masses. Political reality demanded the promotion of a palatable Christian alternative, lest the brethren put their faith in "Saint" Fidel or Che Guevara. At first, some CIA officials favored Paul's reformist approach as an effective anti-dote to communism, but as time went by a consensus developed inside the agency that Paul VI had gone too far, that his strategy would backfire and play into the hands of the Marxist revolutionaries. ...
As Pope Paul VI grew older, great concern devel-oped within intelligence circles over who would succeed him. Agency analysts drew up profiles on leading papal candidates, identifying those who were likely to be sympathetic to American interests. In 1977, Terence Cardinal Cooke, the current Grand Protector and Spiritual Advisor of the SMOM, traveled to Eastern Europe to discuss the matter of choosing a candidate to succeed Pope Paul. During this sojourn, Cardinal Cooke met personally with Karol Cardinal Wojtyla of Krakow, who was noted for his anti-Communist leanings. Cooke's coalition-building efforts bore fruit the following year, after Paul's successor, Pope John Paul I, died, having served scarcely a month. (There were widespread rumors that he had been poi-soned.) In October 1978, the Vatican's Sacred College of Cardinals elected Karol Wojtyla pontiff. ...
October 1976. Father Patrick Rice is dragged from his prison cell in Buenos Aires by members of the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance, a paramilitary police agency. ... Father Rice is one of the lucky ones [to survive the torture]. During the past 15 years, 1,500 priests, nuns and bishops have been murdered, imprisoned, tortured or expelled from Latin America. "Any Christian who defends the poor," says Rice, "can expect to be persecuted and mistreated by the security police."
Only a generation ago, the persecution of the Catholic clergy would have been unthinkable, for the church had always sided with the reactionary sectors of society — the wealthy landowners and the military. But Pope John XXII's vision of Catholicism as a community of believers in and of the world sparked major reforms. ...
The CIA was quick to recognize the "subversive" potential of liberation theology and mounted an extensive campaign to undermine the new movement. The agency's strategy, formulated during the late 1960s and early '70s, when Richard Helms was director... As Penny Lernoux documents in her book Cry of the People, the CIA used right-wing Catholic organizations in Latin America to harass outspoken prelates and political reformers. The agency also trained and financed police agencies responsible for the torture and murder of bishops, priests and nuns, some of them U.S. citizens. ...
In 1975, the Bolivian Interior Ministry — a publicly acknowledged subsidiary of the CIA — drew up a master plan for persecuting progressive clergy. The scheme, dubbed the "Banzer Plan" — after Hugo Banzer, Bolivia's right-wing dictator (who retained Klaus Barbie as his security advisor) — was adopted by ten Latin American governments. ...
It was in this last regard that the CIA supported factions within the Catholic church that were instrumental in pro-moting and electing the current pope, John Paul II, whose Polish nationalism and anti-Communist credentials, they thought, would make him a perfect vehicle for U.S. foreign policy. John Paul's recent trip to Nicaragua could not have been matched by any American's for the contri-bution it made to President Reagan's Central American initiative.
Every year in late June a bizarre ritual takes place in Rome. Men and women fly in from all over the world to participate in a cere-mony that has been performed for centuries. Next year, the assembled might find CIA director William Casey in their midst. And Casey could well be accompanied by former Secretary of State Alexander Haig.
If they make the journey, Casey and Haig will join a gathering of the world's Catholic elite on St. John's Day. Dressed in scarlet uniforms and black capes, brandishing swords and waving flags emblazoned with the eight-pointed Maltese cross, these Catholic brothers and sisters will, in an atmosphere of pomp and circumstance befitting a coronation, swear allegiance to the defense of the Holy Mother Church.
But the real power of the order lies with the lay mem-bers, who are active on five continents. Nobility forms the backbone of the SMOM; more than 40 percent of its 10,000 constituents are related to Europe's oldest and most powerful Catholic families. Wealth is a de facto prerequi-site for a knightly candidate, and each must pass through a rigorous screening. ...
The American section of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta has about 1,000 mem-bers—including 300 "dames." They represent the vanguard of American Catholicism, the point at which the Vatican and the U.S. ruling elite intersect. "The Knights of Malta comprise what is perhaps the most exclusive club on earth," Stephen Birmingharn, the social historian, has written. "They are more than the Catholic aristocracy…[they] can pick up a telephone and chat with the pope."
And who are the American Knights? Mother Jones managed to obtain part of the secret membership list. On it we found some familiar names: Lee lacocca of Chrysler; Spyros Skouras, the shipping magnate; Robert Abplanalp, the aerosol tycoon and Nixon confidant; Barren Hilton of the hotel chain; John Volpe, former U.S. ambassador to Italy; and William Simon, who served as both treasury secretary and energy czar in the 1970s. At least one former envoy to the Vatican, Robert Wagner (the ex-mayor of New York), and the current emissary to the Vatican, William Wilson, are also members of the Knights of Malta.
But there is one institution that stands out as the center of the SMOM in the United States—W.R. Grace & Company. J. Peter Grace, the company chairman, is also president of the American section of SMOM. No less than eight knights, including the chancellor of the order, John D.J. Moore (who was ambas-sador to Ireland under Nixon and Ford), are directors of W.R. Grace. J. Peter Grace has a long history of involvement with CIA-linked enterprises, such as Radio Liberty and Radio Free Europe, which was the brainchild of General Rein-hard Gehlen. He is also the board chairman of the Amer-ican Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), which has collaborated with multinational corporations and their client dictatorships in Latin America to squelch independent trade unions. Up to $100 million a year of CIA funds were pumped into "trustworthy" labor organi-zations such as AIFLD, whose graduates, according to AIFLD executive director William Doherty, were active in covert operations that led to the military coup in Brazil in 1964.
During the early 1970s, Francis D. Flanagan, the Grace repre-sentative in Washington, D. C., was a member of ITT's "Ad Hoc Committee on Chile," which was instrumental in planning the overthrow of Salvador Allende. AIFLD's National Workers' Con-federation subsequently served as the chief labor mouthpiece for the Pinochet junta."

In 1961-1962 William "Bill" Harvey and James Angleton admitted to British intelligence scientist Peter Wright that they were setting up their own assassination department. 1987, Peter Wright (also spoke about his involvement in the anti-Harold Wilson plot), Spycather: "I said that we would try to develop whatever assets we had down there-alternative political leaders, that kind of thing. "We've done all that," said Harvey impatiently, "but they're all in Florida. Since the Bay of Pigs, we've lost virtually everything we had inside . . ." Harvey began to fish to see if I knew whether we had anything in the area, in view of the British colonial presence in the Caribbean. "I doubt it," I told him, "the word in London is steer clear of Cuba. Six might have something, but you'd have to check with them." "How would you handle Castro?" asked Angleton. "We'd isolate him, turn the people against him ..." "Would you hit him?" interrupted Harvey. I paused to fold my napkin. Waiters glided silently from table to table. I realized now why Harvey needed to know I could be trusted. "We'd certainly have that capability," I replied, "but I doubt we would use it nowadays." "Why not?" "We're not in it anymore, Bill. We got out a couple of years ago, after Suez." At the beginning of the Suez Crisis, M16 developed a plan, through the London Station, to assassinate Nasser using nerve gas. Eden initially gave his approval to the operation, but later rescinded it when he got agreement from the French and Israelis to engage in joint military action. When this course failed, and he was forced to withdraw, Eden reactivated the assassination option a second time. By this time virtually all MI6 assets in Egypt had been rounded up by Nasser, and a new operation, using renegade Egyptian officers, was drawn up, but it failed lamentably, principally because the cache of weapons which had been hidden on the outskirts of Cairo was found to be defective. "Were you involved?" Harvey asked. "Only peripherally," I answered truthfully, "on the technical side." I explained that I was consulted about the plan by John Henry and Peter Dixon, the two M16 Technical Services officers from the London Station responsible for drawing it up. Dixon, Henry, and I all attended joint M15/MI6 meetings to discuss technical research for the intelligence services at Porton Down, the government's chemical and biological Weapons Research Establishment. The whole area of chemical research was an active field in the 1950s. I was cooperating with M16 in a joint program to investigate how far the hallucinatory drug lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) could be used in interrogations, and extensive trials took place at Porton. I even volunteered as guinea pig on one occasion. Both M15 and M16 also wanted to know a lot more about the advanced poisons then being developed at Porton, though for different reasons. I wanted the antidotes, in case the Russians used a poison on a defector in Britain, while M16 wanted to use the poisons for operations abroad. Henry and Dixon both discussed with me the use of poisons against Nasser, and asked my advice. Nerve gas obviously presented the best possibility, since it was easily administered. They told me that the London Station had an agent in Egypt with limited access to one of Nasser's headquarters. Their plan was to place canisters of nerve gas inside the ventilation system, but I pointed out that this would require large quantities of the gas, and would result in massive loss of life among Nasser's staff. It was the usual M16 operation-hopelessly unrealistic and it did not remotely surprise me when Henry told me later that Eden had backed away from the operation. The chances of its remaining undeniable were even slimmer than they had been with Buster Crabbe. Harvey and Angleton questioned me closely about every part of the Suez Operation. "We're developing a new capability in the Company to handle these kinds of problems," explained Harvey, "and we're in the market for the requisite expertise." Whenever Harvey became serious, his voice dropped to a low monotone, and his vocabulary lapsed into the kind of strangled bureaucratic syntax beloved of Washington officials. He explained ponderously that they needed deniable personnel, and improved technical facilities-in Harvey jargon, "delivery mechanisms." They were especially interested in the SAS."

Behind the domestic spying program called MHCHAOS. Angus Mackenzie details how the CIA's little anti-Ramparts unit metastasized into a larger organization that investigated virtually all of the alternative papers at the time. It even planted at least one agent provocateur, Salvatore John Ferrera, on the staff of the Quicksilver Times to spy on it. Before long the unit became known for running a program called MHCHAOS, authorized by the legendary CIA counterintelligence chief James Jesus Angleton, to carry out domestic political espionage at a priority level ranking with the agency's Soviet and Chinese operations. By the time the program was exposed, by Seymour Hersh in The New York Times in December 1974, MHCHAOS had in its files dossiers on 10,000 Americans.

2011, Frank Rafalko, 'MH/CHAOS: The CIA'S Campaign Against the Radical New Left and the Black Panthers': "This source and other knowledgeable persons believed Helms permitted Angleton to continue the domestic operations because of the power Angleton wielded within CIA. "One answer ... by a CIA insider, is simply that the power of Mr. Angleton, whose CI division is responsible for guarding the agency against foreign infiltration, was such that he could institute such illegal activities on his own, with no one in the CIA - not even Richard Helms - able to stop him." A more reasonable explanaton for Helms' close relationship with Angleton can be traced to the Allen Dulles era in CIA. At the time Helms was considered a logical choice to be the DDP, but Dulles chose Richard M. Bissell instead. The Plans Directorate divided into two camps: one backing Bissell and the other supporting Helms. Angleton supported Helms in all the battles. Loyalty is an important asset, and Helms never forgot the men who backed him. "

December 5, 1987, Washington Post, 'The Secret Ceremony; Israel's Memorial to the CIA's James Angleton': "Although his name appears in few history books about Israel, Angleton played a crucial role in the early years of the young Jewish state. In the 1950s and early 1960s, when most of official Washington was wary of -- even hostile to -- Israel, he helped forge links between the Mossad and the CIA that established the basis for cooperation in intelligence gathering that still exists today. The relationship was one of mutual aid that helped the Mossad establish a reputation as a player in the major leagues of intelligence. Angleton reportedly aided Israel in obtaining technical nuclear data. For their part, the Israelis reportedly provided Angleton with a major intelligence coup -- a copy of the text of Nikita Khrushchev's secret speech denouncing Stalin. Angleton "was a friend you could trust on a personal basis," said Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who spoke at the tree-planting ceremony. Rabin knew Angleton from his days as Israeli Army chief of staff in the mid-1960s and later as ambassador to the United States. Jerusalem Mayor Teddy Kollek, who rose from his sickbed to attend the ceremonies, told the small crowd, "We commemorate a great friend, who saw Israel-U.S. relations through their most difficult period in the 40 years of Israel's existence." Normally, no government official sneezes in this city without a press release being issued. For the Angleton ceremonies, however, even though several prominent public figures attended the two ceremonies -- including Rabin, Kollek and U.S. Ambassador Thomas Pickering -- the camera-shy Mossad insisted that both events remain secret. "I guess the reasoning is that if the tree falls in the forest, and no one is there to see it, it didn't happen," said a spokesman for Pickering who was himself not informed of the events. Still, two Israeli reporters were tipped off and managed to evade a phalanx of plainclothes security men and police to attend. This report is based on the account of one of them, Andy Court of The Jerusalem Post, as well as details provided after the event by city officials. Those who attended, according to Court, included the current heads of the Mossad and Shin Bet, neither of whom can be named under government security laws; former Mossad chiefs Meir Amit, Zvi Zamir and Yitzhak Hofi; former Shin Bet chiefs Avraham Ahituv and Amos Manor, and former military intelligence heads Aharon Yariv, Shlomo Gazit and Binyamin Gibli. Angleton's widow Cicely, a daughter and a granddaughter were part of the crowd of about 60 people. Several American intelligence representatives here were also said to be present. Despite the professional interest of most of the group, Court said most of the talk concerned Angleton's love of handmade jewelry and orchids -- the lady-slipper was his favorite -- rather than spy craft. Some spy masters recalled that even after Angleton's forced retirement, they would make the long pilgrimage to his ranch in Tucson whenever they visited the United States. Some recalled how Washington used to think of Israel as a hotbed of Soviet and East European spies in the 1950s because of the large, left-oriented immigrant population from those areas. The early chill in relations was not helped by Israeli involvement in the 1956 Suez War, for which John Foster Dulles, then secretary of state, never forgave Israel. Despite his intense anticommunism, Angleton saw the potential advantages of forging ties with Israeli intelligence. For years he jealously guarded his responsibility for liaison with the Mossad even after he became head of counterintelligence and the CIA's chief "mole catcher.""

Invited Rafi Eitan to the United States in 1968. Together with three other Israelis, he visited the Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation (NUMEC) during the trip.

Angleton had been the C.I.A.’s man in charge of the overseas training program since it was had gotten under way in the mid-1950s. The C.I.A. and other American agencies trained and equipped foreigners to serve their nations — and, in secret, the United States. Once the Americans set up a foreign service, the foreigners could both help carry out American foreign policy by suppressing Communists and leftists, and gather intelligence on behalf of the C.I.A. "The program, according to recently declassified American government documents, had trained hundreds of thousands of foreign military and police officers in 25 nations by the early 1960s. It helped create the secret police of Cambodia, Colombia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Iran, Iraq, Laos, Peru, the Philippines, South Korea, South Vietnam, and Thailand.

Intelligence and Security Fund.

a career as chief of CIA counter-intelligence, becoming 'the key American figure controlling all right wing and neo-fascist political and paramilitary groups in Italy in the post-war period'.

December 25, 1974, New York Times, 'HELMS DISAVOWS 'ILLEGAL' SPYING BY THE C.I.A. IN U.S; Special to The New York Times Angleton, Who Is Resigning His Post, Is Said to Agree With Some Allegations AGENCY AIDE DISSENTS Alleged Domestic Operation Under His Stewardship Is 'Categorically Denied' ' Illegal' Domestic Spying Is Disavowed by Helms': "The State Department said today that Richard Helms, former Director of Central Intelligence and now the Ambassador to Iran, had categorically denied that the C.I.A. conducted any "illegal" domestic spying under his leadership. ABC News via Associated Press James Angleton, who is resigning as chief of the C.I.A.'s Counterintelligence Department, outside his home in Arlington, Va., yesterday. ... In a telephone interview with the Times Angleton accused the Times of "helping out the KGB (Soviet intelligence service) a great deal" by publishing his name and title in its Sunday story. "You’ve done them a great favor,” he said. Asked repeatedly about alleged wrong-doing, Angleton acknowledged that “I’ve got problems.” He explained his domestic activities this way: "A mansion has many rooms and there were many things going on during the period of the (antiwar) bombings. I'm not privy to who struck John." Later, the counterintelligence chief, who is in charge of rooting out foreign espionage agents in the United States, permitted newsmen from three television networks to interview him. He also was quoted by UPI as saying that he had quit the CIA because it was getting involved in domestic "police state” activities. A number of present and former CIA officials expressed pleasure at the forced resignation of Angleton, who was described as being in poor health."

--

2. We have the Joe Trento MEMO that appeared in the Wilmington, Delaware, Sunday News Journal. Here's more on the Memo from The Man Who Knew Too Much, Dick Russell, 1992: <Begin Quote> On August 20, 1978, in the midst of the House Assassinations Committee's probe, an article appeared in the Wilmington (Del.) Sunday News Journal. It described a secret CIA memorandum of 1966 that stated that Hunt had been in Dallas on the day of the assassination. Said to have been initialed by Angelton and Helms, the memo was about keeping the importance of Hunt's presence there a secret. A cover story providing Hunt an alibi for being elsewhere &quot;ought to be considered,&quot; it reportedly said. [The article is reprinted in Plausible Denial] The memo's date of origin was some years before Hunt became infamous as one of the Watergate burglars in 1972. In 1966 Hunt was little known outside the CIA -- having worked undercover in Mexico City and Tokyo and as the station chief in Uruguay during the 1950s, authoring more than forty novels about the spy trade under various pseudonyms, even helping Allen Dulles prepare his own memoir, The Craft of Intelligence. Joseph J. Trento, who wrote the Wilmington news story, says that his source was none other than Angleton. "In 1978, Angleton called and asked me to come down for lunch at the Army-Navy Club," Trento recalls. [Russel's source for this is a phone call with Trento.] "He said he wanted me to talk to me about something. "This was as the House Committee's investigation was winding up, and he told me a number of things concerning the Kennedy assassination and its aftermath. "Then he explained some very complicated counter intelligence operations. "Did you know Howard Hunt was in Dallas on the day of the assassination?" he said. I said, "So what? So was Richard Nixon, for a Pepsi-Cola convention. "Angleton said, 'What I'm trying to tell you is, some very odd things were going on that were out of our control.' Then he added the possibility that Hunt was there on orders from a high-level KGB mole inside the agency and that this should have been looked into at the time. "If that was true, it seemed plausible that any 'orders' given to Howard Hunt might have come from his boss at Domestic Operations, Tracy Barnes." Hunt has denied under oath that he was in Dallas on the fateful day. According to Trento, after his conversation with Angleton, the ex-CIA chief then arranged for the internal CIA memo to be delivered to him. Angleton simultaneously alerted the House Assassinations Committee, using Tennessee Senator Howard Baker as his intermediary, and the committee also received a copy. "It was all handled in such a way that Angleton was not the source," Trento adds. I later came to conclude that the mole-sent-Hunt idea was, to use his phrase, disinformation; that Angleton was trying to protect his own connections to Hunt's being in Dallas. You see, Angleton was aware of a serious counterintelligence problem with the Cubans. They were making these crazy movements all over Texas and New Orleans. You couldn't tell who was who, and he knew the exiles were heavily penetrated by Castro's intelligence. Things were getting out of hand, and Angleton was trying to find out what was going on at the time of the assassination. My guess is, it was Angleton himself who sent Hunt to Dallas, because he didn't want to use anybody from his own shop. Hunt was still considered a hand-holder for the Cuban exiles, sort of Helms's unhousebroken pet. The godfather of Hunt's youngest son was Manual Artime, the Cuban exiles' invasion leader for the Bay of Pigs.... <END QUOTE> Trento was no dummy. The HSCA was given a copy of the memo but the memo conveniently "disappeared" like so many of the witnesses and evidence did.

November 22, 1993, Newsweek, 'The Real Cover-Up': "Within the CIA, James Angleton spent years obsessing about a communist plot to kill Kennedy. He believed that Yuri Nosenko, A KGB official who had conveniently defected right after the assassination, claiming that the KGB had not recruited Oswald, was a double agent planted to throw the United States off the trail. Angleton speculated that the Cubans murdered Kennedy, perhaps at the behest of the Kremlin. But he had no real proof. "

CLOSE TO ASC BOARD MEMBERS:

Recruited Neil Livingstone. Close friend of General Robert Richardson.

Joseph Trento, Prelude to Terror, p. 147: "Neil C. Livingstone is a Washington enigma. His wife, Susan, is the political force in the family; she would later hold prominent jobs in the Reagan and both Bush administrations. … [Livingstone] lived on the edge of the intelligence community until his late twenties, when he became involved with Israeli Intelligence. According to Mike Pilgrim [a security operative at J. J. Capucci, where Livingstone worked], Livingstone and the legendary James Angleton came from the same hometown, and Livingstone had traded on that relationship with the Israelis, who loved Angleton. “He told me he had hired Angleton’s old CIA secretary, who also worked for Wilson.,” Pilgrim said. “Neil worked for the Israelis and had been recruited by Angleton,” which if true would surprise very few people in the intelligence community. Livingstone does not deny the assertion.

2005, Joseph J. Trento, 'Prelude to Terror', p. 143: "The Israelis needed reassurance about his operations and his sources, especially Wilson. Angleton would be able to tell his Israeli associates if Shackley and his cohorts were playing it straight with them. Angleton had the perfect resource in an old friend, General Robert Richardson [ASC], who ran Exim, one of Wilson’s companies supplying Libya. Angleton’s courting of Wilson began in 1977 and continued up until Wilson’s indictment in 1980. Wilson said, “Old General Richardson was a real close friend of Angleton’s. About once a week he’s say, ‘Come on, Eddie, go to lunch with Angleton at the Army Navy Club.’” When Wilson’s name first surfaced in the investigations by the CIA Inspector General and the Office of Security, Angleton offered Wilson some advice: he suggested that Shackley was playing him for a fool. But Wilson ignored most of it. In retrospect, Wilson admits that when “I first had this trouble out there … Angleton was really trying to help me.” Angleton also warned Wilson that Erich von Marbod was not his friend, but again Wilson did not listen. “I drifted off and he drifted off. Richardson stuck with me as long as he could. He really tried to help. Angleton was right; he was on the right track.”"

January 26, 1983, BBC Summary of World Reports (Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union in English), 'Weinberger's Support for ''Absurd Changes'' over Pope Assassination Attempt': "For example, Clare Sterling was recruited in Rome by the former head of the CIA counter-espionage department, James Angleton. Sterling, 'Covert Action' notes, worked in the 1950s on the journal 'The Reporter', which was controlled by the CIA, and later appeared more than once at various conferences together with the former CIA head W. Colby as an ''expert'' on Italian politics. She in her turn brought in Michael Ledin, an anti-Soviet scribbler and a professional acquaintance of hers in Rome, to work for the American intelligence department. This disinformer, working on orders from the CIA, contributed to the Italian newspaper 'Giornale Nuovo' and had recently become assistant to Vernon Walters, special emissary and professional spy who had some years previously been deputy director of the CIA. Equally well known are the links between the CIA and yet another specialist in fabrications and the juggling of facts - Robert Moss, author of anti-Soviet detective ''works''. The claims about some ''connection'' between Agca, the Turkish terrorist who made an attempt on the Pope's life, and the socialist countries appeared for the first time, as the journal says, in the 'Giornale Nuovo', which has close contacts with the CIA and where Ledin was prominent. The falsification was picked up by the ABC television network in the USA, which referred to evidence given by . . . [Tass ellipses] Robert Moss. After this, provocative hearings into the ''case'' of the assassination attempt on the Pope were set up in the US Senate sub-committee on security and terrorism, where there appeared as chief ''witnesses'' those same Clare Sterling, Michael Ledin and Robert Moss. ''We are asked to believe'' 'Covert Action' says, ''that Sterling, Ledin and Moss, who throughout their careers have been spreading disinformation and been proud of it, have now all of a sudden begun to speak the truth.'' In this whole unsavoury tale, one can thus clearly discern the hand of the disinformers from the CIA headquarters in Langley, the journal notes. In spreading a patent lie about the assassination attempt in Rome - 'Covert Action' notes - the CIA was pursuing specific aims: to cast a shadow over the USSR and its allies, to whip up anti-communist psychosis in the West and to fuel moods hostile to the USSR among the leadership of the Catholic Church, where anti-war feelings are growing high alongside demands to freeze nuclear weapons and put an end to the arms race."

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

CIA station chief in Thailand until 1979. Part of Shackley's drug and arms trafficking network. Left the CIA in 1979. December 6, 1981, New York Times, 'Former intelligence aides profiting from old ties': "Many former American intelligence agents have entered into profitable business arrangements based on the extraordinary secret access to foreign officials and to sensitive information they gained in Government service. ... Vernon A. Walters, the former Deputy Director of Central Intelligence, now the Reagan Administration's ambassador at large. He earned $300,000 for consulting on a potential arms sale to Morocco before joining the Administration. ... One case involves Daniel C. Arnold, the former chief in Thailand. After leaving the agency in 1979, officials said, he went to work representing companies seeking to do business in Thailand. American officials involved in Thai affairs said they were concerned about Mr. Arnold's continued dealings with top-level Thai officials. Mr. Arnold apparently lives in the Washington area, but he does not have a listed telephone and could not be located."

After his retirement from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency in 1979, Mr. Arnold served as a consultant to numerous U.S. and international firms on business, political, and economic developments. His insights have helped clients assess new opportunities and have guided their activities in foreign markets. Mr. Arnold has helped form joint mining ventures in strategic metals in China, served one of the world's largest marketing firms, and assisted a multinational firm with a capital investment project in Thailand. He also has arranged several joint venture projects in Indonesia and Korea, and has served as a pro bono consultant to the Royal Thai Government . Mr. Arnold has traveled extensively in East Asia, and has worked closely with chiefs of state, senior foreign officials of ministerial rank, and senior business officials. He is currently the Chairman, the President, or a member of the Board of Directors of 15 companies in the United Sates and abroad.

What a tragic story, General Vang Pao gave his entire life to helping us Americans. I remember when CIA Handler Daniel C. Arnold got VP to help on an over throw operation dubbed Operation Grand Eagle where we got arms to his people via the DOD's ultra Secret ISA team. Then years later in Nov or Dec 1998 John McCain helped us get arms to his people in another attempt to over throw Laos.

Dan Arnold has also been mentioned in conjunction with the arms and drug trade in Asia, and an alleged cocaine bust in northern California.

CIA drug trafficker (Khun Sa).

Director of Jefferson Waterman International, where a Cercle participant, Samuel M. Hoskinson, is exec. vice president and CFO. Waterman International.

www.escapefromparadise.com/NewFiles/cia.html: 'Dan Arnold aka Daniel C. Arnold Ex-CIA Chief of Station in Thailand Lobbyist for Burma & Strange Bedfellow of S. P. and Hin Chew Chung': "We were able to track down only one photograph of Dan Arnold, which is reproduced in Escape from Paradise, under license from the Associated Press, but for print, only. The press service caption for that photograph reads, "Daniel Arnold, former Central Intelligence Agency station chief in Bangkok, answers questions at a news conference in Bangkok on Thursday, January 25, 1996. Arnold and two other former U.S. government officials came to the defense of a Thai politician who has been denied a visa to the U.S. because he is suspected of drug trafficking.""

Retired Air Force Brigadier General Harry Aderholt and former CIA station chief in Laos and Thailand Daniel Arnold admitted their role in funneling money to the Hmong through World Medical Relief in a November 1982 interview with the Cleveland Plain Dealer.

Daniel Arnold, discussion in conjunction with a paper presented by Theodore G. Shackley entitled, "The Uses of Paramilitary Covert Action in the 1980's," reprinted in Intelligence Requirements for the 1980's: Covert Action, Roy Godson, editor (Washington: National Strategy Information Center, 1981), p. 160. Livingstone.

March 6, 1992, U.S. Senate Select Committee on POW/MIA Affairs, Deposition of Scott Tracy Barnes: "A. Was there any discussion between you and Bo Gritz when you first spoke with him in April of 1981 regarding drug dealings, or any drug connection between CIA Agent Daniel Arnold and General Vang Pao? A. I don't recall if they discussed it. ... Q. Why don't you just tell us what the general drift of the conversation was regarding the drug connection? A. I'd rather not. Q. Well, I'm asking you the question. A. Then I'm going to refuse to answer. ... Q. Well, let me ask you just generally then, whether there was any discussion between you and Colonel Gritz regarding any gun-running connection between Daniel Arnold and General Vang Pao? A. Yes. ... Q. Did Vang Pao tell you or tell Gritz what it was that had made him distrust the CIA? A. Yeah, we all had a discussion. I had kind of previously known from some '80 conversations. During the conclusion of the war, Dan Arnold had promised Vang Pao that he would go ahead and continue the pipeline, that he would get not only his immediate family, but all the high-ranking individuals that worked the Lima sights out. Whatever happened, that didn't happen. He said that Turner ended up screwing everything up 2 years after the fall of Saigon, a lot of the guys ended up being out of work. And that all kinds of Vang Pao's -- and I think there were some loyalty there -- a lot of his men were murdered, killed, and he was very upset at that." Barnes identified himself as a close personal friend of GEN Vang Pao. Barnes sad he had worked in the Army Security Agency during the Vietnam war and had met Vang Pao at a special forces camp. Barnes was present but aside during the Vang Pao meeting.

Sheehan: "Armitage was posted in the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok, Thailand. There Armitage had top responsibility for locating and retrieving American MIA's in Southeast Asia. He worked at the Embassy with an associate, Jerry O. Daniels. From 1975 to 1977, Armitage held this post in Thailand. However, he did not perform the duties of this office. Instead, Armitage continued to function as the "bursar" for Theodore Shackley's "Secret Team," seeing to it that secret Vang Pao opium funds were conducted from Laos, through Armitage in Thailand to both Tehran and the secret Shackley bank account in Australia at the Nugen-Hand Bank. The monies conducted by Armitage to Tehran were to fund Edwin Wilson's secret anti-terrorist "seek and destroy" operation on behalf of Theodore Shackely. Armitage also devoted a portion of his time between 1975 and 1977, in Bangkok, facilitating the escape from Laos, Cambodia and Thailand and the re-location elsewhere in the world, of numbers of the secret Meo tribesmen group which had carried out the covert political assassination program for Theodore Shackley in Southeast Asia between 1966 and 1975. Assisting Richard Armitage in this operation was Jerry Daniels. Indeed, Jerry Daniels was a "bag-man" for Richard Armitage, assisting Armitage by physically transporting out of Thailand millions of dollars of Vang Pao's secret opium money to finance the re-location of Theodore Shackley's Meo tribesmen and to supply funds to Theodore Shackley's "Secret Team" operations. At the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok, Richard Armitage also supervised the removal of arms, ammunition and explosives from the secret Shackley-Clines cache of munitions hidden inside Thailand between 1973 and 1975 for use by Shackley's "Secret Team". Assisting Armitage in this latter operations was one Daniel Arnold, the CIA Chief of Station in Thailand who joined Shackley's "Secret Team" in his purely private capacity. One of the officers in the U.S. Embassy in Thailand, one Abranowitz came to know of Armitage's involvement in the secret handling of Vang Pao opium funds and caused to be initiated an internal State Department heroin smuggling investigations directed against Richard Armitage. Armitage was the target of Embassy personnel complaints to the effect that he was utterly failing to perform his duties on behalf of American MIAs, and he reluctantly resigned as the DoD, Special Consultant on MIA's at the end of 1977. From 1977 until 1979, Armitage remained in Bangkok opening and operating a business named The Far East Trading Company. This company had offices only in Bangkok and in Washington, D.C. This company was, in fact, from 1977 to 1979, merely a "front" for Armitage's secret operations conducting Vang Pao opium money out of Southeast Asia to Tehran and the Nugen-Hand Bank in Australia to fund the ultra right-wing, private anti-communist "anti-terrorist" assassination program and "unconventional warfare" operation of Theodore Shackley's and Thomas Cline's "Secret Team"."

1991, Nigel Cawthorne, 'The Bamboo Cage', digital version (appox. p. 163): "Daniel C. Arnold, CIA Station Chief in Washington, DC. [in the early 1980s]"

Source(s): 1967, American Security Council national strategy committee report, 'The changing strategic military balance, U.S.A. vs. U.S.S.R.', a study prepared for the House Armed Services Committee, pp. 8-9: “[Introduction letter] Signed, General Bernard A. Schriever, USAF (Ret.), Chairman. General Paul D. Adams, USA (Ret.). Lt. General Edward M. Almond, USA (Ret.). Prof. James D. Atkinson. Admiral Robert L. Dennison, USN (Ret.). Vice Admiral Elton Watters Grenfell, USN (Ret.). Admiral Ben Moreell,CEC, USN (Ret.). Dr. Stefan T. Possony. General Thomas S. Power, USAF (Ret.). Brig. General Robert C. Richardson, USAF (Ret.). Vice Admiral W. A. Schoech, USN (Ret.). General Bernard A. Schriever, UAF (Ret.). Dr. Edward Teller. Rear Admiral Chester C. Ward, USN (Ret.). General Albert C. Wedemeyer, USA (Ret.). Major General W. A. Worton, USMC (Ret.)."

Georgetown University. Headed the Psychological Warfare School. Member Planning and Development Committee of the Freedom Studies Centre, together with Stefan Possony (ASC) and Lev Dobriansky (ASC). Administrative director of the Centre was Air Force Major-General Edward G. Lansdale (ASC). Author: 'The Edge of War' (Henry Regnery Co., 1960). Author: 'The Politics of Struggle: The Communist Front and Political Warfare' (Henry Regnery Co., 1966). Director American-Chilean Council.

Jan. 16, 1961, Amarillo Globe Times, p. 21: "Col James D Atkinson, former consultant to the Army's Psychological Strategy Board and director of Georgetown University's psychological warfare course."

Oct. 2, 1962, The News and Courier, ''500 expected to attend Cold War seminar Friday: "More than 500 professional, business, and government leaders from throughout the South Carolina Lowcountry are expected to attend the 1962 Cold War Seminar Friday at The Citadel. Gen. Mark W. Clark, president of The Citadel, will deliver a keynote address at 9:10. At 9:30, James D. Atkinson, of the department of government al Georgetown University, will deliver an address on the communist domestic strategy and. A film on the American heritage will be shown at 10:40. This will be folllowed at 11:05 by an address from Edmund S. Whitman, retired vice president of the United Fruit Company. He will speak on the American free enterprise and the communist threat in Latin America. "

Source(s): January 8, 1991, Russ Baker for Village Voice, 'A Thousand Points of Blight'

Business associate of Guatemala dictator Anastasio Somoza, who lost power to the left-wing Sandinistas. Extreme right CIA asset, a Knight of Malta, involved with the Knights of Malta-run Americares and Covenant House (tied to a major abuse scandal), involved in the Guatemalan death squad killings (including the murder of Covenant House employees who tried to clean up the institution, together with a number of children), and reportedly sent the children of the plantation workers he killed to "local charities". His plantation at one point was used by the CIA to train Cubans for the Bay of Pigs invasion.

May 2, 1981, Boston Globe, 'Guatemalan Death Squads Make Politicians the Target': "In preparation for next year's national elections, death squads are murdering opposition political leaders here. Liberal politicians and foreign diplomats say they are convinced that the killings are the work of the right wing. The principal target has been the reformist Christian Democratic Party, which has lost 76 leaders during the last year to assassination and kidnaping. … Another active campaigner [on behalf of the right wing] is Roberto Alejos Arzu, a founder of the conservative Guatemala Freedom Foundation. He is best known abroad as the owner of La Helvetia, the sprawling plantation that was used as a training camp for Cuban exiles preparing for the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba."

January 8, 1991, Russ Baker for Village Voice, 'A Thousand Points of Blight': "When AmeriCares decided Nicaragua had earned assistance, rightist Cardinal Miguel Obando y Bravo went to the airport to receive the first shipment, and the well-connected Knights of Malta distributed it. President Bush’s son Marvin was aboard the next AmeriCares flight, which arrived just days after Chamorro’s inauguration. He was met by a Knights of Malta ambassador by the name of Roberto Alejos Arzu, who, beyond his recent role as an avuncular dispenser of charity, has a long history of association with some of Central America’s most reactionary elements. ... Alejos’s links to the Reagan-Bush administrations go back to1979, when he hosted a delegation from the private military lobby, the American Security Council (ASC). The group, led by generals Singlaub (later of Iran-contra fame) and Daniel Graham, met with the president of Guatemala and took helicopter tours of rural counterinsurgency operations. Alejos later came to California and met with Reagan. “Mr. Reagan was in favor of human rights as much as we were,” Alejos said at the time. “I have personal respect and great admiration for Mr. Reagan. I think your country needs him.” Using tactics developed in Vietnam-and promoted there by AmeriCares advisory board member general Stilwell-the Guatemalan army has pursued a brutal scorched-earth policy, bombing and forcing the abandonment of whole villages. In 1983, more than a quarter of the 4 million Indians living in the highlands were pushed from their land, according to the Guatemalan Council of Bishops. Many tens of thousands have died, and the number of orphans is estimated in the hundreds of thousands."

October 7, 1990, Newsday (Melville, NY), 'War for the Children Guatemala Covenant House confronts death squads': "In Guatemala, where New York's embattled Covenant House extended its social service empire 10 years ago, a new director's crusade against death squads was followed by the murder of a counselor and six children. The brutal counterattack began a year ago, human rights officials say, after Bruce Harris took the helm of Casa Alianza, as Covenant House is known in Guatemala. Harris severed the charity's ties to right-wing Guatemalan patrons and began to criticize official violence against children. He also fired 22 staffers and rooted out what he said was financial chaos and sexual abuse at Casa Alianza, in a campaign that was a strange mirror image of the unfolding sex scandal that ousted Father Bruce Ritter, founder of Covenant House. But it was Harris' decision to break Covenant House's silence and demand justice for Nahaman Carmona Lopez, 13, a street child allegedly beaten to death by police, that proved most fateful. It placed Covenant House in the line of fire of Central America's most notorious police force, human rights groups say. Members of Guatemala's security forces, which include municipal and Treasury police and the military, according to human rights observers, for decades have formed unofficial, right-wing "death squads." … After Harris brought legal cases against Nahaman's accused killers, more children died… In June, a former Covenant House counselor was shot in the head and killed, allegedly by a policeman. No one has been arrested in that case. "It is feared that the killing may be a reprisal against Covenant House for the role it has taken," noted an Amnesty International report in July, 1990. Those killings, and death threats against Harris and his staff, prompted Covenant House president Sister Mary Rose McGeady to visit Guatemala last month. Appointed months after Ritter resigned amid allegations of sexual and fiscal misconduct, McGeady is credited with recasting Covenant House's mission and purpose, both in the United States and overseas. … Simon, Grace, Macauley and Ritter are members of the Knights of Malta, an international, conservative Catholic organization with diplomatic status and ties to the Guatemalan right wing. The four also served on the board of Americares. None returned repeated phone calls. Both organizations came together in Guatemala in the person of a sugar plantation owner named Roberto Alejos Arzu. A Knight of Malta, Arzu agreed to ship hundreds of pounds of medicine and food from Americares to Casa Alianza and to broker private donations to the charity. Arzu is also a prominent member of Guatemala's right-wing aristocracy, say human rights officials and experts. In 1960, Alejos lent his sugar plantation to the Central Intelligence Agency to train Cubans for the Bay of Pigs invasion. Atkinson shrugged off talk of Alejos' background. "Roberto [Alejos] was the conduit for tons of supplies," Atkinson said. "He was a good man and I'm not going to condemn him on hearsay." Alejos, however, has also been linked to the abortive kidnaping of a Guatemalan cardinal in 1968 - in a 1982 report prepared by the Washington Committee on Latin America - and by local media to the death squad killings of workers on his plantation. Alejos could not be reached for comment. "When his workers complain, they end up in a ditch," said Allan Nairn, a longtime reporter in Latin America and a regional expert. "Soldiers would take the surviving children of the workers to local charities.""

1996, Senator John DeCamp, 'The Franklin Cover-Up,' second edition', p. 180: "Lauded by the Reagan and Bush Administrations as a showcase for the privatization of social services, Covenant House had expanded into Guatemala as a gateway to South America. According to intelligence community sources, the purpose was procurement of children from South America for exploitation in a pedophile ring. The flagship Guatemalan mission of Covenant House was launched by a former business partner of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza, Roberto Alejos Arzu, who had ties to the CIA, according to the Village Voice of Feb. 20, 1990. The Voice quoted Jean-Marie Simon, author of Guatemala: Eternal Spring, Eternal Tyranny: "It's like having Idi Amin on the board of Amnesty International." A top source of money for Covenant House has been Robert Macauley, founder of Americares, a service organization implicated in channeling funds to the Contras." See ISGP's Cercle article for more information on Americares.

Source(s): July 2, 1980, Washington Post, 'Salvadoran Rightist Eludes Ban Against Entering U.S.': "A retired Army intelligence official from El Salvador, who has been labeled a right-wing "terrorist" by the State Department and whose U.S. visa was revoked last month, gave a press conference five blocks from the Capitol yesterday despite warnings to the Immigration and Naturalization Service that he is in the country. The press conference and subsequent luncheon, sponsored by the American Legion and the American Security Council, was attended by dozens of reporters, at least one congressman and a State Department representative sent to verify the Salvadoran's appearance. State Department officials said they did not know how Maj. Robert D'Aubuisson entered the United States, since his name is listed as "ineligible" on the Immigration and Naturalization Service "lookout list" placed at all U.S. entry points."

Went to the School of the Americas in 1972. Roberto d'Aubuisson, trained at the Political Warfare Academy in Taiwan, and his ARENA Party bore a remarkable resemblance to Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang. El Mozote massacre...

February 21, 1992, Los Angeles, 'Roberto D'Aubuisson, 48; Reputed Head of Salvadoran Death Squads': "During his military career, D'Aubuisson received counterinsurgency and psychological warfare training from the United States and Taiwan. In the 1970s, while radical students, peasants and union workers began to organize against the repressive government of Gen. Carlos Humberto Romero, D'Aubuisson became a political policeman. He was a military intelligence specialist spying on the growing numbers of dissidents taking to the streets to protest military rule, electoral fraud and the crushing poverty in which most Salvadorans lived. D'Aubuisson was a major in the National Guard's intelligence section when a group of young military officers overthrew Romero in October, 1979, and formed a civilian-military government with many of the leftists that D'Aubuisson had been tracking. When the new government established a commission to investigate hundreds of political killings and cases of "the disappeared," D'Aubuisson resigned rather than testify against his superiors. The junta collapsed, and reformers lost power to extreme rightists. In the aftermath, thousands of leftists took up arms. The United States eventually spent more than $4 billion to put down the rebels in the civil war that followed. The right, meanwhile, formed clandestine groups with names like Squadron of Death and Secret Anti-Communist Army that unleashed a campaign of terror. Their death squads killed an estimated 30,000 people between 1980 and 1983. According to a 1983 Times investigation, the killings were part of a deliberate counterinsurgency program designed by a group of rightist military officers and wealthy landowners for whom D'Aubuisson was the spokesman. Over the years, U.S. officials and former Salvadoran military officers implicated D'Aubuisson in some of the most high-profile assassinations, including the archbishop of San Salvador, Monsignor Oscar Arnulfo Romero and Atty. Gen. Mario Zamora in 1980, and two American agrarian advisers and the head of a Salvadoran land distribution institute in 1981. U.S. officials accused D'Aubuisson of plotting to kill Ambassador Thomas R. Pickering. Another U.S. ambassador, Robert E. White, called D'Aubuisson a "pathological killer." He was periodically denied visas to the United States."

March 11, 1980 affidavit of Col. Cutolo: "49. The current intelligence on Archbishop Romero (El Salvador) indicates he is in receipt of physical evidence supporting several allegations that the U.S. is currently with Honduras, Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Panama covertly training and sponsoring freedom fighters attempting to overthrow the current regime in Nicaragua; that these freedom fighters are also being supported from funds arising from Operation Watch Tower in part; that Mr. Robert D`Aubuisson (El Salvador) secretly aided the freedom fighters by allowing U.S. Advisors to train the freedom fighters inside El Salvador, that D`Aubuisson was contacted by Edwin Wilson and Frank Terpil prior to the freedom fighters being trained inside El Salvador. This information made it necessary to protect Operation Watch Tower and Orwell regardless of the costs. ... 71. During the conversation with Edwin Wilson I was informed of the sensitive data related to Archbishop Romero." Archbishop Romero was murdered by D'Aubuisson 7 days after this affidavit was written.

In 1981, it sponsored a lobbying junket to Congress by El Salvador's Roberto D'Aubuisson, acknowledged leader of their death squads and organizer of the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero. The ASC interviewed D'Aubuisson in June 1984 for its radio program and newsletter. In 1982, ASC funded a visit by contra leader Stedman Fagoth in order to allow him to testify before Congress.

April 19, 1993, Christian Science Monitor, 'South Africa Arrests Conservative Leader For Hani's Murder': "Derby-Lewis was elected president of the London-based Western Goals Institute in February 1992 succeeding the late Maj. Roberto D'Aubuisson, founder of the right-wing ARENA party in El Salvador and a notorious death-squad leader. Retired United States Gen. John Singlaub, who was linked to the Iran-contra scandal, was also associated with Western Goals."

October 23, 1998, The Guardian, 'Diary': "ON similar territory, we come to Peer of the Week Baron Sudeley [chair Monday Club; Constitutional Monarchy Assoc.; vice-chancellor Monarchist League]. The noble lord, whose greatest regret is the abolition of slavery, once served as vice -president of Western Goals (UK) - an insanely rightwing outfit whose patrons included General Sir Walter Walker, who in 1975 set up a private army to save Britain from Harold Wilson's mortifying brand of socialism; and the delightful Major Roberto D'Aubuisson, head of death squads in El Salvador."

July 2, 1980, Washington Post, 'Salvadoran Rightist Eludes Ban Against Entering U.S.': "A retired Army intelligence official from El Salvador, who has been labeled a right-wing "terrorist" by the State Department and whose U.S. visa was revoked last month, gave a press conference five blocks from the Capitol yesterday despite warnings to the Immigration and Naturalization Service that he is in the country. The press conference and subsequent luncheon, sponsored by the American Legion and the American Security Council, was attended by dozens of reporters, at least one congressman and a State Department representative sent to verify the Salvadoran's appearance. State Department officials said they did not know how Maj. Robert D'Aubuisson entered the United States, since his name is listed as "ineligible" on the Immigration and Naturalization Service "lookout list" placed at all U.S. entry points. They said his visa was revoked following his alleged participation in a Salvadoran coup attempt last month and death threats made by his organization against U.S. diplomats there. At the press conference, at which he referred to U.S. Ambassador Robert White as a "proconsul" who sympathized with leftist guerrillas, D'Aubuisson urged strong U.S. backing of the Salvadoran military. His organization, the Board National Front of El Salvador, also has been accused publicly by international human rights organizations, and in private by U.S. officials, of organizing the assassination of hundreds of Salvadorans in that country's bloody political warfare in recent months."

October 11, 1981, New York Times, Section 6; Page 142, Column 3: "It was in this effort that I accompanied Maj. Roberto D'Aubuisson to Washington, where he was invited, not by me, as Mr. Hoeffel claims, but by the American Legion and the American Security Council. Major D'Aubuisson, who was forced to leave El Salvador after the 1979 coup because he did not want to surrender incriminating secur ity files to the terrorist-linked junta member Guillermo Ungo, was in Washington to warn about the January 1981 offensive."

December 16, 1983, New York Times, 'Foreign Affairs': "It is easier to see the political underpinning for the conflicting drive to the right. There are conservative ''think tanks'' in the Washington area that make a point of having good relations with such ultras as Salvador's Roberto D'Aubuisson and Guatemala's Mario Sandoval Alarcon, who are officially shunned by the U.S. because of their murderous reputations. Among them are the Council on Inter-American Security, the American Security Council, and the National Strategic Information Center, the last organized in the 1960's by William Casey, now C.I.A. Director. Retired U.S. military officers and former C.I.A. officials are among their active members. They travel to Central America, and arrange high-level meetings for their friends when they come to Washington. These sessions are then used by the Latins to spread word that they have confirmed secret U.S. Government backing, despite public denunciations. U.S. ambassadors have confided that they are powerless to reverse the impact."

December 5, 1984, Washington Post, 'D'Aubuisson Honored by Conservatives at Capitol Hill Dinner': "More than a dozen conservative organizations last night honored Roberto D'Aubuisson, the leader of El Salvador's extreme right wing, with a plaque and a closed-door dinner for 120 people at the Capitol Hill Club. The plaque expresses appreciation for D'Aubuisson's "continuing efforts for freedom in the face of communist aggression which is an inspiration to freedom-loving people everywhere." D'Aubuisson also has scheduled a speech tonight at Georgetown University, and some students are organizing a protest. A former Salvadoran army major who was cashiered for plotting coups, D'Aubuisson has been linked to death-squad murders in El Salvador by former U.S. ambassador Robert E. White and congressional testimony. But D'Aubuisson and the conservatives insist that the charges are false and spread by Marxists opposed to his democratic, free-enterprise views and to the conservative ARENA party whose unsuccessful presidential candidate he was. Richard Mathias, a Georgetown student and official of the Young Americans for Freedom, said the YAF had arranged D'Aubuisson's campus appearance because D'Aubuisson "hasn't had a fair shake" in the U.S. media. "Death squads have a very negative connotation. He's not been able to get across his message of free enterprise, anticommunism, freedom of exports and imports," Mathias said. "We can't think coherently about El Salvador if we think of the primary antithesis to the government as being a death-squad leader." ... Groups that joined in presenting the plaque to D'Aubuisson included the Viguerie Co., Gun Owners of America, the Western Goals Endowment Fund, the Washington Legal Foundation, the United States Defense Committee, the American Foreign Policy Council, the Public Service Research Council, the Moral Majority, The Washington Times, the National Right-to-Work Committee, the National Pro-Life Political Action Committee, Intercessors for America, the Young Americans Foundation and the Young Americans for Freedom. Presidential assistant and former U.S. ambassador Faith Ryan Whittlesey also joined in the presentation, but reportedly did not attend the dinner. "

February 22, 1992, The Independent, 'Obituary: Roberto D'Aubuisson': "WHEN the news began to spread in El Salvador that Roberto D'Aubuisson had contracted cancer of the tongue and throat, there was, in some circles, a gleeful sense that justice had been done. ... Roberto D'Aubuisson was a hard worker who excelled at what he did. When he was running the National Guard's intelligence service, his zeal as a torturer earned him the nickname ''Major Blowtorch''. He was not just doing what he enjoyed. ... From an early stage in his career, Major Bob was persuaded of the virtue of enforcement by extra-official means. In the early 1970s, he and two fellow-officers were described by the general who ran ORDEN, the rural security apparatus, as ''my three little killers''. In the late 1970s he contributed to the peace through the White Warriors' Union, at the time just one death-squad amongst many. There were a number of people who were eager to patronise a man of Major Bob's talents. One of them was Mario Sandoval Alarcon, the leader of the White Hand death-squad in Guatemala. Sandoval Alarcon was a pillar of the World Anti-Communist League, the far-right international, whose membership list read like a Who's Who of Latin American dictators and their retinues. Sandoval Alarcon introduced D'Aubuisson to the League and its regional organisation, the Latin American Anti-Communist Confederation. Sandoval Alarcon was D'Aubuisson's mentor in the bloody years that were to come. A coup in 1979 by a group of reformist officers ended D'Aubuisson's formal military career. He left the National Guard, taking the files with him. The same year had seen another important event for El Salvador - the naming of Oscar Romero as Archbishop. Originally considered a conservative, Mgr Romero was outraged by the murder of a famous liberation-theology priest by the National Guard. From that moment, he was to become the voice of the poor in El Salvador. As the killing score climbed to 1,000 a month, the archbishop thundered against state violence. On 23 March 1980, he preached his last sermon. ''In the name of God, and in the name of this suffering people whose laments rise to Heaven with more tumult every day, I beg you, I ask you, I order you, in the name of God: stop the repression,'' he said. The next day, he was murdered as he celebrated mass. The man repeatedly implicated in his death was Roberto D'Aubuisson. Under the Carter presidency, D'Aubuisson was denied entry into the United States. But with the dawn of the Reagan years in 1980, his fortunes changed. That year, he had attended the Buenos Aires conference of the Latin American Anti-Communist League, where he met Roger Pearson, an aide to the Republican senator Jesse Helms, who was to help him organise Arena in 1981 and to promote the image of the party in the US. By 1982, the party was so well established that it won a majority in the National Assembly and D'Aubuisson became the Assembly's leader. The death-squads moved into the building, too. From then on, the killings were directed from a security office on the second floor of the assembly. As Robert White, the US ambassador to El Salvador in the Carter years, was to write: ''Shortly after President Reagan took office, this administration . . . began the process of rehabilitating ex-Major D'Aubuisson. The Reagan Administration granted D'Aubuisson a visa to enter the United States, made him an honoured guest at our Embassy and saw to it that he met regularly with high-ranking Administration officials and visiting senators and congressmen.'' There were limits, however, to the degree that D'Aubuisson could be cleaned up. He was pursuing two parallel tracks: formal political activity and the killings. Everyone was a potential victim. As D'Aubuisson told a reporter in 1983, ''You can be a Communist, even if you personally don't believe you are a Communist.'' The problem for the US administration was that, whilst it wished to co-opt the right into the formal political process, D'Aubuisson could not be controlled. The United States supported the Christian Democrats when D'Aubuisson ran for president as Arena's candidate in 1984. His campaign was never dull. Reporters who rode in his campaign-car recall his gleefully running over a series of dogs. ''One dog less,'' he said, as he bagged each one. ''Like one Communist less. Better for El Salvador.'' He was a charismatic personality and a compelling presence. He had intense blue eyes and boyish good looks that later took on a ravaged quality, no doubt aided by his heavy drinking and his cocaine habit. He embodied to the extreme the qualities of machismo so widely admired in his culture. Though not an inspiring orator, he had a theatrical quality that thrilled his supporters. In the 1984 campaign, his rallies would climax with the Major splitting a water melon with a machete to the hysterical cheers of the crowd. The water melon stood for Jose Napoleon Duarte's Christian Democrats. ''See,'' Major Bob would shout, ''Green on the outside. Red on the inside.'' He was narrowly defeated by Duarte, a setback that he attributed to the CIA. From then on, his political fortunes declined. He was essential to Arena, as its founder and the leader of its military wing, but with him as its political leader the party could never achieve respectability. It was with a more acceptable candidate, Alfredo Cristiani, that Arena won the presidential elections in 1988, whilst Major Bob was named Arena's honorary president for life and remained the party's eminence grise. His talent for terror was less in demand and the murder of priests had gone out of style. Last December, two men convicted of killing six Jesuit priests were sentenced to long prison sentences. The event was something of a departure for Salvadoran justice. Major Bob's lifetime cause, the defeat of El Salvador's guerrilla movement, was never achieved. He displayed a certain pragmatism when Alfredo Cristiani's efforts to negotiate peace with the guerrilla movement began to bear fruit and helped to keep the party's hard line behind Cristiani's initiative. Shortly before D'Aubuisson's death, peace came to El Salvador, not by the methods he had espoused in the early Eighties, but through negotiation. As Ruben Zamora, a prominent left-wing politician whose brother was murdered on D'Aubuisson's orders, said on hearing of his death, ''He is now in the hands of God, and God will know best how to judge him.''"

February 25, 1985, Associated Press, 'Mystery Millions: Repercussions from Washington to San Salvador': "In a case that has sparked interest in Washington and San Salvador, an adviser to a right-wing Salvadoran opposition leader is awaiting trial here after being arrested on a small Texas airstrip with $5.9 million in small bills. Francisco Guirola, a friend of Roberto d'Aubuisson, is being held in Nueces County jail in lieu of an unusually high $2 million bail. He and two other men are accused of violating federal regulations that prevent anyone from removing more than $10,000 in cash from the country without declaring it. But beyond the formal charges lie suggestions of drug smuggling, money laundering and, possibly, an attempt to influence votes in the March 31 legislative and municipal elections in El Salvador. D'Aubuisson, who has been linked to right-wing death squads in his country, is playing down any connection to Guirola, but the governing Christian Democratic Party has done its best to turn what it calls the "Case of the Pirate Plane" into an election issue. The Christian Democrats say the case reveals attempts to rig the polls with money either from international drug deals or American right-wingers. Reagan administration officials, while publicly insisting the United States is neutral in the upcoming elections, privately express fears that a gain for D'Aubuisson's rightist coalition could frustrate social reforms in El Salvador and undermine prospects for congressional approval of future military aid requests. In a recent radio interview, d'Aubuisson, head of the Republican Nationalist Alliance, said he had "no control" over Guirola. And in Washington, Sen. Jesse Helms, R-N.C., a conservative supporter of d'Aubuisson, has angrily denied as "absurd" a charge bySalvadoran Information Minister Oscar Reyes that he and his supporters gave Guirola the money to buy votes in the election. The Christian Democrats said $6 million is twice the Salvadoran presidential budget and enough to finance 10 campaigns.The party also said Guirola used his position as an adviser to d'Aubuisson to get a government passport. According to Assistant U.S Attorney Robert Berg in Corpus Christi, Guirola was carrying that passport _ along with a regular Salvadoran passport and a Costa Rican passport _ when he was arrested Feb. 6 aboard a private jet on the runway of a small airport in Kingsville at the edge of the famous King Ranch. The other men arrested with Guirola, pilot Gus Maestrales, 38, of Boca Raton, Fla., and Oscar Rodriguez, 48, a Cuban-born resident of Miami, are each free on $1 million bond. A witness to the arrests, who asked not to be identified, said the three men had eight heavy suitcases with them containing the $5.9 million in small bills, neatly taped into brown-paper packets. Federal agents had been forced to obtain the search warrant after Guirola claimed diplomatic immunity and refused to consent to a search of the eight suitcases he said were his. The affidavit said the flight plan showed the twin-engine jet was enroute to San Salvador when it stopped to refuel in Kingsville. No drug charges have been filed against Guirola or the others, but the private jet had been under surveillance for months by U.S. Customs and Drug Enforcement Administration agents, because it aroused suspicions with trips between the United States and a number of Central American countries. According to an affidavit filed by customs agents seeking a search warrant, DEA intelligence said that the airplane and its occupants were suspected of laundering money and smuggling drugs. The airplane is also listed in the treasury enforcement computer as being suspected of involvement in narcotics trafficking, the affidavit said. The airplane is owned by Maestrales, who owns a company in Ft. Lauderdale called Commercial Aviation Enterprises Inc."

1999, Gary Webb, 'Dark Alliance', p. 258: "In court records, federal agents charged that the cash money was drug money destined for El Salvador. They cited DEA records that said Guirola had been "reportedly involved in cocaine and arms smuggling in El Salvador and Guatemala" and noted that he was a top aide to Salvadoran death squad leader Roberto D'Aubuisson. The latter claim was confirmed by the Los Angeles Times, which reported that Guirola had accompanied D'Aubuisson to a "very sensitive" meeting with former CIA deputy director Vernon Walters in May 1984. According to the story, Walters had been dispatched in a frantic attempt to talk D'Aubuisson out of assassinating Thomas Pickering, the U.S. ambassador to El Salvador. Guirola, who attended college in California with one of Anastasio Somoza's nephews, had allowed D'Aubuisson to use his house as a campaign headquarters when he ran for Salvadoran president in 1984. Guirola's passport, which was signed by D'Aubuisson, identified him as a "special advisor" to the Salvadoran Assembly. ... the source of the funds was never made public. "The investigation came to a sudden, abrupt halt with a lot of questions unanswered," U.S. Customs agent Ernest Allison complained. ... Les than a year later, DEA agent Castillo and his informants were watching Guirola zoom in and out of Illopango, hauling drugs in, carrying cash to the Bahamas, and flashing credentials from the Salvadoran Air Force and the Salvadoran president's office."When I ran Guirola's name in the computer, it popped up in 11 DEA files, detailing his South America-to-United States cocaine, arms and money laundering," Castillo wrote in his memoirs. ... A cable arrived from the Costa Rican DEA office reporting that a pilot named Carlos Amador was intending to fly into Ilopango [El Salvador], pick up cocaine at Hanger No. 4, and take it to Miami. ... CIA records show that Hanger No. 4 had been used by the Agency for covert operations until it was turned over in 1985 to the National Security Council and Oliver North's illegal arms network, "The Enterprise." CIA agent Felix Rodriguez also used the hanger for his helicopter-based counterinsurgency program. The Adjoining hanger, No. 5, was still being used by the CIA in support of the Contra project. Moreover, the suspected CIA pilot, Carlos Amador, had been working with the CIA for years, flying missions for the Costa Rican Contras. The CIA had been collecting information for at least a year indicating Amador was also flying drug planes between Costa Rica, Panama, Belize, and Miami for a pair of major cocaine traffickers, the Sarcovic brothers, at the same time he was flying for the White House." P. 261: Medellin cartel drugs also going to Contras.

Pp. 261-262: "In a February 1988 memo marked "Sensitive," Assistant U.S. Attorney Walter E. Furr told his boss that Rudd "is a very articulate individual and there has been no indication to date that he has not been totally candid. In a real sense his life is on the line for the cooperation he has given so far." Furr probably thought it necessary to add his testament to Rudd's credibility in light of what he was about to report next: the Medellin cartel reportedly had made a deal with Vice President George Bush to supply American weapons to the Contras in exchange for free passage of cocaine deliveries to the U.S. Rudd told the officials that in the spring of 1987 he's met in Medellin, Colombia, with cartel boss Pable Escobar to arrange a drug deal. In the course of their conversation at Escobar's palatial home, Rudd said, the cocaine lord began ranting about Bush and his South Florida Drug Task Force, which was making the cartel's deliveries to the Miami area more difficult. "Escobar then stated that Bush is a traitor who used to deal with us, but now he is tough," Rudd told the federal officials. Escobar described "an agreement or relationship between Bush and the American government and members of the Medellin cartel which resulted in planes similar to C-130s (but smaller) flying guns to the cartel in Colombia. According to Russ, Escobar stated that the cartel then off-loaded the guns, put cocaine aboard the planes and the cocaine was taken to United States military base(s). The guns were delivered and sold to the Contras in Nicaragua by the Cartel." ... "Rudd has stated that Escobar and the rest of the cartel members are very supportive of the Contras and dislike the Sandinistas as they dislike the guerillas which operate within Colombia." Rudd claimed that Escobar had photographic proof to back up his story. Not only were there "photographs of the planes containing the guns being unloaded in Colombia," but he claimed to have a picture of Bush posing with Medellin cartel leader Jorge Ochoa, in front of suitcases full of money." ... "In response, Escobar stated that the photograph was genuine, it would stand up to any test...Escobar stated that the photo would be made public at the 'appropriate time.'"

P. 264: "But declassified record show the Reagan Administration knew there was precious little to substantiate that [the grainy Barry Seal picture implicating Sandinistas in drug trafficking]. Even with the entire CIA contingent in Central America on the alert for Sandinista drug dealing, no evidence had been found. "Although uncorroborated reports indicating Nicaraguan involvement in the shipping of cocaine to the United States had been received, CIA was unable to confirm reports implicating high-level Sandinistas in drug trafficking," the CIA informed the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in April 1984. Two years later, Justice Department officials reached the same discouraging conclusion. A 1988 congressional investigation raised troubling questions about whether or not the Seal sting was even a real sting. It produced evidence suggesting that the whole event had been stage-managed by Oliver North and the CIA as a domestic disinformation operation."

June 19, 1989, The Globe and Mail, 'Fear stalks El Salvador': "On the morning of April 5, Maria Cristina Gomez, a 41-year-old Salvadoran teacher, was grabbed as she left school with her students in the village of Santa Lucia. A little more than a half-hour later, her body was dumped across town by her abductors. Her shoulders had been deeply burned by acid, her right arm had been hacked off and the skin peeled back. Half-a- dozen bullets had been pumped into her body. Every Salvadoran knows that a violated corpse at the roadside is a message from the security forces. To the teachers, agronomists, nurses, priests and nuns who try to better the lot of the poor, the atrocity says: "You are next on the death squad's list. Flee or die." No help can be expected from the police or the military for they are just death squad members in uniform. The church leaders who reported Ms Gomez's torture murder to a federal parliamentary committee last week say she was killed for participating in Canadian-supported programs among El Salvador 's poor. Canadian non- governmental organizations and human rights groups say there is now no area of El Salvador where development and humanitarian work can be carried out without fear of abduction, torture and murder."

July 8, 1996, Globe and the Mail, ‘Ten years after Central America copes with peace Second of a series War-scarred Salvadoreans stepping out from terror BATTLE WOUNDS’: “For weeks, the Salvadorean press has been awash with stories about a series of recent bomb attacks against former right-wing president Alfredo Cristiani Burkard. A handful of far-left university students have been arrested and charged, but that's only half the story, a highly placed security official said. “The origin of the plot was a combination of ex-army and the old death squads. The trail led to a colonel in the city of Usulutan. It was a case of the right wing paying a known left-wing group to plant the bombs, which in El Salvador makes sense." The 10,000 new civilian police, too, still raise concern. Many members of the new force -- 20 per cent are ex-guerrillas, 20 per cent former soldiers, with the balance drawn from the population at large -- have brought with them some disturbing baggage, said the police psychologist encountered at Devil's Gate. Proof emerged last year with the arrests of a police death squad, the Black Shadow. "There are dark acts going on that we can't get to, and what people complain about is that investigations never go to the source -- they go so far, and then they stop," he said. Links to the past endure. In the latter years of the war, El Salvador was governed by the right-wing National Republican Alliance (ARENA), and it still is today, led by Armando Calderon Sol. Mr. Calderon Sol, elected President two years ago, was at one time the lawyer for ARENA's late party president Roberto D'Aubuisson Arrieta, nicknamed Blowtorch Bob, after his favourite torture technique. But no one has offered evidence that Mr. Calderon Sol personally committed atrocities.”

October 26, 2001, OC Weekly, ’31 Scariest People in OC’: “22 BILL NELSON. When he retired as deputy director of operations for the CIA and moved to Orange County in 1976, Congress was grilling the agency over its secret forays into Laos, Cambodia, Chile and Angola. According to newspaper articles at the time, Nelson, who had worked for the CIA since its inception in 1948, was "troubled" over the CIA's involvement in those controversial--and often illegal --operations, which is why he decided to take a nice, quiet job as vice president of security with Irvine-based Fluor Corp. Nelson's qualifications? In Vietnam, he helped carry out Operation Phoenix, the assassination and torture program that wiped out tens of thousands of Viet Cong--along with anyone unlucky enough to be branded a subversive. The specifics of Nelson's tenure at the CIA are still top secret, thanks to government censors, but his career at Fluor is no less shadowy. According to FBI records recently obtained by the Weekly, Nelson maintained an eight-year friendship and business relationship with Ronald Lister, the convicted coke dealer of San Jose Mercury News "Dark Alliance" series of articles fame. Lister claimed he worked for the CIA, and his business dealings with Nelson apparently involved Central America, where his security company worked with the murderous Salvadoran Defense Ministry and Roberto D'Aubuisson, leader of that country's right-wing death squads. What kind of business relationship could Nelson, a former top CIA official working for an Orange County construction company, have with Lister, a drug and weapons dealer, and D'Aubuisson, a Hitler admirer who authorized the 1980 murder of Archbishop Oscar Romero? There's no way to know: the FBI has withheld details of Nelson's relationship with Lister on the grounds that revealing them would violate U.S. national security. MITIGATING FACTOR: Nelson died six years ago.”

August 16, 1981, Washington Post, ‘El Salvador; FROM CONQUISTADORES TO COMUNISTAS, WHY THE KILLING WILL NEVER END‘: “By the first light of day the pulse of the violence is measured, as people go out to pick up their dead. There are days when only a handful of corpses are found scattered in city streets or abandoned on rural roads. Other days there are as many as a dozen bodies in one neighborhood alone, the corpses grotesquely draped across the street with drying rivulets of blood trailing toward the sidewalks. Whole families have been round slaughtered in pajamas still in their homes, the doors they refused to open battered down. So callous has the killing become that in the eastern city of San Miguel recently residents woke to find that 11 of the city's habitual drunks had all been shot in the head and dumped in a park with two dozen slain stray dogs under a hand-lettered sign that said: "Limpieza de San Miguel" -- cleansing of San Miguel. The standard form of execution is a bullet to the temple or a blast in the chest from semi-automatic G-3 rifles that are the favorite weapon of both the guerrillas and the government forces.But not a day goes by without evidence of more gruesome and sadistic modes of dispatch. Bodies turn up regularly with their heads or limbs severed by machete, the traditional weapon of the land that still is carried by troops in full battle dress. Other cadavers have been found charred by a torturer's blowtorch or with their skin peeled off their faces or with steel spikes driven through their ears. … Anybody and everybody is a potential victim. One need not even have taken a political stance for or against the ruling junta that the captains have installed to be marked for execution. A malicious rumors from a personal enemy or a suspicion based on nothing more than an individual's family background, education or profession will do. … There are probably as many different groups involved in the bloodletting as there are methods of killing. There are the death squads funded by the rich and reactionary discomfited by the 1979 coup that go by such names as the "white warriors union" and the "anti-communist armed forces of liberation." There are such murderous vestiges of the ancient dictatorships as ORDEN, an ununiformed rural militia set up to terrorize peasants into obeisance at the whims of the landowners and the military that supported them. There are also groups of dissident soldiers and police, extreme leftist urban guerrillas, anarchists, four left-wing guerrilla groups in the hills and the armed forces themselves with the three ill-disciplined security forces under their command. Despite this multiplicity of agents of death, the consensus, supported even by U.S. diplomats backing the ruling junta, is that most of the killings are the work of rightists, either those believing in the pre-coup order or those backing, or even belonging to, the present military-dominated regime. One diplomat estimates the breakdown at 40 to 60 percent in favor of the right; another puts the rightist killings higher still but no one is in any position to prove the case. U.S. officials embarrassed by these conclusions try to rationalize them by predicting, as is their habit in such cases, a "bloodbath" should the left, backed by the guerrillas of even more extreme views, ever come to power. With no hard evidence to justify such a conclusion, they predict the left would kill 100,000 people if they ever won. In almost the same breath, however, these same diplomats admit that Roberto d'Aubuisson, a former Army major who is the darling of the reactionary right, has openly talked of the need to kill 200,000 to 300,000 people to restore peace to El Salvador.”

GUS MAESTRALES

December 14, 1981 (decided), United States Court of Appeals, No. 80-1684: "On February 17, 1980, Drug Enforcement Agent (DEA) Elena Cox received [**2] information from a confidential informant that a certain Jet Commander aircraft, chartered through Gus Maestrales and piloted by Ben Rhodes and Jean Hauck, would leave Fort Lauderdale, Florida, at approximately 6:00 P.M. Florida time for the Los Angeles area, with a probable destination of the Orange County airport. The informant believed the plane would contain narcotics ... The pilot removed the luggage from the plane. ... On February 18, 1980, pursuant to a search warrant, the DEA agents searched the four suitcases and the attache case. 1 They discovered varying amounts of cocaine in each piece."

EDUARDO D'AUBUISSON

A politician of the ruling Salvadoran ARENA party, founded by his father, who was murdered in February 2007. Alongside other politicians on a visit to Guatemala, Eduardo was kidnapped by (high level) police officers, transported to a Gulf Cartel torture center, tortured and murdered. The police officers in question were murdered in prison soon after, at the hands of a police team dressed up as guards. Later, a consultant involved in the investigation was murdered, a prosecutor was murdered, and a police officer suspected of being involved in the assassination fled to Austria.

May 2019, Le Monde Diplomatique, 'Government turns into a 'criminal organisation': The captured state of Guatemala': "On 19 February 2007 three Salvadoran members of the Central American Parliament (Parlacen) were heading for Guatemala in a 44 with 20kg of cocaine and $5m in cash hidden in a secret compartment. Just 20km across the border, Eduardo d'Aubuisson, William Pichinte, José Ramón González and their driver were stopped by police and taken to a spot near the village of El Jocotillo. Next morning, their remains were found in their burnt-out vehicle; autopsies revealed gunshot wounds. Four police officers were arrested for the murders soon after, but were killed while on remand. An official at the interior ministry suspected of having ordered the operation, Victor Rivera, also died a few months later."

February 26, 2007, CBC.ca, 'Rioting inmates kill 4 jailed officers in Guatemala': "National police spokesman Maria Jose Fernandez said she didn't know who had shot the prisoners. ... Police said members of the violent Mara Salvatrucha gang rioted in the prison, capturing five prison officials [however, this was over the fact that they wouldn't be blamed - and released the officials when they could talk to the media]..."

February 27, 2007, Irish Examiner, 'Guatemala: President blames mafia hit for prison deaths': "The four men had been detained over suspected involvement in the killing of three visiting Salvadorean politicians.
President Oscar Berger said "organised crime gangs" reached the officers' cell on Sunday after getting past eight locked doors at the prison, and were responsible for the "violent deaths of four important witnesses who could have helped the investigation". ...
A major question is how the gunmen were able to get past eight doors to reach the suspects, Berger said. ...
"It is clear that the people who committed these killings have some level of influence inside the police, prison or government structure,"" said Rodrigo Avila, head of El Salvador's police force. ... He said Guatemalan officials told him the men were able to get into the prison because they were dressed as guards. ...
A mother of an inmate said that her daughter-in-law was visiting the prison on Sunday when guards forced her and other visitors out. "They told them to get out because there was going to be a search and they starting pushing everyone," she said. "Once (the visitors) were outside, they saw armed men enter the jail. Then, everyone outside heard gunshots." ... US officials estimate that 75% of the cocaine that reaches American soil passes through Guatemala. Salvadoran President Tony Saca, who asked the FBI to help investigate the case, meets today with US President George Bush at the White House, while Bush travels to Guatemala next month to talk to Berger about the growing drug problem. ...
The four officers killed on Sunday at the prison in Cuilapa, 40 miles east of Guatemala City, included Luis Arturo Herrera, head of the Guatemalan National Police organised crime unit, and three of his officers. ... They had been arrested on Thursday in connection with the February 19 killing of three Central American Parliament members, including Eduardo D'Aubuisson, son of El Salvador's late right-wing leader Roberto D'Aubuisson, and their driver. ...
They were members of El Salvador's ruling party, the Nationalist Republican Alliance [ARENA]."

September 13, 2007, The Nation, 'Getting Away With Murder': "A few days later, all visitors to the prison were asked to leave, and in full view of a public already riveted by the initial crime, a team of assassins passed unimpeded through a series of locked gates, shot the police in their cells [xx - February 27, 2007, Irish Examiner, 'Guatemala: President blames mafia hit for prison deaths'], slit their throats and promptly disappeared. According to the Los Angeles Times, a group of FBI investigators sent to help Guatemala with the subsequent investigation were "appalled" by the conduct of their Guatemalan counterparts and found the crime scenes compromised and obvious leads not followed up. A Central American intelligence official told the LA Times‘s Héctor Tobar that Guatemalan investigators "simply and intentionally refused to pass information to the FBI. ...
Somewhere between 60 and 90 percent of the cocaine destined for the United States is estimated to pass through Guatemala, and narco-traffickers reportedly make regular payments of up to $5,000 a month to well-connected law enforcement officials. ...
Perhaps the only other Guatemalan murder to surpass the February murders in notoriety ... is the fatal bludgeoning of Bishop Juan Gerardi Conedera... On April 24, 1998, he issued a massive, church-sponsored human rights report based on testimony from approximately 50,000 victims of political violence (mostly Maya Indians) and backed by files naming the perpetrators (mostly members of the army and other security services). Two days later, Gerardi, then 75, was followed into his parish house and bludgeoned to death with a cement block. It was widely assumed that the motive for the bishop's murder was the release of the report. ...
The Gerardi murder turns out to have been run out of the Estado Mayor Presidencial, an elite military unit responsible for the security of the president and his family. The EMP, as it is known, was a dreaded organization that, during the war, had been the agent of much of the army’s interrogation and torture. The perpetrators of the Gerardi murder, who were eventually tried and convicted, were Col. Byron Disrael Lima Estrada; his son, Capt. Byron Lima Oliva; and Sgt. Maj. Obdulio Villanueva, a particularly brutal NCO with a history of political violence. ...
Captain Lima and Sergeant Major Villanueva were members of the Kaibiles, a Guatemalan special forces unit that reportedly required its trainees to adopt a puppy on induction and strangle it with their bare hands upon graduation. A Kaibil specialty is decapitation by razor-sharp bayonet; in recent years, former Kaibiles have put themselves out for hire with Mexican drug cartels and set new standards for depraved violence in the cartel war zones of the Mexico-United States border. ...
Nothing was easy about the prosecution and conviction of Gerardi's murderers. Thugs broke into the home of the executive director of the Archdiocesan Human Rights Office, terrorized his children and left him a gift box containing a chunk of concrete similar to the one used to assassinate the bishop. An intruder also broke into the home of the Human Rights Office’s legal coordinator, forced him to kneel in his bathroom–in the presence of his wife and children–while the intruder held a gun to his head and told him that he wasn’t going to kill him, just deliver a warning. Most of the important witnesses made statements and then fled the country. Judges were harassed and threatened–one had two grenades tossed into her backyard. The chief prosecutor’s wife, the mother of a 1-year-old child, received repeated phone calls with such messages as "Your husband hasn’t come home yet? Well, he’s not coming home." Perhaps most interesting, however, was what happened to the Limas after their initial convictions and while they were imprisoned during the appeals process. Both Limas, according to Goldman, are members of a secret brotherhood of present and former military officers known as the Cofradía. The Cofradía (which is also implicated in the February murders) is said to be heavily involved in narcotics trafficking and to be a kind of military shadow government in Guatemala. The Cofradía takes care of its own, and according to documents cited by Goldman, the Limas were permitted to run lucrative rackets (possibly including narcotics) inside the prison. Captain Lima, an admirer of Pinochet (Colonel Lima prefers Hitler), was able to patrol the prison wearing a black ski mask and forcing his fellow inmates to assemble and shout out, "Good morning, Guatemala!" But things have changed in Guatemala since the end of the war, and the prisons are increasingly filled with members of Guatemala's maras [MS-13]-savage, violent, working-class gangs that run narcotics rackets of their own. In prison, Captain Lima's autocratic militarism, standard for the armed forces during the war, soon wore thin on gang members. In February 2003, gang members led an attack specifically targeting Captain Lima. Although the gang didn’t know it, Captain Lima and his father were out at classes at the time of the attack; two of the maras -- Psycho and Chopper -- managed to corner Sergeant Major Villanueva. He tried to flee through a hole in the wall but proved too fat and became stuck. The maras cut off his head and then stuffed a little military doll that Captain Lima kept on his prison bed into the sergeant's brain case." ...
During the trial, a member of the United Nations mission observed that "Guatemalans in the military had gotten rich through criminal activities such as narcotics trafficking, kidnapping, automobile theft, dealing in contraband, extortion, and so on.� He referred to this array of illegal enterprise as "the clandestine underbelly of official power" and noted that it depended on the military's "being able to commit crimes with impunity."" ...
One of the named targets of this expanded investigation is the far-right presidential candidate Gen. Otto Pérez Molina, who is one of the two finalists in this fall’s electoral runoff. But Goldman also implies that the military may have cut the Limas off for what, in the postwar era, may have been too crude and too blatantly political a crime."

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ La_Línea_corruption_case #The_"Sindicato"_and_the_ «Cofradia» (accessed: March 14, 2022): "In September 2014, retired captain Byron Lima Oliva, who was already in prison with a 15-year sentence after being formally accused of being the material assassin of bishop Juan José Gerardi, was accused by CICIG of being the one that in fact controlled the Pavoncito prison where he was committed, and practically had control of the whole Guatemalan jail system.[11] Investigations showed that Lima Oliva came and went as he pleased in armored SUVs with a police escort; when he was apprehended outside the prison and taken to the Supreme Court building to testify along with other accused, reportedly he said several times that he was a personal friend of president Otto Pérez Molina."

Aug. 25, 2021, Passblue.com, 'A Highly Respected UN Legacy to Fight Corruption Crumbles in Guatemala': "Cicig was funded by donors known as G13: Britain, Canada, Germany, Italy, Spain, France, Sweden, Switzerland and the US as well as multilateral organizations like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the UN. With an annual budget of $12 million to $15 million, Cicig was promoted as a model to bolster justice systems in Central America. In the US, it received bipartisan support.
That changed during the Trump administration, from 2017 to 2021.
In 2017, a sector of Guatemalan elite financed a successful lobbying campaign to break the US bipartisan support for Cicig. That allowed [the death squad- and CIGIG case-tied] President [Jimmy] Morales to declare the agency’s commissioner, the Colombian jurist Iván Velásquez, persona non grata. Two years later, after Trump forged a deal with Guatemala to limit emigration from Central America, Morales refused to renew Cicig’s mandate. UN Secretary-General António Guterres criticized the decision, but the US didn’t flinch."

July 15, 2008, BBC, 'Gunmen kill Guatemala prosecutor': "Police in Guatemala say gunmen have shot dead a state prosecutor who was investigating the murders of three Salvadorean politicians last year. [Prosecutor] Juan Carlos Martinez...
Last week, a Guatemalan court acquitted 13 alleged gang members of the police officers' murders, saying there was a lack of evidence. Prosecutors had said they would appeal against the court's decision.
Mr Martinez was also examining the murder in April of Victor Rivera, a former security advisor to the interior ministry who was involved in the investigation, Reuters news agency reports."

July 15, 2008, Reuters, 'Gunmen kill prosecutor probing Salvador murder case': "Gunmen shot dead on Monday a Guatemalan state prosecutor who was investigating the murder last year of three Salvadoran deputies from the Central American parliament, police said. Juan Carlos Martinez, part of a government team probing the murders...
Martinez was also investigating the April murder of Victor Rivera, a former security advisor to the interior ministry. Rivera was involved in the investigation of the murdered congressmen, but rights groups say he was also operating police death squads from his government post. Authorities say drug gangs with links to Guatemala and El Salvador were behind the killings, which have shed light on illegal armed groups operating within Guatemala's security forces and possible links between high-level officials and narcotics traffickers. ...
"There is an atmosphere of terror in the justice system, particularly in the most high-profile cases," it said."

Oct. 31, 2012, CICIG.org (Comision Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala), 'MAR�A DEL ROSARIO MELGAR MART�NEZ IS LINKED TO PROCESS IN TWO CASES: RIVERA AND EL INFIERNITO': "Today, Judge Martha Sierra de Stalling, in charge of the Eighth Court of the Criminal Branch, linked María del Rosario Melgar Martinez to trial for the crimes of illicit association and murder within the investigation into the murder of the former adviser to the Ministry of the Interior, Víctor Jose Rivera Azuaje (occurred in 2008)."

1991, Celerino Castillo, 'Powderburns: Cocaine, Contras and the Drug War': "I needed some backup for the meeting. I called Victor Rivera, an advisor to the president of El Salvador. The CIA had hired Rivera as a contract agent and advisor to Duarte, and he and I quickly become good friends. His street skills could help any operation. He was one of a half - dozen Venezuelans training the Salvadoran security police in counterinsurgency techniques. Changing political tides had forced them out of Venezuela, and the Salvadorans generously donated an office in national police headquarters in exchange for their expertise. Sharing grisly techniques had become a thriving cottage industry in El Salvador, and Rivera and his cohorts found cozy positions with both the Salvadoran government and the CIA, who paid Victor a reported $5,000 a month for his work."

February 2000, written statement of Celerino Castillo (DEA agent in South America 1984-1990) for the House Select Committee on Intelligence: "Feb. 05, 1986, I seized $800,000 in cash, 35 kilos of cocaine, and an airplane at Ilopango airport in El Salvador. [It involved a left-wing] Colombian M-19 terrorist.
Note: The above case was initiated by Jack McCavett's asset. The operation was conducted by the CIA "goon squad". The squad members were made up of several former Venezuelans Police Officers working as advisors for McCavett. Leader of this group was Victor Rivera who was involved in several murders for the CIA in El Salvador and Guatemala. This is a FACT that is well documented in DEA files.
Footnote: DEA-6 Case file TG-86-0001, Giatan-Giatan, Leonel.
Example: A Salvadoran Military Major was kidnapped in Guatemala by Rivera and his crew. The Major was then tortured and assassinated by Rivera. This was done with the approval of Jack McCavett [CIA station chief in El Salvador, and also for Guatemala, anno 1986; previously worked in Libya] and CIA agent Manny Brand. I assisted the squad in the capture of the Major in Guatemala City under the pretext that the Major was a fugitive. Who was the plane registered to at Ilopango?"

1996, Cadi Martin, 'El juicio a CAP: inocente o culpable?': "...Luis Posada Carriles, Los Caminos del Guerrero, donde el procesado por el caso de la voladura del avion cubano relata que durante los gobirnos de Luis Herrera Campins y Jaime Lusinchi de mantuvo un contingente political en El Salvador, al mando del comisario Victor Rivera, quien coincidencialmente tuvo una activa participación en las diligencias sumariales del proceso que ahora se ventila en la Corte sobre los 250 millones de bolívares de la partida secreta." [...Luis Posada Carriles, Los Caminos del Guerrero, where the accused in the case of the blowing up of the Cuban plane recounts that during the governments of Luis Herrera Campins and Jaime Lusinchi a political contingent was maintained in El Salvador, under the command of commissioner Victor Rivera, who coincidentally had an active participation in the summary proceedings of the process that is now aired in the Court on the 250 million bolívares of the secret item."]

May 16, 2019, InsightCrime.org, 'Kamilo Rivera and the Ghosts of Guatemala's Death Squads' (very confusingly, Kamilo Rivera was an agent in Victor Rivera's death squad, with his brother Edwin being the second-in-command under Victor): "Between 2004 and 2007, investigators claimed, [*this* Kamilo] Rivera was part of a clandestine operation embedded within Guatemala’s interior ministry. His group was known as the "Riveritas" for their boss, Victor Rivera Azuaje, a former Venezuelan police officer.
CICIG ... -- which serves as an appendage to the Attorney General’s Office -- pointed to the Riveritas' involvement in at least three massacres: the killing of seven prisoners in the Pavon prison in 2006, the deaths of three Salvadoran legislators and their driver on February 20th, 2007, and the jailhouse murder of four police officers accused of killing the legislators six days later. ...
Among those accused was the former interior minister and former boss of the Riveritas, Carlos Vielman, whose friends included some of the most powerful economic and political elites in the country.
However, over the years, most of the cases against the police and their bosses had stalled, been diverted or were archived. In some of the cases, witnesses and accused had been killed, including Rivera Azuaje, who was gunned down as he left his ministry office in March 2008. ...
2. Government-sanctioned Death Squads
The Riveritas first graduated from the police academy as potential rising stars, according to a former public safety official who knew the Victor Rivera Azuaje group well.
"They gained the trust of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and businessmen who did not trust the police leadership in the early 2000s," she told InSight Crime on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution.
Inside the government, these men replaced old military commanders, who were known more for inefficiency and corruption than for fighting the type of organized crime triggered by the end of Guatemala’s civil war. To be sure, in post-war Guatemala, kidnappings were rampant, requiring less brute force and more intelligence gathering, Rivera Azuaje's world.
Before working at the ministry, Rivera Azuaje, who went by various alias such as "Zacarias" and "Frank," had spent time with numerous state intelligence agencies, including the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), according to two former Interior Ministry officials who worked alongside him at the ministry.
Following the civil wars in Guatemala and El Salvador, Rivera Azuaje was contracted by business elites in both countries to help negotiate and resolve kidnapping cases. Even after he started working with the ministry, he continued to moonlight in the kidnap ransom and negotiation business, which would eventually lead to his own downfall.
Relatives of three kidnapping victims -- two Guatemalan and one Salvadoran -- in the late 1990s and mid-2000s described alias "Zacarías" as an efficient investigator who introduced modern police techniques to the two Central American police forces.
One relative, who spoke with InSight Crime on condition of anonymity, said that Rivera Azuaje "succeeded very quickly, because he knew he did not have to obey the law when obtaining what a normal prosecutor would have taken months to get, such as phone records.�
This remained true even after Zacarias was hired by the ministry and formed the Riveritas. The former public safety official said the business sector “latched on� to the Riveritas. “They were effective because they went unpunished, even when performing operations well outside the legal boundaries,� the official said.
According to the official, the government created "a parallel state structure that worked because of its impunity. Following the law was seen as rather unsuccessful. These were times when the Attorney General’s Office did not carry out autopsies and simply trusted what police reports said."
On October 23, 2005, CICIG investigators say then-Interior Minister Carlos Vielman held a meeting. In the hours prior, 19 inmates had escaped from the El Infiernito prison in the city of Escuintla on Guatemala’s Pacific coast. Vielman ordered they be recaptured: "dead or alive." Dubbed "Plan Gavilan," the Riveritas led the operation. The plan was simple: the fugitives would be tracked down and, if possible, executed. [Which happened.] In February 2007, three Salvadoran deputies [of] the Central American Parliament (Parlacen) ... were murdered at a country house outside Guatemala City along the Pan-American Highway. Investigations pointed to four police officials -- not members of Riveritas, but another death squad operating inside the ministry. The theory was that they had murdered the deputies to steal drugs and cash the deputies were carrying from El Salvador.
The policemen were arrested a few days later and - after a famous (and video-taped) interaction with Victor Rivera Azuaje in which one of them clearly threatens to out the head of the Riveritas for his own dirty deeds - sent to El Boqueron prison. Within hours they too were dead, killed mysteriously inside the jail.
Preliminary CICIG reports, which InSight Crime had access to, said that the Riveritas were involved in the killing of the policemen at El Boqueron. Later investigations re-upped on this theory, adding that Vielman and Police Chief Erwin Sperisen were also involved in what became known as the Parlacen case. (Both ex-officials have denied their involvement multiple times.)
Investigators also placed Kamilo Rivera at the El Boqueron massacre and the Parlacen murder cover-up. Worries of top-level involvement spread to other countries as well. In San Salvador, InSight Crime spoke with a former high-ranking official within the government of former President Antonio Saca, who was in power when the deputies were killed. He said numerous Salvadoran officials at the time suspected the Riveritas and their bosses were behind the murders and the coverup.
The United States also expressed suspicions about what happened at El Boqueron. In a confidential cable sent a few hours after the prison's massacre, then-United States ambassador to Guatemala, James Derham, informed the State Department of a possible motive for the crime: "The fear that the alleged murderers -- the policemen -- would talk is broadly perceived as the motive for the intellectual authors of the deputies' murders to silence the murderers," he wrote.
Vielman and Sperisen were eventually tried in another case, but Vielman, who is a Spanish national, fled to Spain before he could be tried in Guatemala. Eventually, the former minister was acquitted. For his part, Sperisen fled to Switzerland, where he was convicted and is serving a 15-year sentence under house arrest.
The prosecutions set the stage for the ongoing battle between the CICIG and the country’s elites and portions of its security forces. Vielman and the Riveritas were among them, and they would not sit idly while they were vilified. After Vielman left the country, the anger subsided somewhat, but it would return when CICIG tried a second time to prosecute him and many others in Guatemala. It was there that Kamilo Rivera would emerge again, this time to keep the international commission at bay.
5. Rivera vs. the CICIG
On the morning of August 14, 2018, agents from the anti-impunity unit (Fiscalía Especializada Contra la Impunidad -- FECI) of the Attorney General’s Office prepared to carry out a series of arrests in a major case that was culminating. The FECI is CICIG’s partner in the Attorney General’s Office, and the case, dubbed “Construction and Corruption,�involved several prominent businessmen and politicians.
Given the sensitivity of the case, FECI Director Juan Francisco Sandoval decided to email the Interior Ministry on August 13 to request police backup for the arrests. At first, the ministry told him the police would support him. But in reality, they stalled. Sandoval was furious but not surprised.
By August 2018, the Interior Ministry had turned against the CICIG, positioning people to thwart its investigations and sting operations on a number of occasions. Among those blocking the CICIG was Kamilo Rivera who had been named deputy in January.
This was not just about Rivera’s past with the death squads, Rivera had a vendetta against the CICIG for more personal reasons. As part of its initial investigation into the Riveritas, the CICIG arrested Edwin Emanuel Rivera Gálvez, the former second-in-command of the Riveritas and Kamilo’s brother. Edwin Emanuel was eventually released on appeal and ultimately hired as the security chief of a private company harvesting African palm.
Now it was time for Rivera’s revenge on the CICIG [and he kept stalling for backup in arrests and leaking confidential information]...
6. 'An Honorable Employee'
For a long time, Kamilo Rivera knew how to avoid being directly linked to the controversy following his brother’s arrest. Silently, and with the support of allies in the private sector and the military, Rivera jumped from job to job within Guatemala’s public security institutions, according to statements given to InSight Crime by former CICIG investigators.
By at least 2014, he was already trying to undermine CICIG investigations. One prosecutor, for instance, said that Rivera tried to boycott the CICIG and FECI between 2014 and 2015, while he was the director of criminal investigations at the Attorney General's Office.
But by late 2018, his activities as part of the Riveritas were catching up to him. On the day he escaped capture, several others were arrested, including Vielman and Velasco. They were all charged for several deaths related to the Gavilán Plan. Vielman was eventually given house arrest while he awaits trial, while the others remain in prison.""

"Carlos Vielman, Guatemala’s former Minister of Interior, has been acquitted. He has stood trial in January and February 2017 in Madrid, where his responsibility in the execution of eight detainees while he was holding office has been determined. His former wingman and Head of the National Police Erwin Serisen was sentenced by a Genevan tribunal to life imprisonment for the same facts. TRIAL International is concerned this acquittal sends a worrying signal to Guatemala’s civil society."

August 2010, Annie Bird for her rightsaction.org (Guatemala), 'Cracks in the wall of impunity and corruption: Arrests of Guatemalan police death squad connect today’s organized crime to 1980s death squads and the CIA': "This week arrest warrants were issued against at least 19 members of an organized crime network that operated at the highest levels of Guatemalan justice administration from 2004 to 2007, though some have been active in organized crime and death squads since the 1980s.
One figure apparently involved in this network worked for President Ronald Reagan aid Lt Col. Oliver North and former CIA agent Luis Posada Carriles. Amongst other political crimes, the network appears to have been involved in the 2007 murders of PARLACEN congressmen.
The investigation by CICIG, the United Nations sponsored Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, has focused on extrajudicial executions within the prison system. Jails in Central America have played a key role in structuring and coordinating organized crime activities. Control of the prisons is critical in the struggle for dominance between organized crime networks.
Two of those wanted for arrest are Carlos Vielmann, named Minister of Governance in July 2004, and Edwin Sperinsen, named Director of the National Civil Police in August 2004. The two resigned together in March 2007 amid accusations of running a death squad and they left Guatemala in 2007. A third, Alejandro Giammettei, was Director of the Penitentiary System, and on Friday, August 6, 2010 sought asylum in the Honduran embassy in Guatemala City.
The 2007 accusations, and this week’s arrests, were related to "social cleansing," extrajudicial executions, within the prison system. Though 'social cleansing' is sometimes looked upon favorably by some sectors of the public given the intolerable levels of violence, the investigations of CICIG demonstrate that this network killed gang members and criminals with the logic of protecting the higher levels of organized crime, protecting perpetrators of kidnappings, extortions, drug trafficking, and other crimes.
Sperinsen and Vielmann worked closely together, and were also implicated in a strategy of criminalizing protests and killing protestors. Incidents for which they are considered responsible include the August 31, 2004 Nueva Linda massacre, the January 11, 2005 murder of Raul Castro Bocel (while protesting the Glamis Gold/Goldcorp Inc mine), the March 14, 2005 murder of Juan Lopez Velazquez during a protest against the Central America Free Trade Agreement CAFTA, among others.
Between August 10 and 12, at least 9 have been arrested while at least 10 arrest warrants are pending execution. Those arrested include former heads of the special police units to fight kidnapping, extortion, and an elite unit within the penitentiary system.
ARRESTED FOR PRISON MASSACRES BUT IMPLICATED IN MANY OTHER CRIMES
All of the arrests were related to two "Operations" undertaken by the network, Operacion Gavilan (Operation Hawk), which tracked three prisoners who had escaped from El Infiernito prison in October 2005 and weeks later extra-judicially executed them, and Operacion Pavo Real (Operation Peacock).
In Operacion Pavo Real, prison authorities supposedly re-took control of El Pavon prison, in the course of which seven prisoners were killed. Though the press reported that prisoners were killed in the confrontation, it was demonstrated they were executed and that the death squad had compiled a list of targets to be executed during the operation.
The operation was highly lauded, press reports claimed that a mafia had controlled the prison for 10 years, and that prison installations served as the headquarters for criminal activities, that kidnap victims were held in the prison, drugs were processed, etc.
Many of those now with arrest warrants participated directly in the operation, including then Minister of Governance, Carlos Vielmann, then Director of Police Edwin Sperisen, Chief and Assistant Chief of special investigations Javier Figueroa and Victor Soto, and Director of the Penitentiary System Alejandro Giamattei.
CICIG investigators have stated that it is expected that the network will be implicated in at least eight more crimes that will come to light over the course of the trial, including among others, drug trafficking and kidnapping.
LINKS TO CENTRAL AMERICAN PARLIAMENTARIAN KILLINGS, EDUARDO D’AUBUISSON
On February 19, 2007 a caravan of six official cars traveled from San Salvador to Guatemala City, escorted by police. Upon arriving in Guatemala City one of the cars, transporting Eduardo D'Aubuisson, Jose Ramon Gonzalez and William Rissiety Pichinte, all from the ARENA party, left the caravan. They were stopped by a police car and taken to a torture center outside of Guatemala City where they were tortured for several hours before their bodies and their car were burned and abandoned on a farm near the border with El Salvador.
The police officers implicated were quickly identified via video surveillance footage and GPS systems in police cars. Warrants for the arrest of nine officers were issued, and four were detained. The El Salvadoran and Guatemalan governments requested the assistance of the FBI, but on February 26, 2007 just hours before a scheduled polygraph tests the four police officers were killed in a maximum security prison.
Crowds of prison visitors reported that an armed contingent freely entered the prison; some claims include witnessing then Police Director Sperinsen with the squad. Approximately twenty minutes later shots were heard, and later gang members rioted. Minister of Governance Carlos Vielmann claimed the four police officers had been killed in a gang uprising, though later confronted with witness reports officials claimed the armed men forced entry into the prison.
Eduardo D’Aubuisson was the son of the infamous Roberto D’Aubuisson, death squad leader and leader of the ultra right wing ARENA party.
On July 26, 2010 Guatemalan district attorneys indicted Manuel de Jesus Castillo, a former Guatemalan congressman, and eight others in the killing of three El Salvadoran PARLACEN congressmen and their driver in Guatemala in 2007. Former El Salvadoran PARLACEN member Roberto Carlos Silva Pereira, thought to be involved in drug trafficking, is pending deportation from the United States to face charges.
Two motives for the killings have been advanced, that Silva sought revenge for his expulsion from ARENA for drug association or that they were rivals in the drug business.
At least two of those sought for arrest demonstrate a clear connection to the PARLACEN killings. In addition to Sperinsen himself, Victor Soto was part of Edwin Sperinsen's elite Anti Kidnapping Command and participated in the September 2006 raid on El Pavon prison. In March 2007 he was fired from his position of Director of the Criminal Investigations as he was the direct superior of the four police officers arrested then killed in El Boqueron.
A truck that reportedly assisted in the transportation of the victims to the torture center and farm where their bodies and car were burned was owned by Gulf cartel kingpin Jorge Arturo Paredes Cordova, also implicated in the 2008 killing of Victor Rivera, a special advisor to Minister of Governance. "El Gordo" Paredes is currently serving a 31 year sentence in the United States, convicted of cocaine trafficking after being arrested in Honduras in May 2008. He reportedly had inherited control of the Gulf cartel following the arrest of Otto Herrera.
VICTOR RIVERA- CIA ASSET WORKED WITH OLIVER NORTH & POSADA CARRILES
Victor Rivera had been a special advisor in the Ministry of Governance on kidnapping investigations since at least 2000. According to former DEA agent Celerino Castillo, Victor Rivera was originally from Venezuela but came to El Salvador as a CIA asset to work with former CIA agent Luis Posada Carriles and Ronald Regan aid Lt. Col. Oliver North in the Ilopango Air Base "drug trafficking, kidnapping and training death squads" in the early 1980's.
Rivera advised 'security structures' in El Salvador in the 1980s and early 1990. After the peace accords he became an advisor to the El Salvadoran Vice Minister of Security Hugo Barrera, with whom Rivera, under the pseudonym Zacarias, helped create the new National Civil Police and the parallel, unofficial Police Analysis Unit that operated out of the office of a business owned by Barrera.
In 1996, Rivera was forced to leave El Salvador when a warrant was issued for his arrest in relation to his role in the police killing of a medical student, Adriano Vilanova, according to some reports as a possible consequence of a romance between Vilanova and Roberto D'Aubuisson daughter. In 1997 Rivera began assisting in kidnapping investigations in Guatemala and since at least 2000 was formally contracted as an advisor to the Guatemalan Ministry of Governance, there again forming a parallel police 'investigation' apparatus.
On April 7, 2008 Victor Rivera was fatally shot while driving, one week after his contract was not renewed in the Ministry of Governance. On July 26, 2010 it was announced that as a result of CICIG investigations, an arrest warrant was issued for his secretary and principal assistant, María del Rosario Melgar for helping coordinate Rivera’s murder.
According to CICIG’s investigations Melgar is also implicated in the Vielmann / Sperinsen network. Rivera was reportedly very close to Vielmann.
There is also speculation that Rivera was involved in the PARLECEN killings; a video has emerged of the four officers in custody speaking with Victor Ramirez [Rivero] in which one reportedly said to him, "Ok, I will go (to prison), but I will take all of you with me." Three days later all four officers were dead.
It is not clear why "El Gordo� Paredes had Rivera killed. According to CICIG’s Director, the two had a long standing relationship, and the murder order could have arisen from “the kidnapping of the son (of Paredes) that ended tragically, in which he could have blamed Rivera and waited years until he could take revenge, or it could be some joint activity that came out badly and as you know with this class of business you pay with your life.�
ONE OF BISHOP GERARDI'S KILLERS DECAPITATED IN PRISON IN 2003, ANOTHER APPARENTLY CONNECTED TO GULF CARTEL
Sperinsen and Vielmann's positions in power began with Oscar Berger's presidency in 2004. Though no one has implicated any connection, and the events predate Vielmann, the decapitation of inmate Obdulio Villanueva on September 12, 2003 in Pavon prison demonstrates a pattern similar to other cases that implicate Vielmann’s network.
Sergeant Obdulio Villanueva, together with Colonel Byron Lima Estrada and Capitan Byron Lima Oliva, father and son, were convicted of the 1998 murder of Bishop Juan Jose Gerardi following the release of the report of a Catholic Church sponsored truth commission he directed.
Obdulio Villanueva’s defense was that he was in prison the night of the murder, though investigators were able to establish that Villanueva left prison at will and indeed had left the night of the murder. Villanueva had been serving a sentence for the killing of a milkman in a confusing incident while he served in the Estado Mayor Presidencial, a presidential guard and intelligence agency.
In March 2010 a notebook taken from Villanueva’s accomplice, Byron Lima Oliva, showed notes with contact information for top members of the Gulf Cartel.
WHO ARE VIELMANN, SPERISEN, GIAMATTEI AND SOTO?
Carlos Vielmann began his government career with high approval as then President Oscar Berger’s special commissioner on corruption. One of his first actions was rescinding over valued contracts to supply food to the prison system, coordinating new low priced contracts, an interesting fact given that food suppliers have notoriously been the suppliers of weapons to the crime networks that control Central American prisons. Vielmann quickly was named Minister of Governance. Vielmann currently lives in Spain.
Erwin Sperisen, reportedly of Swiss ancestry, currently lives in Switzerland. Sperinsen’s father was Guatemala’s representative to the World Trade Organization. After briefly serving as advisor to the Guatemala City mayor, Sperinsen was named director of the National Civil Police in 2004 with no prior experience. He is reported to have placed 30 military officers in high ranking police positions. During his term as Director of Police he was known to engage in ‘social cleansing’ and reportedly discussed these actions in his televised evangelical sermons.
Alejandro Giammattei is wanted for his participation in the Operation Pavo Real while Director of the Penitentiary System. He was the Presidential Candidate in 2007 for the then incumbent GANA party. On Friday, August 6, days before the arrest warrants were made public, he sought asylum in the Honduran Embassy on Friday claiming he had received death threats over the past 45 day as a result of his vocal opposition to the administration of the current President Alvaro Colom.
Yesterday the Honduran ambassador informed the press the asylum request had been denied and Giammattei was expected to leave the embassy by Friday.
Victor Hugo Soto was Director of the SIC, Special Criminal Investigation unit, of the National Civil Police. He began his police career in the police death squad known as the "Archivo" in the 1980s, and went on to serve in a series of elite police units, including anti kidnapping units. While head of SIC, in 2002, he was part of a strange incident in which police and military exchanged fire in a shoot out in Guatemala City during a kidnapping victim’s ransom drop.
A witness claimed Soto pocketed the ransom. In 2004 he was investigated for blocking investigation of corrupt officers. He is accused in participation in the Operacion Pavo Real. He has been closely associated with Victor Rivera. Investigators failed in an attempt to capture Soto during a birthday party for the mayor of Ocos, San Marcos, a township infamous for the high level of drug trafficking.
THE PAST IS CLOSE BEHIND
These stories go on and on; they are not over. Last week's arrest shine a small but important light on the "clandestine structures of power" that operate in Guatemala with next to complete impunity. These arrests are small but important steps in cracking the wall of corruption and impunity. Stay tuned."

July 29, 2010, taiwannews.com.tw, 'UN probe: Guatemala ex-adviser killed by drug lord': "U.N. investigators say a Guatemalan drug lord imprisoned in the United States ordered the 2008 slaying of a former security adviser for Guatemala's Interior Ministry. They say drug lord Jorge "El Gordo" Paredes ordered Venezuelan-born security expert Victor Rivera killed, perhaps because Rivera failed in an attempt to negotiate the release of Paredes' kidnapped child. Rivera was a specialist in kidnapping cases. Chief U.N. investigator Carlos Castresana said Wednesday that Rivera's assistant apparently aided in the killing. Castresana heads a U.N. commission responsible for battling corruption and crime in Guatemala. He leaves office next week after resigning, blaming poor cooperation from Guatemalan prosecutors."

May 30, 2011, insightcrime.org, 'Guatemala Kingpin's Brother Killed': "A brother of Guatemalan kingpin Jorge Mario Paredes Cordoba, alias "El Gordo," was gunned down along with two associates. [His] death follows the killing of a third brother, Arturo Paredes Cordoba, in November 2010. ...
The U.S. State Department accused Jorge Mario of heading a drug trafficking group called the Paredes Organization, which shipped multi-ton quantitites cocaine into Guatemla, and sent much of this on to the U.S."

state.gov/narcotics-rewards-program-target-information-brought-to-justice/jorge-mario-paredes-cordova-captured/ (accessed: March 17, 2022): "Upon arrival in Guatemala, the cocaine was either sold to a third party bulk distributor or shipped directly to the United States by the Paredes Organization. The Paredes Organization had criminal associates in Texas, Colorado, Illinois, New York and Georgia who distributed the cocaine, collected the proceeds from the cocaine sales, and smuggled bulk cash shipments exceeding $1million back to the Paredes Organization in Guatemala."

January 9, 2011, Elfaro.net (online El Salvador newspaper), '"No entiendo por qué El Salvador se queda callado y acepta esta investigación amañada"' ("I don't understand why El Salvador remains silent and accepts this rigged investigation"') (The Costa Rican prosecutor involved in the CIGIG investigation and interviewed here is not menioned by name in the article): "The Costa Rican prosecutor says that the investigation that ended in Manolito's conviction for the murder of the Salvadoran deputies was initiated by "a criminal." She adds that the evidence pointed to a network of officials, but the former head of the Guatemalan anti-mafia commission sold himself to the highest bidder: "I told Castresana that he was highly corrupt."
[Q:]In 2007, people who were linked to the Berger government told El Faro that these extermination groups existed with the complacency of the Guatemalan government itself. And that these were allowed because it was about controlling “cholos�, as gang members are called in Guatemala, and criminals in general. [A:] Ajum. [Q:] And therefore, they had no problem with their existence. The problem is when these groups are linked to crimes of drug dumps, loss of caches and even suspicions of carrying out kidnappings. ...
[A:] [Deputy director of the National Civil Police (PNC)] Javier Figueroa confesses that. And he tells how many times they [the government people] were the ones who planned the kidnappings and used criminals or low-ranking police officers to carry out these activities, then liquidated them. That was a pattern of behavior. ... They did social cleaning. This is admitted by Figueroa, by "El Toyota", by "The Lord of the Rings" (protected witnesses of the CICIG) and others with whom we spoke. They say that Víctor Rivera was the one who decided. They all dressed in black and went in those cars with a basin (pick up), the ones used by the PNC, to zone 3 or zone 5 to gather gang members. They picked them up, killed them and were going to throw them in Chimaltenango, in Lake Amatitlan or in Lake Izabal. ...
Since July 2004 they start with the structure, when they are already consolidated to do their pranks, it is the case of the Loma Linda farm, where there are some peasant leaders who are assassinated. These people have a monthly salary paid by private entrepreneurs and a salary paid by the government. The money was given to Vielmann and he distributed it. Who got most of it? To Rivera, Sperisen, Figueroa, Soto Diéguez and Vielmann, of course. The others were given any cochinadilla. That's how they start. But this is getting out of hand. These no longer decide only to kill, but to steal drugs and kidnap. They get involved in crime. How can I tell them? This is such a gross thing. We all know that there are corrupt people everywhere, but in Guatemala it is another case. One begins to hear witness after witness about that coldness, about how Rivera organized kidnappings, how they hired criminals to carry them out, how they later killed them all in the "rescue" and how they stole the money. Sometimes they saved the victims and sometimes they didn't.
[Q:] He talks about a structure that supposedly also includes [Chief homicide prosecutor Alvaro] Matus Flores, [Victor] Soto Dieguez [head of the Criminal Investigations Division], Figueroa...
[A:] ... Florido (former Attorney General of Guatemala)... Let's see, I explain how they operated so you can understand. We are going to see the manipulation of the evidence from the case of El Infiernito, in Pavón, in Parlacen and in El Boquerón. It is a structure that commits crimes, Vielmann orders them, but they have to have people in the Public Ministry to cover up their misdeeds and cover them up. So, the attorney general, Florido, appoints Matus Flores. This was an assistant in the Prosecutor's Office and it goes up like foam. From one moment to the next, he is promoted to head of crimes against life. Why? Because they are the ones who are going to see the scene with the people from the Dinc. They plant or suppress evidence, clean up the scene, let's say. The group of "Los Riveritas", in addition to participating in events, is also in charge of manipulating the scene. And the MP ensures that this test is fine, that the chain of custody is fulfilled and impunity is sought. If an analysis is made of what the Parlacen case file is and of all these cases, we are going to see this same pattern of conduct: the same prosecutors in all the scenes, Matus Flores always involved there. ...
According to our witnesses, [Edwin] Emmanuel Rivera [second-in-command of the Riveritas] and Victor Rivera are at the La Parga farm when they take the deputies [including Roberto D'Aubuisson]. In other words, those who participate in the event are the ones who do the investigation. ...
[Q:] "Los Riveritas" were in the area?
[A:] Yes, but the official investigation is not going to prove evidence linking them. ... Another point: Herrera drives the vehicle, he takes it to a carwash to clean and then brings it in. ... According to witnesses interviewed by the CICIG, the vehicle is delivered to [Deputy director of the National Civil Police (PNC)] Javier Figueroa who, with the Benitez brothers, takes it to a place in zone 7. And then certain evidence appears, some credit card vouchers and other things.
What other irregular procedures were seen in the Parlacen case?
An important thing: How is it possible that on the 20th I already know that these people are the ones who kill the deputies and their driver? ...
How is this credited?
Simply because Soto Diéguez said in the debate. "They confessed to me that they killed the deputies and their pilot," nothing more. With only that, the court considers it proven that they killed him. No one denies that they are the ones who intercepted the deputies' vehicle, but there is no way to prove that they are the ones who killed them. How is it possible that absolutely nothing is seized from the police office? The people who work there are not interviewed! They don't go to their houses...
No! They lived across the street from the National Civil Police facilities, in zone 1. They rented some rooms across the street and they all lived there. The raids on those rooms were carried out in April 2007 and were carried out by "Los Riveritas". Two months later! And supposedly that's when they find everything. That's when Herrera's agenda appears and Castillo Medrano appears. That's where the bond with him is established. How do I know that Herrera wrote that down? Do you have any graphoscopic expertise to corroborate that?... For me, all this evidence is planted because it is found two months later and there are witnesses who tell me: "Look, that house was totally clean before."
And since the four policemen are dead, they cannot defend themselves.
Of course.
When the four policemen are killed, [chief homicide prosecutor Alvaro]] Matus Flores comes out swearing and perjuring himself that a group of gang members are responsible. In the end, they are released from the charges... After they are acquitted of the El Boqueron case, seven of them are murdered. All except "El Diabolico" [an MS-13 leader who stood up against prison abuse, but also accused of occasionally using his gang for political terror] are murdered in December 2008.
The Parlacen case is beginning to fill me with death: the deputies, their driver, the four policemen, the seven gang members...
...Yes, in addition to advisors, policemen, assistant prosecutors, witnesses...
... Witnesses? Assistant prosecutors?
Yes, they killed a witness who requested the CICIG to protect him, and it was not done. They killed an assistant prosecutor linked to the El Boqueron case, Juan Carlos Martinez. At that time, he was working with us. His case was something very strange. That day he had a meeting to make the appeal in the El Boqueron case, because they had just acquitted the gang members who had allegedly participated in the murder of the police officers in the Parlacen case. He was supposed to speak with [chief homicide prosecutor Alvaro] Matus Flores and with the prosecutor who was handling the case.
What is strange in this murder?
We investigated and it turns out that Martínez, days before his murder, had met with an Arab who had a sale of spare parts in zone 1. Supposedly this man was going to give him information about who killed Rivera.
What information was it?
Nothing is known about what they talked about. We tried to make contact with him, but that was when I disassociated myself from the Victor Rivera case to continue with the Parlacen case. What I can tell you is that Juan Carlos Martínez is totally riddled with bullets, like a sieve. And they also kill the brothers José Luis and Henry Danilo Benítez, who were advisers to Sperisen, in June 2008. They had already had an attack before. And they kill Saúl Hernández, another police adviser, in October 2008.
Are all these homicides related?
According to what these witnesses tell us, the Benítez brothers participate in the El Boqueron murders, along with [Victor] Soto Dieguez [head of the Criminal Investigations Division], who visits the prison at noon on February 25, 2007. Victor Rivera arrives with him. That is documented. We went to inspect the prison and the prison cells. According to our investigation, it was very difficult for gang members to leave the other sector to go where they were. For us, they take the police out of the cells, they kill them where there are some piles and then they take the bodies to the cells. They kill them with long and white weapons.
And these people are the ones who handled the Parlacen case at first?
Yes, together with Víctor Rivera.
Didn't you suspect them when you took on the Rivera Azuaje murder case?
I took on the case about the week he died, in April 2008... We began to hold work meetings, but it wasn't until April 28, 2008 that we were able to see the file. We have a first meeting with the prosecutors, in which Matus Flores arrives, and we go with the head of La Dinc, who was Victor Ruiz. At that time I did not know anything about Matus Flores. I just knew that he was the head of crimes against life. He thought that in the case there was a joint work. First we ask to see the file, I begin to review and we go to the scene of the crime... We do all of this with Juan Carlos Martinez, an assistant prosecutor who was killed on July 14, 2008, in Santa Rosa de Culiapa.
What made you mistrust the process and Matus Flores?
First, it was a fact that María del Rosario Melgar Padilla, who was the partner of Victor Rivera, lied. What was the attitude of Matus Flores? He started out with what he said was an attitude of support for the investigation, but it was a total lie. So much so that they don't give us the whole file. They gave us the least relevant things.
Didn't this harm the CICIG investigation?
No, because we began to investigate very close to the event. So we saw no drawbacks. I began to look for who Víctor Rivera was, where he had his offices, with whom he worked... as if going hand in hand with the Public Ministry (MP), but with our own facts. First there is an obstruction for us to see the evidence. When I start to ask who the "Los Riveritas" team was, they don't tell me. As they try to hide them. Then I ask about the raids on Víctor Rivera's house. And Matus Flores says that a search of the victim's house could not be carried out. That's absurd! The victim always leaves traces, things that can lead us to find out what bothered him, if he had written something in a document, which were the cases he was investigating... All of this is not given to us and the investigation is obstructed.
Why does she say that María del Rosario Melgar Padilla is lying?
From the first moment I say that I want to talk to this woman. She, in her version, said that they left Pollo Campero in zone 15 and turn back towards Guatemala City through the street in zone 10. At the height of the walkway, she hears the shots, and Víctor Rivera tells her falls over sideways. According to what he says, she takes the wheel of the vehicle and parks it. The car was very well accommodated on the street! The explanation doesn't add up to me and I start asking for a reconstruction of the event. On the other hand, according to what was in the file, it is said that she is injured. However, I was not so convinced of that.
Why?
First, when I start to review the file, I realize that her X-rays did not appear. Afterwards, the hospital is reluctant to release this woman's information... Time of death is like 11 at night. She is in the San Juan de Dios hospital, where she is supposed to be operated on, but the next day she is transferred to the Nuestra Señora del Pilar hospital. Our information tells us that the Minister of the Interior [in 2007-2008], Adela de Torrebiarte, [with Carlos] Vielmann and another person transferred her and paid the bill at this hospital. The alleged bullet that was taken from Maria del Rosario was delivered to the MP at the Nuestra Señora del Pilar hospital when she underwent surgery at the previous hospital. There is already something that does not smell good. If they intervene in San Juan de Dios, they will not take the patient and the bullet to the other hospital.
Chain of custody broken?
Yes. I question this to Alfredo Solórzano Flores, the prosecutor assigned to the case, and the auxiliary prosecutors Antonio Castañeda and Marlon Rosales, with whom he managed to have a closeness, an empathy, in the investigation. Solórzano Flores and another prosecutor complain about how the case has been manipulated. They make their lives like little squares in the MP.
It is not clear to me when María del Rosario, Víctor Rivera's assistant, is lying...
... It is that when I asked her if Víctor Rivera had told her if he feared for his life, if he was afraid that they would kill him, she just cried and justified that he was an exceptional man, who fought against impunity, against crap in Guatemala. Her answers seemed very theatrical to me. Then we found a video from in front of Víctor Rivera's house. There we see that on the day of the event, a Salvadoran driver he trusts a lot takes things out of that house. Rivera's daughter tells us that María del Rosario, one of the first things she does after the murder, is to call her and tell her that she has to let people take out the things that he has in his apartment. Why, if she is hurt and is so affected, does she have this type of behavior? My perception: she didn't believe him, she wasn't a woman that moved me. Especially because when she comes to talk to me, she is accompanied by [chief homicide prosecutor Alvaro] Matus Flores, Alfredo Solórzano, the prosecutor in charge of the case, and assistants Antonio Castañeda and Marlon Rosales. Why did Matus Flores have to be there? His control of the investigation was evident. Already, at that moment, she began to feel that there was something ugly. There, she begins to explain to me that they shot her, etc. And she tells me that she was injured, that she couldn't attend the funeral. There was something about her that I don't believe. That is when I say that we have to reconstruct the fact.
This was never done.
No, as soon as I say that, they take her out of Guatemala. I interviewed her around May 6, 2008. When I ask the MP to speak again with María del Rosario to ask new questions, they go around the bush and never show her to me. This was the case until I confront Matus Flores and he tells me that she left the country. “How come she left the country! How is it possible? Who authorized this?� I said. "She is a victim and she made herself for protection," he told me. “Wait a minute�, I said, “how do you know that she is a victim?�...
How far do you go with the case of Víctor Rivera?
Well, my hypothesis, María del Rosario and his team, "Los Riveritas", are the ones who murdered him with the complicity of the entire structure.
[Q:] Now they are blaming a drug trafficker, "El Gordo" Paredes, right?
There is one thing here. When we began to investigate the case and approached "Los Riveritas", [Edwin] Emmanuel Rivera came up with the story that Manolito was the one who had Rivera Azuaje killed. Then they come out with the story that he was Byron Lima, Captain Lima in the Monsignor Girardi murder case. And then they come out with another story. When I start asking them about their mobile, everything they said came to nothing. All the evidence is manipulated.
There were some videos to analyze, too. The type of vehicle, who is moving is one of these trucks that has a basin (pick up), two guys in the back. In them you can never see the face of who is shooting, so much so that we sent them to Spain to analyze them to see if the face could be seen. But what a strange thing, later it turns out that in the video you can see who is shooting. The video of the lifting of the Víctor Rivera scene is completely cut.
On the other hand, his autopsy is totally rigged. He had like an envelope on his abdomen, between the shirt and the t-shirt. This envelope does not appear. Also, when we review the video we see that he is carrying a lot of documents in folders. After several minutes of the video, these folders appear empty. In the end, all the evidence of the case disappears, it is stolen! In addition, I request that a comparison be made of the shell casings at the crime scene with the weapons of "Los Riveritas." It is not done. It is prevented that information be taken from the computers in the office of Rivera Azuaje in the Ministry of the Interior. They do this with the approval of �lvaro Matus Flores.
Manipulated?
Yes, so much so that the doctor who does the autopsy refuses to sign the final report because it was not what he had put. Myriam Ovalle de Monroy, general director of the Guatemalan National Institute of Forensic Sciences, fired him and the doctor filed an injunction to prevent it. In the end, he signs the document so as not to be fired. And so you see cases of constant obstruction. In order to be able to interview the group of “Los Riveritas� I had to 'enjaquetar' (show annoyance). I told him: “I want to talk to all the members of that team�. And I hid them. All this is in files that are being joined in the investigation.
Didn't they question Matus Flores for how the evidence was handled, for this manipulation of which he speaks?
I speak with other prosecutors, who confirm this manipulation, and I do not question Matus Flores. But I put all that in my reports.
Why?
Because I begin to see all the deficiencies of the investigation, the concealment of information, and everything is put in a document called "Log of actions in the case to the detriment of Víctor Rivera." That was like the captain's log.
Why not question Matus Flores about these anomalies?
With Matus Flores I did have confrontations and I did confront him. This was a criminal who wanted to see my face. In October 2008, I told [CIGIG commissioner] Carlos Castresana that a case had to be opened against him. He couldn't continue confronting him because it was putting him on notice that he was being investigated.
That is when Matus Flores is accused, although the MP does not obtain a strong accusation.
Yes, it is a movement that is fatal for all these cases.
Why?
Because these people cannot be accused of an isolated incident. It must have been showing how they operated, how they handled each case. If you evaluate the test in isolation, it gives you a very different result. I didn't understand it at the time, but now it's clear to me. I didn't measure him at that time and I told Carlos Castresana, in October 2009: “This is a criminal, we have to get him out�. Matus Flores had hidden all the evidence from me, he had taken Melgar Barillas, Rivera Azuaje's assistant, out of the country. So, they accuse Matus Flores of obstructing the investigation of Rivera Azuaje... that was a mistake. ... what happened to Matus Flores ended up being a warning to the rest of the structure. And then Castresana backs off with the rest of the investigation.
How?
In the beginning I made many reports and I see that [CIGIG commissioner] Carlos Castresana has a normal attitude, of fighting against what he touches. But after we make contact with [deputy director of the National Civil Police (PNC)] Javier Figueroa, in May-June 2009, he changes. When we make contact with him, I tell Castresana to come with me. He does not want. So, I ask Maurizio Salustro, who had been an Italian anti-mafia judge in Calabria, who had worked in Kosovo investigating war crimes and was the head of investigations at CICIG, to come with me. When we return, Castresana does not call us to inform him about the trip. Like he didn't want to know about it. Salustro begins to knock on his door and say to him: “What is happening? What are we going to do with Figueroa?�
What did you reply?
Nothing. Since he did not say anything, we decided to continue acting on our own and we looked for what to do with him because Guatemalan law did not provide for the figure of effective collaborator. Castresana tells me that Figueroa was like "Dr. Death." I asked him how he knew and if he had proof of it, I told him that as long as we didn't prove it we could use his testimony. It is then that he tells me that it would be a shame for Manolito to go free. I told him: "More shame is that we know that this trial, this process, is crap and that it is an official version to justify to El Salvador and the world what it is not and hide this structure."
Wasn't Castresana interested in speaking publicly about this structure?
No, it seemed that he did not want to. On one occasion when he was not in the country, Maurizio Salustro signed a document requesting that the Parlacen case be transferred to the CICIG. When he arrives he asks us what we did and tells us that we don't know what he has to deal with, that "there are political moments" and that we didn't understand anything. After that, Maurizio resigns. I also submitted my resignation and asked to speak with him. “What's wrong with you?� he asked me. “It happens to me that I think you are a great corrupt person,� I told him. In the CICIG they said about the Parlacen case and that they did not want to act."How is it possible that we have already identified these structures and with a case about to go to oral and public debate at any moment, we are left with our arms crossed?" He told me to give him time, I decide to stay and start collecting evidence - these documents with stamps and receipt signatures - to show that.
Why wait so long to say this?
It is clear that I represent a danger. I have said it: I am a free person and I am not afraid of anything. I dared to open my mouth and I was knocking on many doors in Guatemala to say this. The first ones I looked for were those from El Periodico, in Guatemala, and Prensa Libre. They paid no attention to me. I don't know if they were afraid or what, because I understand that this is dangerous. It's not that I stay put, I start looking for someone to talk to but it seemed that nobody was interested.
Prosecutor Marroquín asked why he didn't file the complaint with the prosecutor, back in Guatemala, instead of speaking to newspapers in Costa Rica. If I started talking in Guatemala, I didn't even get within 100 meters of the plane. Here (Costa Rica) they sent word that they were going to kill me. Well, I accept those consequences but I'm not going to stop, because they don't intimidate me.
Everyone saw the CICIG as the great guarantor of justice in Guatemala. From what he says, we see that the CICIG, within a corrupt system, can be corrupted. Yes... CICIG, as a model for a failed state like Guatemala, had very good intentions. The problem is that behind all this there are many interests. And my impression is that Carlos Castresana was sold to the highest bidder.
And who was the highest bidder?
Yes, let's say, the Guatemalan oligarchy, the people of power. People who want to continue using this model of extrajudicial groups for their convenience. I was such an idiot that I thought I was going to do what the mandate said; I was so naive that I thought I could do something as a prosecutor. I did not go to the CICIG to see things, to turn a blind eye and earn in dollars. I did not go Guatemala to that. I had no idea what I was going to get into in Guatemala.
El Salvador is looking for a CICIG, President Funes has recognized that.
You have to wonder why they want it. First you have to ask yourself if the judicial system, flaws and all, works or not. We are supposed to trust the Public Ministry and the judges, and not bring in foreigners to do the work that corresponds to the democratically established entities.
Is the Guatemalan case different from the Salvadoran or is it the same to need a CICIG?
I understand that El Salvador has a very different situation."

July 2, 2009, Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA.org), 'Guatemalan Democracy: Hanging on By its Fingernails': "Nearly a year after the Zacapa massacre, the commission faced what Director of CICIG Carlos Castresana called a “mockery� of justice in the case of former Attorney General Alvaro Matus. Matus led the investigation into the murder of Victor Rivera, an advisor to the Minister of the Interior, who was fired just two days before he was killed. At the time of his termination, Rivera was investigating the deaths of three Salvadoran legislators who were killed while on a visit to Guatemala. On February 3, 2009, Matus handed himself into authorities after CICIG reported to the press that the case “involved ‘an act of organized crime which has been concealed within the public prosecutor’s office.’� The layers of political corruption beginning with the murder of the Salvadoran legislators to the murder of Rivera to Matus’ alleged cover-up scheme should have resulted in a guilty verdict and a high-profile victory for CICIG and Guatemala’s criminal justice system. Yet, Matus was released from his cell the very day that he had turned himself in after the Public Ministry dropped the charges of conspiracy and perversion of the course of justice that CICIG originally had lodged against him. ...
In a country where an average of 17 murders are committed each day and 98 percent of criminal cases remain unsolved, the May 10, 2009 assassination of prominent Guatemalan lawyer, Rodrigo Rosenberg, could easily have been dismissed along with thousands of other ill-handled and heavily manipulated political murder investigations. Instead, the dramatic elements of a video recording shown at the attorney’s funeral, in which Rosenberg forewarns the viewers of his own death as a result of the alleged plotting of President �lvaro Colom, his wife Sandra Torres, and Colom’s chief of staff Gustavo Alejos, has brought Rosenberg’s murder to the height of national attention.
In light of the recent sharp protests that erupted in the aftermath of the video’s release, the political divides of Guatemala’s economically and culturally conflicted society are even more obvious now than before the garish Rosenberg murder. The government bussed thousands of Colom’s supporters from the country’s rural area to the capital to counter the protests of equally large numbers of urban middle and upper class residents using the event as a wedge to call for Colom’s immediate resignation. While the prevalence of violence and corruption is a common matter of concern among Guatemala’s citizens, effective solutions to these problems are a point of persistent division and predictable ineffectuality. The counter protests in the days following Rosenberg’s funeral mainly stem from denouncements by the political factions, which had become even more manifest during Guatemala’s 2007 presidential election.
Guatemala’s ballot of that year was less a matter of determining the best candidate than the lesser of two evils. Otto Pérez Molina, the founder and candidate of the right wing Partido Patriota (PP), is a graduate of the School of the Americas. From 1992 to 1993 he murderously commanded Guatemala’s infamous army intelligence unit known as G-2, and also served as the head of the Presidential General Staff (EMP) of President Ramiro de León in 1994. Human rights groups have repeatedly implicated the G-2 and the EMP in political assassinations and massacres led by death-squads throughout Guatemala’s 36-year civil war that cost the country some 200,000 victims, particularly during the years of Pérez’s command. Colom, the center-left candidate of Unidad Nacional de la Esperanza (UNE), was investigated in 2004 for illegal transfers of government funds into accounts belonging to his political party. He eventually “found a check� and returned the $65,000, while managing to maintain his freedom at the same time that the authorities had imprisoned Controller General Oscar Dubón Palma. Since this incident, Colom has continued to face allegations of corruption as well as charges of using political influence to evade justice.
The campaigns of both candidates addressed the issues of violence, crime, and corruption that have plagued Guatemala since the signing of the 1996 Peace Accords. These agreements were supposed to end the longest civil war in Latin American history, but instead left the country with a fragile system of quasi-democracy, if that. Colom’s campaign, symbolized by a dove, promised increased spending on social programs, improvements in the country’s violence-prone security forces, and a review of the status of Guatemala’s notorious judiciary. Pérez’s campaign, under the slogan “mano dura, cabeza y corazón,� (tough hand, head, and heart) predictably called for increasing the involvement of the military in domestic politics, reinstating the death penalty, and using the tough "mano dura" policy of the civil war era to solve Guatemala’s manifold security problems.
During his campaign, Pérez established a sizeable base in Guatemala City, where rates of drug violence are so elevated that citizens prefer the risks of a “mano dura� approach to any alleged benefits introduced by the Colom administration. In contrast, most of Colom’s support during the election campaign came from poor, rural and indigenous voters and his plans to enact a tax increase pushed the country’s wealthy and business elite—who adamantly do not want to “hand their money over to a corrupt state�—even closer to the opposition. While the support of the rural poor was necessary for Colom’s victory, elements coming from low social and economic status that have been continuously marginalized, have had little influence beyond, episodically, the ballot box in a government that is easily and frequently bought over by the highest bidder. Rifts between the elite and the marginalized have provided a fertile habitat for the Rosenberg assassination and a long line of political killings to destabilize many of the country’s all-but failed political institutions.
The pervasive divisions in Guatemala’s civil society make underhanded maneuvering by the opposition an inevitable fact of life. Colom defeated Pérez by a 5.5 percent margin in the second round run-off election, in which only 48.2 percent of the voters participated in comparison to 60.5 percent in the first round. Analysts have suggested that apart from being a case of voter fatigue, the low turnout was a result of the negative and often violent campaign tactics that have characterized this election cycle. More than 50 political activists and candidates from all parties were killed during the campaign, in which some voters claimed that the violence surrounding the election was sufficient to either scare them from casting their votes or to encourage them to withhold their votes in protest. If the violence emanating from both sides during the election was enough to deter such voters from participating, then perhaps it is sufficient evidence of the dangerously antagonistic atmosphere in which the administration and the opposition have existed. This might be enough to render a destabilization plot crafted by the opposition sufficiently plausible to begin explaining the Rosenberg assassination.
Of further significance are the backgrounds of radio and T.V. journalist Mario David García and former Guatemalan liaison to El Salvador’s rightwing extremist ARENA party, Luis Mendizábal. As the presidential candidate for the ultra-right Nationalist Authentic Central party (CAN), García lost the 1985 election to Vinicio Cerezo, Guatemala’s first civilian president since 1970. Cerezo proposed tax and minimum wage increases, much like Colom has done. García’s controversial television program “Here is the World,� was shut down after he was charged with being involved in an attempted coup on May 11, 1988. Twenty-one years later, Luis Mendizábal and Mario David García, reportedly close friends of Rosenberg, distributed video copies of Rosenberg’s accusations, which they had helped him record a week before his death.
In addition to its response to the Rosenberg case, the Colom administration has labeled this year’s surge in the murders of bus drivers as related to the destabilization plot spearheaded by the opposition. At first, such claims might seem far fetched and intended to perpetuate the twisted moves of Guatemala’s corrupt politicians and their rightist supporters, but with suspicious figures like García, Mendizabal, Perez, and even Colom purportedly involved in the affair, Guatemala’s history of corruption and violence is too appalling for anything, no matter how garish, to be simply dismissed.
Despite the potential pressure on the Colom administration to flirt with the idea of joining Pérez’s iron-fisted campaign, many observers expected that as the country’s first genuinely left-leaning president since the 1954 CIA-backed coup of Jacobo Arbenz, Colom might want to take advantage of the public support associated with his 2007 campaign. In his 2007 essay, “Incoming Government: ‘Trojan Horse’ or ‘The Old Man and the Sea?’,� political analyst Matthew Creelman suggests that the Guatemalan political process, in focusing mainly on market control and prevention of political crises within areas directly under government influence, has led only to a superficial tranquility in previous administrations. ...
CICIG did not begin work until September 2007 due to a slow-moving and fractious Guatemalan Congress. ... CICIG’s intentions and the parameters of its mandate are in the right place. As of September 2008, the commission had 109 staff members representing 24 countries, including Guatemala, and a $13.8 million budget from the contributions of thirteen donors. Yet, 41 of the 109 CICIG staff members were security officers and the commission had used 44% of its budget by September 2008 in order to establish its “operating structure.�"

July 28, 2010, Lahora.gt, 'They point to "El Gordo" Paredes as the intellectual author of the murder of Voctor Rivera' (translated from Spanish): "For two years, according to [outgoing CICIG head] Castresana, evidence was collected for the murder of former private security adviser Victor Rivera, who was killed on April 7, 2008, accompanied by his personal secretary, Maria Rosario Melgar Martínez. The incident occurred on Vista Hermosa Boulevard, zone 15, at night.
According to the hypothesis, there were at least fifteen shots, which caused the death of Rivera, and minor injuries to his assistant.
Jorge Mario "El Gordo" Paredes Cordova, linked to the Zacapa cartel and who is in prison in the United States after being extradited, is the one who would have ordered the execution and is considered the mastermind. ...
According to the CICIG hypothesis, Paredes would have ordered the murder of Rivera as revenge for the death of his son, in which Rivera was involved; It is not clear if Rivera had criminal links with "El Gordo", but it is suggested that there would be links.
Jorge Alberto Soto Zepeda, Paredes' right-hand man, would have been the one who coordinated the attack, which was materially carried out by Aurelio Ruiz and Werner Gómez Sandoval, both assassins. Soto and Gómez are missing, possibly dead.
Aurelio Ruiz, one of those accused of material authorship, is already captured, as are others who are linked to the network of assassins, in addition to those who would have helped to register the weapons under fictitious names.
Maria Rosario Melgar Martinez, Rivera's personal assistant, would have provided the information for the murder to be committed, and would have received a $100,000 reward. Melgar Martínez was taken out of the country under the Protected Witnesses program of the Public Ministry, but following her trail, she disappeared, without the Prosecutor's Office knowing where.
There is scientific evidence of ballistics, so it has been possible to locate the weapons used, despite the fact that they were registered under scientific names. Wiretaps were also used, as well as testimonies from protected witnesses and anticipated testimonies.
Alvaro Matus, the prosecutor for Crimes Against Life, at the time of the murder of Víctor Rivera, is accused of having obstructed justice by not having ordered raids to investigate the case, having destroyed evidence and having taken Melgar Martínez out of the country. without taking prior testimony, it would be linked to a parallel case."

Nov. 18, 2010, voiceselsalvador.wordpress.com, '$5 Million Dollars and 20 Kilos of Cocaine': "Tuesday we posted an article about a report by investigators from the UN-sponsored International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) ...
In February 2007, the Salvadoran diputados, who included William Pichinte, Eduardo d´Aubuisson, and Ramón González, and their driver Gerardo Ramírez were diverted from a highway outside of Guatemala City to the isolated La Parga farm. ...
The CICIG investigation determined that the motive for the assassinations of the three diputados was robbery. William Pichinte, an ARENA diputado, was carrying $5 million dollars and 20 kilos of cocaine in a secret compartment of his vehicle. The parallel ‘security’ structure in Guatemala had identified the delegation, diverted them to La Parga farm, stripped the vehicle until they found the money and cocaine, and then assassinated the diputados and their driver.
The four Guatemalan police officers were not the only ones involved in the robbery/murder to be killed. The Venezuelan Victor Rivera, aka “Zacarias,� was one of the principles responsible for organizing the robbery. He arrived at La Parga farm, supposedly to confirm the orders to kill the diputados, and he also intervened during the arrests of the four police officers."

March 13, 2011, NBC News, 'Mexican drug cartels move into Central America': "El Gordo," who ran an arm of the Gulf Cartel in Guatemala... There have long been connections between five to six families here and the Gulf cartel and Sinaloa cartel," said U.S. Ambassador to Guatemala Stephen McFarland. "Most groups had dealings here with one or the other or both ... generally the drug-trafficking organizations more or less left each other alone."

research.ridgway.pitt.edu/wp-content/uploads/2012/ 05/ParedesPROFILEFINAL.pdf: "The Paredes group trafficked drugs for the Gulf cartel and Los Zetas as well as for the Sinaloa cartel, the Lorenzana family, and the Mendozas family."

January 9, 2014, es.insightcrime.org, 'Belize Arrest Shows Guatemala's Once-Powerful Drug Clan Is Still Alive' (translated from Spanish): "The Paredes organization was one of the most powerful of Guatemala's so-called transport clans - groups hired to move drug shipments. According to the US State Department, the group used connections in Colombia, Panama, Nicaragua, Mexico and El Salvador to move multi-ton shipments of cocaine into Guatemala. Once in the country, it was either sold in bulk to third-party distributors or taken to the United States and distributed to contacts there.
Paredes, his brothers Ever Omar and Arturo, and his right-hand man Otoniel Turcios Marroquín, alias "El Loco", are believed to have worked closely with Mexico's Zetas [defunct link]. However, according to some accounts, after Paredes' arrest and the murder of his two brothers, the Zetas turned against Turcios, forcing him to leave his territory."

CARLOS VIELMAN:

Sep. 5, 2015, cmiguate.org, 'El candidato y su relación con militares' ('The candidate and his relationship with the military'): "Jimmy Morales ... came to the FCN in 2012 at the invitation of retired Lieutenant Colonel Edgar Justino Ovalle Maldonado...
Ovalle Maldonado is mentioned in the investigation published by elPeriódico on August 6, 2012 with the title "The bones located in Cobán are from a cemetery", which highlighted that... "others affirm that it were common graves with bodies showing signs of torture. ... Maldonado, who served as Operations Officer (S3) at the Cobán military base for 3 months in 1983. Ovalle, a lawyer and current deputy secretary of the Frente de Convergencia Nacional [National Convergence Front - FCN], spoke by phone, arguing that it was too sensitive a subject to grant a personal interview. ...
[We] tried [and failed] to interview General Luis Felipe Miranda Trejo and Colonel César Augusto Cabrera Mejía, who, according to declassified documents compiled by the National Security Archive (NSA), headed the Intelligence Section (S2) of the Cobán detachment between 1982 and 1983."
As we point out later, in the case of Cabrera Mejía, he would be very close to Jimmy Morales. Regarding Miranda Trejo, as we mentioned later, he is one of the founders of the FCN. ...
It was registered and recognized as a political party by the TSE on March 8, 2008 and no longer with the name of FNC but with that of FCN. On that date it also held its first General Assembly in which the positions of the National Executive Committee (CEN) were elected. ...
[In 2015] retired generals José Luis Quilo Ayuso and Luis Felipe Miranda Trejo acted as Assistant Secretary Generals I and II, respectively, whom declassified files from the United States point to as having serious human rights violations and being linked to the "Red Moreno".
Eduardo Suger Cofiño and Gustavo Adolfo Anzueto Vielman also stood out among the founders as members of the Political Council. ... In the case of Anzueto Vielman (now deceased), he was a 52-year-old architect who served as Minister of Public Works during the military government of Colonel Carlos Manuel Arana Osorio (1970-1974). A staunch anti-communist and conservative whom he is linked to the founding of death squads such as "La Mano Blanca". In the 1982 elections he was the presidential candidate of the Authentic Nationalist Central (CAN), the party founded by Arana Osorio as Central Aranista Organizada (CAO), and at that time advocated a total war against the guerrillas, while at the same time a total liberalization of the Guatemalan economy, the stimulation of production and the creation of jobs. Precisely, at that time he is credited with the formation of the air reserve made up of civil aviators, who, at their expense and by express will, piloted their planes to bomb unarmed communities that "supported the guerrillas." He was the uncle of Carlos Vielman Montes, former member of the CACIF Crisis Committee in 1993 and former Minister of the Interior during the government of Óscar Berger (2004-2008), and today awaiting trial and conviction in Spain for the case of the extrajudicial executions of inmates in the "Caso Pavon".

wikiguate.com.gt/julio-vielman-pineda/ (accessed: March 18, 2022): "Julio Vielman Pineda (Guatemala, October 18, 1927 - April 6, 2015) was a banker, periodist, historian and Guatemalan writer (Villalobos, 2015). Vielman graduated in Economics and History from Harvard University, Massachusetts, United States, in 1949. He was a periodical in various media of communication such as Imparcial and Prensa Libre [Free Press]. One of the founders of elPeriódico and correspondent of The New York Times (Villalobos, 2015).
He worked for more than four decades in Guatemalan banking, was general manager of several banks in the system, among which was Banco Agricola Mercantil, Financiera Industrial y Agropecuaria -FIASA- and Banco Internacional. He was President of the Banking Association of Guatemala and of the Finance Chamber. He was also director of Banco CSI (Villalobos, 2015).
Vielman published in 2013 the book 'Los enigmas de la Independencia 1808-1823' (Villalobos, 2015). ... "

September 8, 1958, New York Times, 'Guatemala Writer Cancels U.S. Visit': "Julio Vielman, a reporter for El Imparcial, has notified the American Press Institute in New York that he cannot, attend the Latin American press seminar starting today at Columbia University."

April 14, 2015, PrensaLibre.com, 'Acucioso periodista y banquero' ('Diligent journalist and banker'): "His eternal love, however, was journalism. He practiced this profession for almost a decade in the most important Guatemalan newsrooms - in the now defunct Nuestro Diario and El Imparcial, as well as in Prensa Libre. He was also one of the founders of elPeriodico and for some time a correspondent for The New York Times. ...
Once he published a report pointing out the errors of the regime of General Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes [anti-communist president Guatemala 1958-1963 who was a favorite of the CIA, but was toppled by even more right-wing leaders]. This, annoyed, summoned him to his office to recriminate him. After a strong exchange of words, the ruler gave him a punch followed by a kick. Vielman Pineda limited himself to turning around and leaving that place."

Aug. 13, 1958, New York Times, 'Reporter Accuses Guatemalan Chief': "Julio Vielman, reporter for Prensa Libre, charged today that President Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes had struck a glancing blow at him and kicked him this morning."

1958, Hispanic American Report, p. 426: "The APG complained again when Prensa Libre reporter Julio Vielman, who is also a stringer for the New York Times , was slapped and kicked by President Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes for a report he had published in Prensa Libre . The President said that he objected, not to attacks against himself, but to Vielam's "attack against the nation" in which he wrote "Guatemala is bankrupt."[which was true] ... Financial experts from the International Monetary Fund , called in by the government to advise on monetary policy, pointed out that an increase of imports over exports had resulted in a $ 25 million trade deficit and that a serious reduction in gold was threatening the long-standing stability of the quetzal. Mexican federal authorities in Tampico were alerted to a rumored landing of a large shipment of arms intended for the overthrow of the rightist government of Guatemala . Informed sources in Tampico said Communist elements allegedly associated with the regime of former President Jacobo Arbenz were preparing to move against the Guatemalan Government from Mexico ."

August 21, 2013, plazapublica.com.gt, 'Los militares y la élite, la alianza que ganó la guerra' (The military and the elite, the alliance that won the war'): "A decade later, when the genocide trial against Ríos Montt and Mauricio Rodríguez Sánchez began on March 19, 2013, the elite did not seem to give it much importance. The riosmonttistas and the sons of soldiers insistently requested the support of the Coordinating Committee of Agricultural, Commercial, Industrial and Financial Associations (CACIF). ...
Later, Zury Ríos, the clever politician and daughter of Ríos Montt, achieved what was impossible a decade before: an audience with the private sector to incite them and worry them that after her father, the Prosecutor's Office and the victims' organizations they would prosecute them and demand agrarian reform. ... The elite, however, was finally convinced when their own warned them. Entrepreneurs who saw in the trial a turning point in the country's history, since it represented a case in which the private sector was excluded from decisions. To political scientists advising CACIF, who made two analyzes during the trial warning them that if Ríos Montt was convicted, the investigations would follow the chain of command and the Council of State of 1982 and 1983, of which six large businessmen were part, could be prosecuted. ...
Corporate power over the military - as was the case with virtually all governments between 1954 and 1985 was significant. So much so that they had, even in the worst times of repression, the right to free expression, not to have to do military service, to be able to have armed groups to defend themselves against the guerrillas and to publicly oppose government decisions. An example was on November 18, 1982, when, in a paid field in Prensa Libre, the Chamber of Industry complains to the Government for decisions that were "inconvenient", "incongruous" and "worrying" for the national economy. The criticisms published in the media of the time, by the way, never refer to counterinsurgency or violence against civilians, but instead focus on Ríos Montt's style of governing, which was reflected in his speeches on morality against labor exploitation or his rudeness to Pope John Paul II.
“We have to remember that the private sector suffered direct attacks from the guerrillas. Since they burned our crops, kidnapped and murdered us, like the cases of Luis Canella or Alberto Habbie. Some might consider that we had the freedom to participate or not participate (in military service), but on the other hand we were involved in the conflict and we had to be defending ourselves from guerrilla attacks. In a situation like that, you couldn't have everything,� contextualizes businessman Marco García Noriega, who began training in the leadership of Cacif 33 years ago. ...
In his first week in power, Rios Montt [president of Guatemala 1982-1983, backed by the ASC and CNP network in the U.S.] sent emissaries to knock on CACIF's door asking for political support. And he got it. A third of his cabinet was made up of businessmen. Julio Matheu Duchez left the presidency of the Chamber of Commerce and the vice presidency of the oil company Basic Resources, now Perenco, to become Minister of Economy; Otto Martínez Recinos, the Chamber of Agriculture to be Minister of Agriculture; and Adolfo Castañeda Felice, president of the College of Physicians and brother of agricultural business leader Rodolfo Castañeda, became Minister of Health.
The business sector appointed six other elite businessmen to the Council of State. The Chamber of Industry appointed Ramiro Castillo Love, from Cervecería Centroamericana and Víctor David Benchoam Perera, from Banco Industrial; the Chamber of Commerce appointed Juan Carlos Simmons, former director of the Francisco Marroquín University (UFM), former manager of Fabrigas and militant of the National Liberation Movement (MLN, of the extreme right); and to Roberto Carroll Ríos Sharp, honorary consul of Ireland; and the Association of Banks, to Julio Vielman Pineda, representative of the banks before the Bank of Guatemala on several occasions, and to Rafael Viejo Rodríguez, one of the main sugar producers, according to reports from El Observador. The Council of State was a corporatist entity, which advised and legitimized the government in its decisions. One of its stellar products was the law that would later create the Supreme Electoral Tribunal and the Nominating Commissions, to elect magistrates and the attorney general. For Harris Whitbeck "the relationship was good because the businessmen were grateful because they understood that [ultraright CIA death squad president] Efrain (Rios Montt) was trying to pacify the country. In the Council of State, in which there were 30 regulars and 30 alternates, there were businessmen such as Ricardo Asturias, Ernesto Viteri, Ramiro Castillo Love, or Julio Vielman Pineda. There were also 20 indigenous people and even a guerrilla commander from Todos Santos who had sneaked in, because they were leaders chosen by the communities. Look, if Efrain (Ríos Montt) had wanted to kill everyone, he would not have summoned them to the Council of State. ...
"The United States embargo during Carter (since 1978 [over its human rights record, which was lifted in 1983]) was causing a crisis because all the aircraft were American and we did not have spare parts. Colonel René Morales and civilian [commander] Gustavo Anzueto Vielman [son of Gen. Roderic Anzueto Valencia, who died in 1966; and Cristina Vielman Escobar; part of the political party of the murderous General Carlos Arana Osorio] invited civilian pilots to join the war effort. At certain times they even participated in combat actions, in attacks on subversive camps or bombing the camps." ...
Government Agreements 153-82 and 154-82, of July 20, 1982, which are part of the General Order of the Army for Officers 19-82 , give an account of this military recognition signed by the then President of the Republic and Commander General of the Army, José Efraín Ríos Montt. Among those recognized are some members of the Guatemalan elite. The Reserve Lieutenants in the Aviation Arm lead: Gustavo Anzueto Vielman ... Anzueto Vielman, whose health condition did not allow him to give an interview for this report, was one of the leaders of the extreme right during the eighties. He was a presidential candidate for the National Aranista Central (CAN), with which he carried out the first libertarian proposal designed by Manuel Ayau and the leaders of the Francisco Marroquín University, according to Juan Carlos Simmons, from the second 2.30 of the video whose link appears at the end of the report. [Shows photocopy of the recognitions]...
In the list of 103 members of the Reserve Air Force there were businessmen and pilots of the businessmen, who were conferred the title of Reserve Second Lieutenant in the Aviation Arm. Among the businessmen, coffee grower Max Quirin Schoder stands out, who has been CACIF's representative before the Monetary Board of the Bank of Guatemala for several periods and is now its representative before the Guatemalan Institute of Social Security; Quirin declined to respond for this interview."

Sep. 21, 2016, Insightcrime.org, 'Guatemala Elites and Organized Crime: The CICIG': "By the early 1990s, the parallel state had a name: Illegal Clandestine Security Apparatuses (Cuerpos Ilegales y Aparatos Clandestinos de Seguridad - CIACS). The CIACS were not a single unit or organization, but loosely defined groups who had worked with each other during the war, mostly in the intelligence branches of the military....
The face of the CIACS was Gen. Francisco Ortega Menaldo. The general is a near-perfect example of a member of the bureaucratic elite. In the early 1970s, he worked with the EMP. Later, he worked in the Finance Ministry. He married the daughter of an ex-president [1970-1974: General Carlos Arana, a top CIA_backed death squad and secret police leader since the 1960s], himself a former military officer. In the mid-1980s, he became head of the [murderous] G-2 military intelligence division. And in the early 1990s, during the presidency of Jorge Serrano Elias [1991-1993], Ortega Menaldo ran the EMP, where he became what the country’s leading magazine called "the government’s shadow." [10] ...
Ortega Menaldo was also a criminal who ran the most powerful of the CIACS -- the Cofradia -- according to Guatemalan and US investigators who spoke to InSight Crime. In the early 1990s, Ortega Menaldo and his military cohorts skimmed millions of dollars from customs proceeds.[12] The scam took on the name Moreno for its principal operator, Alfredo Moreno, a former military intelligence officer who had worked under Ortega Menaldo when he was head of the G-2 intelligence division. The Moreno case involved falsifying bills of lading and the theft of merchandise, among other schemes. It reached the highest levels of the security sector, including the chief of police and numerous military officials, who received regular envelopes with cash from the customs office ...
Where the FRG party filled positions with ex-military officials, [2004-2008 Guatemalan president Oscar] Berger filled them with businessmen. Among his most important appointments was naming Carlos Vielman as interior minister. Vielman is the son of a military colonel, from well-heeled, traditional elite stock. These traditional elites saw themselves as a modern, inclusive group that could reestablish order following the FRG debacle. What that meant in practice is still up for debate, and the question lies at the heart of this case study. Vielman, for instance, coordinated security matters closely with scions of wealthy families who sometimes employed foreign mercenaries to do their dirty work. Among those mercenaries was Victor Rivera Azuaje, a Venezuelan who would eventually play a key role in some of the Interior Ministry’s most infamous extrajudicial activities.
Stein and Vielman had known each other for years, and when Berger named Vielman to his cabinet, the vice president became a key ally in the establishment of what would eventually become the CICIG. ... The proposal had its opponents. The FRG and many other parties were wary of the commission’s mandate, which gave its objective as the CIACS. They felt, rightly so, that they were main targets. Members of CACIF were also fearful of the commission. ... Nonetheless, most likened it to MINUGUA, an experiment that proved relatively harmless in their eyes. Stein told InSight Crime that few in the elites really understood the implications of the commission. ... They thought the CICIG, in other words, could help them return to a time when the traditional economic elites ran the country and used the military as their guardians. ... For elites like Vielman and his cohorts in the CACIF business association, the most important aspect was that the CIACS remained the stated objective of the commission. While the definition was broad, the bureaucratic and emerging elites were clearly the CICIG’s stated targets. ... Not surprisingly, Ríos Montt’s party, the FRG, which still held the reins of Congress, led efforts against the proposal. The effort to establish CICIG gained some momentum in February 2007, following the Parlacen murders and subsequent killings of the chief suspects.
On August 1, 2007, the day of the vote, pressure continued. Police told the president of Congress that there was a bomb threat and that he should evacuate the building.36 The president decided to hold the vote anyway, so Ríos Montt’s FRG party and other opponents stormed out of the session. European, UN and US diplomats also openly lobbied for the accord. The US even threatened to suspend some economic cooperation with Guatemala should Congress reject the agreement.37 (CICIG brinksmanship and US pressure would become an enduring pattern for the commission.) And with 110 votes in its favor, only just above the minimum it needed, the CICIG was finally born."

2003 Ph.D. thesis at the University of Essex, Roman Krznaric, 'The Worldview of the Oligarchy in Guatemalan Politics': "Taking a narrative approach to a Latin American oligarchy is quite unfashionable. Latin American testimonial literature ... generally ignores elites. We have heard the voice of Rigoberta Menchu, but who is familiar with the life of Guatemalan industrialist Carlos Vielman Montes?...

"What do you think of these people in CACIF, for example Peter Lamport and ... ?"
"Look, Peter belongs, along with Victor Suarez, Carlos Vielman, who is my cousin – no, he *was* my cousin but I no longer recognise him as a cousin [laughs] - Juan Luis Bosch [G8], Edgar Heinemann, there’s a group that formed an entity within CACIF called Pyramid. This is the financial force of CACIF and it’s the group that defends CACIF’s privileges. As an example of this, within Pyramid are the sugar growers."
(Gustavo Anzueto Vielman, interview 31/5/00)
Many businessmen consider that CACIF and othe r business associations are controlled by small groups that use the organisations to maintain their particular privileges. This is obvious from Gustavo Anzueto’s testimony, in addition to that above from Luis Reyes and Humberto Pret...

"Who are the most powerful businessmen in Guatemala?"
"Novella, Gutierrez...Paiz, Ibarguen, the sugar growers, Herrerra [family; Roberto Herrera Ibarguen (1921-2015): Carlos Arana (1970-1974)'s foreign minister (anno 1972) and interior minister (anno 1973), and considerd a major death squad founder of that time] is very powerful, I’d say [long pause] I'd say probably 30 families are very powerful, very very powerful here." Something I don’t understand is how these families influence the business organisations [...] "Well, Mario Montano is President of the Chamber of Industry – he's a Novella, from the cement company. There’s a Castillo in the Chamber of Finance, a Torrebiarte [clan member: Juan Miguel Torrebiarte Lantzendorffer] in both the Chambers of Industry and Finance. [...] The sugar growers, they are eight families. The eight sit down and they all reach agreement. I would say that at the moment CACIF can function at the rhythm that the Sugar Growers' Association wants." (Humberto Preti Jarquin, interview 26/6/00) ...

"Guatemala has an elite who socialise with each other, who have beach houses, who live in gated communities. But it’s quite restricted, quite small. The rest is a group of businessmen that is fairly disperse, in the sense of poorly structured and poorly organised. Really, CACIF doesn't represent many businesses at all [...] It’s a pretty closed group, a group to which I have access because I'm friends with a few of them and we get on well. But it’s a group that I’ve never really liked as I’ve never wanted my children to grow up in that environment [...] I don’t want my kids to grow up in a superficial culture."" (Luis Reyes Mayen, b. 1951, interview 4/4/2)
"Carlos Vielman is my friend even though I'm not from the elite... Furthermore, Carlos Vielman fought to incorporate me into the elite - 'let’s have dinner together, and bring along your wife and kids...’ [...] Eh, he fought to bring me in socially, and I never did it." (Luis Reyes Mayen [president Guatemalan Institute of Social Security (IGSS) 2003-2013, fired when a video of him surfaced in which he offered promotion in exchange for sexual services], b. 1951, interview 9/6/00)"

Sep. 21, 2016, Insightcrime.org, 'Guatemala Elites and Organized Crime: The CICIG': "The G8 was kind of an elite within the traditional economic elite. It included Juan Luis Bosch and Dionisio Gutiérrez Mayorga of the Gutiérrez-Bosch chicken empire; Juan Miguel Torrebiarte of the Banco Industrial; Rodrigo Tejada of the Castillo family’s beer conglomerate; and Fraterno Vila of one of the top sugar-producing families. It exerted incredible influence on political and economic policy. The G8 had direct access to the president, and, according to Colom’s former finance minister, [59] bullied him when he tried to modernize the antiquated and grossly unfair tax system that had favored the G8 and their cohorts in the CACIF for decades. [60]"

EDWIN SPERISEN AND HIS FATHER, LONG-TIME VICE ECONOMICS MINISTER AND WTO AMBASSADOR EDUARDO

Sep. 12, 2012, Swissinfo.ch, 'Sperisen, de represor temido a detenido común' ('Sperisen, from feared repressor to common detainee'): ""El Vikingo", as Sperisen was known in Guatemala, is accused by the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CIIG) and by local justice of having been one of the heads of the death squads that operated in the Central American country between July 2004 and March 2007. ...
They were all officials of the State Security services or similar forces and would have carried out extrajudicial executions of prisoners. The group was headed by Carlos Vielman; the former presidential candidate Alejandro Giammattei - at the time chief of prisons - and Erwin Sperisen, head of the police and now detained in Geneva.
The son of a notable Guatemalan -Eduardo Sperisen [Eduardo Sperisen Yurt], his country's ambassador to the World Trade Organization-, "The Viking" lived in Geneva since 2007, where he had fled from Guatemala taking advantage of his status as a dual citizen. He was politically active, publicly, in the Swiss Evangelical Party.
Among the facts imputed to Sperisen and his group is the massacre of a dozen peasants in the Nueva Linda community in August 2004, a month after his nomination for police headquarters."

1992, eight report, U.S. International Trade Commission, 'Annual Report on the Impact of the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act on U.S. Industries and Consumers', chapter 1, p. 10: "Central America: In testimony before the U.S. House of Representatives, the Vice Minister of Economy of Guatemala, representing Governments of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama, stated that CBERA has "helped nurture an independent business class with close ties to the United States."[63] He added that, while nearly 70 cents of every export dollar earned by CBERA producers is returened to the United States in the form of purchases of U.S. goods and services... [63] Text of testimony prepared for delivery by Eduardo Sperisen, Vice Minister of the Economy of Guatemala, on behalf of the economic Vice Ministers of Central America and Panama before the Subcommittee on Trade and Oversight of the House Ways and Means Committee on the Caribbean Basin Free-Trade Agreements Act of 1993, June 24, 1993."

Jan. 19, 1996, U.S. Congress, 'Report on Trade Mission to Costa Rica, Chile, and Argentina, Volume 4', p. 12: "Members of the delegation: ... Philip M. Crane, Chairman... August 5, 1996: ... Eduardo Sperisen, Executive Director of the Chamber of Industries."

May-June 1996, Latin Trade, p. 10, 'Good News for Business': "Guatemala's trade is expected to increase as a result of the new administration led by President Alvaro Arzu [whose administration did away with the death squads], local and foreign business leaders say. "They've got a good team, with a good economic plan," says Chuck Chambers, executive director of the American Chamber of Commerce in Guatemala.
New deputy economy minister for foreign commerce is Eduardo Spirensen, a Swiss-educated longtime business leader and expert on commercial integration."

Eduardo Sperisen Yurt: Vice Minister of Economy, Guatemala anno 1992, apparently again from mid 1996, still or again in 2004. Executive Director of the Chamber of Industries anno Jan. 1996. Photographed shaking hands with Robert Zoellick at the August 5, 2004 signing of the Free Trade Agreement with The United States in Washington, D.C. Ambassador Guatemala to the WTO from at least 2005-, until at least 2021, serving as the chairman of the WTO's Negotiating Group on Trade Facilitation over at least 2007-2021.

March 24, 2004, Gettyimages.com, 'Guatemalan Vice Minister of Economy...' (seems Sperisen actually is not being shown, but neither is Zoellick, but both were part of this meeting): "Guatemalan Vice Minister of Economy Eduardo Sperisen-Yurt (L) and El Salvadoran Minister of Trade Miguel Lacayo (2nd L), listen to Costa Rican Trade Minister Alberto Trejos prior to the start of a meeting of CAFTA (Central American Free Trade Agreement [signed in May 2004]) trade ministers 24 March, 2004, in Washington, DC, with US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick."

August 5, 2004, Gettyimages.com, 'Trade representatives shake hands after Dominican Republic...': "Trade representatives shake hands after Dominican Republic joins five Central American countries in the Free Trade Agreement with The United States in Washington, DC on August 5, 2004 From left to right, are: ... Robert Zoellick, US Trade Representative [and president World Bank 2007-2012; managing director Goldman Sachs; Trilateral Commission 1995-2020s; Bilderberg 2003-, and soon steering committee]; [and] Edwardo Sperisen, Vice Minister of Economy, Guatemala."

July 4, 2005, trade.ec.europa.eu backed up letter, WTO-related (gives a list of WTO ambassadors): "H.E. Mr Eduardo Sperisen-Yurt, Ambassador, Guatemala."

Feb. 7, 2007, wto.org, 'WTO chairpersons for 2007': "Negotiating Group on Trade Facilitation: H.E. Mr. Eduardo Ernesto Sperisen-Yurt (Guatemala). [Pascal Lamy was WTO director general 2005-2013]"

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; Member of the original National Strategy Committee: November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (written by ASC founder); 1968 National Strategy Committee list

Blamed the poor results of his division during WWII on the high percentage of Afro-Americans. Claimed they cheated him of a promotion. Chief of personnel at General MacArthur's General Headquarters (GHQ) 1946-1949. Chief of Staff to General Douglas MacArthur 1949-1950. Without any experience in amphibious operations, MacArthur placed him in command of the main landing force just prior the amphibious invasions of Inchon and Wonsan. Pushed his X Corps forward despite indications of an overwhelming amount of Chinese troops leading to defeat and many casualties. Still received promotion. Also recommended that his military aide, Alexander Haig, a son-in-law of a friend of his, be recommended for promotion. Commandant of the Army War College.

Source(s): 1968 National Strategy Committee list; American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

"Communist Uncon- ventional Warfare," Soviet Total War, Vol. I. The Edge of War. Freedom Studies Centre. The crucial Planning and Development Committee of the Centre is dominated by members of the rightwing American Security Council, including Professor Stefan T. Possony of the Hoover Institute and Professors Lev E. Dobriansky and James D. Atkinson, both of Georgetown University. Department of Government, Georgetown University.

Source(s): July 17, 1986, Washington Post, 'The Contra Conclave': "... several hundred members of the of the conservative American Security Council assembled yesterday at the Capital Hilton for their annual meeting ... Yonas Deressa, a spokesman for the Ethiopian Democratic resistance... Gurmit Singh Aulakh, an invited guest from the International Sikh Organization, made the case for U.S. aid to Sikh liberation. ... "India is completely in the Soviet bloc." Asked about the assassination of Indira Gandhi, he said, "She asked for it." [her son Rajiv took over and was assassinated in 1991] ... Souksomboun Sayasithsena of Laos, left, and Adolpho Calero at yesterday's ASC meeting. ... Fisher made periodic appearances on the platform, presenting a plague to ... Caspar Weinberger and a mounted white alabaster eagle to ... Robert J. Dole. "

Supporter of the Kalistan cause.

November 10, 1990, New York Times, 'In India, the Tyranny Of the Majority Rules': "Shobha Shetty (letter, Oct. 17) suggests that India's strength lies in its secularism. But any close examination of India's so-called democracy displays that secularism in India is merely pretense. Mr. Shetty fears that "religious secessionists in Punjab or Kashmir will sound the death knell to India's unity and integrity." What unity and integrity? Hindu India's lack of secularism makes Sikhs, Muslims and Christians all over India demand independence. The Indian Government's June 1984 attack on the Golden Temple at Amritsar, which left at least 20,000 Sikhs dead, was planned as a blow to the Sikh nation, making clear the Indian Government's regard for unity. Over the six years since, 90,000 Sikh lives have been claimed by Indian police and security forces. It is comforting to those who see Indian unity as an ideal to say that the Indian Government needs to be more sensitive to its minorities. However, Indian unity under its Hindu government has come to form the tyranny of the majority. It is naive to ask people living under Indian Government oppression to believe in unity and integrity. It is unwise to think these minorities will ever trust India again."

June 27, 1985, Associated Press, 'Religious Group Accuses India of Trying to Frame Sikhs in Air-India Crash': "Two Sikh groups say the government of India, attempting to discredit their religion, was behind a phone call in which someone claiming to be a Sikh said his group had blown up an Air-India jetliner. The Sikh Association of America and the World Sikh Organization charged Wednesday that the man who called The New York Times saying he was a member of the Sikh Student Federation was really an Indian intelligence agent. A spokesman at the Indian embassy said the allegation "deserves to be dismissed with contempt." The caller told the Times that Sikhs were claiming responsibility for an explosion aboard an airborne jetliner off the coast of Ireland on Sunday. All 329 passengers and crew members are believed dead, and the cause of the crash has not been officially determined. But Sikh spokesmen said Wednesday that the call was part of an Indian campaign against Sikhism's 15 million followers, most of whom live in India. "A number of non-Sikh agents of the government of India have been sent to the United States and Canada to infiltrate peaceful Sikh organizations and bring a bad name to Sikhs by indulging in illegal acts. It was definitely one of these agents who made the phone call in which he claimed credit for planting a bomb on the Air-India plane," Hardam Singh Azad of Houston, chairman of the Sikh Association of America, told a news conference here. Gurmit Singh Aulakh, executive vice president of the World Sikh Organization, charged in a telephone interview that the phone call was "evidently the work of (the) Indian intelligence agency." Indian Embassy press attache Deepak Vohra said such charges "do not even deserve the dignity of being put in print." "No true Sikh can carry out an act of terrorism," Azad said, noting that several Sikhs were among those killed in the Air-India crash. In addition, he said, language reportedly used by the caller made him doubt the person could have been a Sikh. The Sikh Association of America was formed a year ago to represent the estimated 250,000 to 350,000 Sikhs living in the United States, said Azad."

June 30, 2004, Canadian Press NewsWire, 'Witness claims India had alleged Air India bombing mastermind killed': "A defence witness told the Air India trial Wednesday that an alleged bombing mastermind was an Indian agent killed to cover up India's involvement in downing the airliner. Gurmit Singh Aulakh, a Sikh separatist leader based in Washington, D.C., testified under the Crown's cross-examination that alleged mastermind Talwinder Singh Parmar was killed by Punjab police in 1992 "to cover all their footprints." He suggested to the court that India had infiltrated all major Sikh separatist groups, including Parmar's Babbar Khalsa group. Ajaib Singh Bagri and Ripudaman Singh Malik are charged with murder and conspiracy in two June 23, 1985 bombings that targeted Air India and killed 331 people. Prosecutor Richard Cairns asked Aulakh: "Is what you are saying there, sir, that Talwinder Parmar was a government agent and that he was killed by the Indian police because they wanted to cover up their tracks?" Aulakh admitted he didn't have any evidence Parmar was an agent, but suspected he was because Parmar returned to India when other separatists were fleeing. "Nobody with a sane mind would go over there if they were really fighting the Indian government," Aulakh said. Cairns asked Aulakh if he believed it a crime to kill someone in the name of religion. "It may be criminal for other people, but for the Sikh nation it is not," Aulakh said."

June 10, 1985, Associated Press, 'Officials Drawing Tight Security Net For Prime Minister's Visit': "Authorities concerned that India's bloody conflict with minority Sikhs may spill over into the United States are drawing a tight security net for Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's visit here this week, law enforcement officials said Monday. Security officials have received death threats against Gandhi, whose mother was gunned down by her own Sikh bodyguards last year, and are watching the borders closely to guard against potential assassins, according to sources who spoke on condition that they not be identified. The visit comes a month after police in New Orleans arrested four Sikhs who allegedly plotted to kill Gandhi. Those men have been tied to the World Sikh Organization, which is staging anti-Gandhi demonstrations in Washington during the visit, the sources said. ... Two Sikhs, identified as Ammand Singh and Lal Singh, are still wanted in connection with that alleged plot, according to FBI spokesman Lane Bonner. Gandhi's visit, to begin Tuesday, comes almost a year after the Indian army attacked what they called extremists at the Sikh's Golden Temple, leaving more than 1,000 Sikhs and 220 soldiers dead. Indira Gandhi was later killed in apparent retaliation for the attack. ... A leader of Sikhs living in this country denied that his people would cause trouble. "We are very, very peaceful," said Gurmit Singh Aulakh, head of the World Sikh Organization. "We are a deeply religious people. We don't believe in violence." Aulakh said there is no organized Sikh plot against Gandhi, but said the prime minister is "more cruel" than his mother. "What would be the reaction of the Jewish people if they could look Hitler in the face," he said. "I would be sad for the loss of any life for any human being, but if a human takes thousands of lives, what can you do?""

September 17, 2005, The Times, 'Indira's India and the KGB': "INDIRA GANDHI NEVER realised that the KGB’s first prolonged contact with her occurred during her first visit to the Soviet Union, a few months after Stalin’s death in 1953. As well as keeping her under continuous surveillance, the Centre (KGB headquarters) also surrounded her with handsome, attentive male admirers. Two years later Indira accompanied her father, Jawaharlal Nehru, the inaugural Prime Minister of independent India, on his first official visit to the Soviet Union. Like Nehru, she was visibly impressed by the apparent successes of Soviet planning and economic modernisation exhibited to them in stage-managed visits to Russian factories. During her trip Khrushchev presented her with a mink coat which became one of the favourite items in her wardrobe — even though a few years earlier she had criticised the female Indian ambassador in Moscow for accepting a similar gift. Soviet attempts to cultivate Indira Gandhi during the 1950s were motivated far more by the desire to influence her father than by any awareness of her own political potential. Moscow still underestimated her when she became Prime Minister. In her early parliamentary appearances she seemed tongue-tied and unable to think on her feet. The insulting nickname coined by a socialist MP, Dumb Doll, began to stick. But her political genes were soon to show their worth. Following a split in the Congress Party in 1969, the Communist Party of India (CPI), encouraged by Moscow, swung its support behind her. At the elections of February 1971, Mrs Gandhi’s wing of Congress won a landslide victory. In August she signed a Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Co-operation with the Soviet Union. Both countries immediately issued a joint communique calling for the withdrawal of US troops from Vietnam. India was able to rely on Soviet arms supplies and diplomatic support in the conflict against Pakistan which was already in the offing. Despite diplomatic support from both the United States and China, Pakistan suffered a crushing defeat in the 14-day war with India. For most Indians it was Mrs Gandhi’s finest hour. A Soviet diplomat at the United Nations exulted: “This is the first time in history that the United States and China have been defeated together!” In the Centre, the Indo-Soviet special relationship was also celebrated as a triumph for the KGB. The residency in Delhi was rewarded by being upgraded to the status of “main residency”. Its head from 1970 to 1975, Yakov Prokofyevich Medyanik, was accorded the title of “main resident”. In the early 1970s the KGB presence in India became one of the largest outside the Soviet bloc. Indira Gandhi placed no limit on the number of Soviet diplomats and trade officials, thus allowing the KGB and Soviet intelligence as many cover positions as they wished. Oleg Kalugin, who became head of Foreign Counter-Intelligence in 1973, remembers India as “a model of KGB infiltration of a Third World government”. He recalls one occasion when the KGB turned down an offer from an Indian minister to provide information in return for $50,000 on the grounds that it was already well supplied with material from the Indian foreign and defence ministries: “It seemed like the entire country was for sale; the KGB — and the CIA — had penetrated the Indian government. Neither side entrusted sensitive information to the Indians, realising their enemy would know all about it the next day.” The KGB, in Kalugin’s view, was more successful than the CIA, partly because of its skill in exploiting the corruption that became endemic under Indira Gandhi’s regime. Suitcases full of banknotes were said to be routinely taken to her house and one of her opponents claimed that Mrs Gandhi did not even return the cases. The Prime Minister is unlikely to have paid close attention to the dubious origins of some of the funds that went into Congress’s coffers. That was a matter she left largely to her principal fund-raiser, Lalit Narayan Mishra, who, though Mrs Gandhi doubtless did not realise it, also accepted Soviet money. Short and obese, Mishra looked the part of the corrupt politician. Indira Gandhi, despite her own frugal lifestyle, depended on the cash he collected from various sources to finance her party. Money also went to her son and anointed heir, Sanjay, whose misguided ambition to build an Indian popular car and become India’s Henry Ford depended on government favours. When Mishra was assassinated in 1975, Mrs Gandhi blamed a plot involving “foreign elements” — doubtless intended as a euphemism for the CIA. The Delhi KGB residency gave his widow 70,000 rupees, though she doubtless did not realise the source. Though there were some complaints from the Communist leadership at the use of Soviet funds to support Mrs Gandhi, covert funding for the Congress Party of India seems to have been unaffected. By 1972 the import-export business founded by the CPI to trade with the Soviet Union had contributed more than 10 million rupees to party funds. Other secret subsidies, totalling at least 1.5 million rupees, had gone to state Communist parties, individuals and media associated with the CPI. The funds that were sent from Moscow to party headquarters via the KGB were larger still. In the first half of 1975 they amounted to over 2.5 million rupees. India under Mrs Gandhi was probably the arena for more KGB active measures than anywhere else, though their significance appears to have been considerably exaggerated by the Centre, which overestimated its ability to manipulate Indian opinion."

August 18, 2007, Asia Times, 'India's silent warriors The Kaoboys of R&AW: Down Memory Lane by B Raman': " The Richard Nixon administration in Washington initiated a joint program with Islamabad to hit back at India by encouraging a separatist movement among the Sikhs of Punjab. The US National Security Council, led by Henry Kissinger, sponsored allegations in the press and public forums of violations of Sikhs' human rights. US interest in the Khalistan [the Sikh's independent state] insurgency remained firm up to 1984. ... After the 1993 Mumbai serial blasts, the first act of mass-casualty terrorism on the ground in India, R&AW pieced together credible evidence of the direct hand of the ISI. Kao remarked at that time in disgust that, in spite of solid proof, "the US will never act against Pakistan for anything it does to India". Raman adds wryly that "this is as valid today as it was in the past" (p 277). ... Intriguingly, R&AW [India's external intelligence agency] and the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) simultaneously colluded to prevent a possible Chinese takeover of northern Burma. George H W Bush, the director of the CIA from 1975-77, became a personal friend of [R&AW chief R. N.] Kao. Later, when Bush was US vice president, Kao succeeded in persuading him to turn off the aid tap to Khalistani terrorists."

Source(s): April 12, 1988, USA Today, 'Dateline: Washington, D.C.' (member ASC advisory board) (denies it)

To London, Brussels and Germany to inspect NATO installations in 1982, a trip sponsored by the World Affairs Council. Hadn't been to London and Brussels since 1958 and not to Germany since XIII (?).

Worked under Colonel Paul Vallely: Benador Associates. Center for Security Policy. Iran Policy Committee. Intelligence Summit. AFIO Weekly Intelligence Notes #32-10 dated 31 August 2010: "Don't miss this special opportunity to attend a relaxing cruise to the Caribbean with top intelligence experts November 13-20, 2010. By registering, SpyCruise® will donate funds to and have a special ceremony onboard for the CIA Officers' Memorial Foundation and the Scott Vallely Soldiers Memorial Fund. Meet and mingle with our exclusive speakers and special guests: Gen. Michael Hayden, ret [former NSA and CIA director], Porter Goss [former CIA director], Maj Gen. Paul Vallely, ret, Peter Brookes, Michael Braun, Bill Harlow, Fred Francis, Clare Lopez, Andre LeGallo, Michael Thorton, Tom Mangold and more."

Commander of the 7th PSYOP Group.

1989, Carness Lord and Frank Barnett, National Strategy and Information Center, 'Political Warfare and Psychological Operations'. p. 49: "The 7th PSYOP Group in Okinawa provided valuable backup support in printing and high-altitude leaflet dissemination. During the height of US involvement in Southeast Asia, the Army stationed PSYOP units at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, and in Germany, Panama, and Okinawa as well as the 4th PSYOP Group in the Republic of Vietnam. By the mid-1970s, however, all that remained in the active component was an understrength group at Fort Bragg with antiquated equipment-a condition that did not improve significantly for ten years. The mid-1980s saw an upturn for the fortunes of PSYOP."

January 27, 2011 email from Col. Michael A. Aquino: "From what I recall, all members were designated "Advisory Board", which I assume was just a gimmick to make us feel more important. It was still just a correspondence membership. ... From what I recall, the invitation I received was more along the line of a mass-mailing. I don't know the basis on which it might have been assembled. ... Yes, I see that [John Fisher] was included in my list of source-appreciations, but at this point in time I don't know specifically why. When I was researching the dissertation, I cast nets out to every possible source, and of course thanked those who responded and/or gave me information/further leads. But now I don't know what that might have been in Mr. Fisher's case. I just did a search for his name elsewhere in the dissertation, including the footnotes & bibliography, and didn't find anything. So I presume he may have given me some source leads to track down in Washington, etc. ... This would be just coincidence, since I knew nothing of ASC's attitudes concerning any of the specialized topics I was addressing in MindWar. That was a paper stemming specifically from my U.S. Army PSYOP experience and my academic Political Science background. ... No, none of these [have I been acquainted with: John Singlaub, Daniel O. Graham, or Vernon Walters]. ... I was in Vietnam June 69-June 70. I was an officer in the 306th PSYOP Battalion (Strategic) and later its parent 7th PSYOP Group, USAR, during the 1970s. During that time I also performed numerous specialized assignments as a Foreign Area Officer/West Europe and Defense Attaché. 86-87 attended the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, then 3 years as the Budget Director of the USAR Personnel Center, St. Louis. Then assigned as a Space Intelligence Officer to HQ US Space Command until I retired from the Active USAR in 1994."

January 21, 2011 email from Col. Michael A. Aquino: "Of course [I have contacts in Belgium], as I was a Defense Attaché and West Europe Foreign Area Officer of the U.S. Army. I interacted both through the U.S. Embassy and NATO/SHAPE Headquarters. [but said he didn't know any of the Belgian ISGP names. In another article said he hadn't been in Brussels between 1958 and 1982. In another email he said he had the above role in the 1970s.]"

April 12, 1988, USA Today, 'Dateline: Washington, D.C.': "WASHINGTON - The founder and high priest of one of the country's foremost satanic worship groups is also a U.S. Army lieutenant colonel with a top secret security clearance, an impressive military intelligence background and a penchant for holding pagan magic rituals in old Nazi castles. The Pentagon says it can do nothing because of Michael A. Aquino's constitutional right to freedom of religion. But Aquino, 41, said this week he is declining public appearances anyway because it makes the Army brass nervous. Lt. Col. Aquino, a former faculty member at the Army's general staff college in Kansas, now holds a high military management post at the Army Reserve Personnel Center in St. Louis. He drew attention recently when he backed out of an interview with Cable News Network talk show host Larry King following what the show's producers characterized as pressure from the Pentagon. Both Aquino and the Pentagon say there was no pressure. "Aquino, like everyone else, has an absolute right to freedom of religious belief," Army spokesman Lt. Col. Greg Rixon said Tuesday. "As long as he doesn't commit any crime in furtherance of that belief, we remain very supportive of his constitutional rights. The fact that I'm in abject disagreement with his beliefs has no consequence." Aquino, a former Green Beret and Bronze Star winner in Vietnam, is technically in the Army Reserve but has been on full-time, full-pay active duty for six years in the Active Guard and Reserve program. He has a resume that would make many regular Army officers drool: A doctorate in political science from the University of California; masters degrees from the University of California and George Washington University in public administration; Army Airborne graduate; psychological operations officer, U.S. Army Institute for Military Assistance; honors graduate, U.S. Army Military Intelligence School; honors graduate, Army Command and General Staff College; graduate, Army Institute of International Studies; advisory board of the American Security Council; and graduate, National Defense University. Aquino was also once national commander of the Eagle Scout Honor Society of the Boy Scouts of America. Aquino kept a fairly low profile since founding the Temple of Set (an ancient Egyptian god of evil) a dozen years ago but had agreed to recent public exposure to clear his name in a child molestation scandal at the Presidio Army Base in San Francisco, where he and his wife, Lilith, lived in 1987. Aquino, who insists on his innocence, never has been charged, but San Francisco police kept referring to him publicly last winter as a "possible suspect" in the molestation. Aquino founded the Temple of Set in 1975 after breaking with hippie cultist Anton LaVey's Church of Satan. Aquino claimed LaVey was selling bishoprics and that the worship of Satan deserved serious treatment as a religion, not a money-making device. Aquino insists on referring to the Temple of Set as a serious church instead of a cult and has registered it with California and the Internal Revenue Service as a tax-exempt, non-profit religion. Rixon says Aquino is highly respected by colleagues, and his official performance reports show "he is an absolutely competent officer." Yet, when he attended the National Defense University here last year, Aquino's presence at the school for promising officers triggered a "colonel's revolt" at the Fort McNair school. "Yes, they did," conceded Rixon Tuesday. "There were classmates who would not attend lectures with him and who would not attend seminars when they knew he was in them. They were not disruptive, and they were later informed their action was inappropriate." Much of the controversy surrounding Aquino centers on his 1983 trip to a little-visited Westphalian castle in West Germany, one that Gestapo chief Heinrich Himmler modified during World War II for black magic rituals and occult ceremonies in its Hall of the Dead. Aquino later wrote his Temple of Set international membership - which he says numbers several hundred - that he conducted a "working" or occult meditation there "to summon the Powers of Darkness at their most powerful locus." He now says he was seeking enlightenment about internal strife in the Temple of Set, and as part of a study of occultism "throughout human history." Aquino says of the Temple of Set: "We have nothing in common with the political and social philosophy of the Nazis. We consider the Nazis as barbaric, as any reasonable adult would. You know, all the occult records of the SS are on microfilm reels in the National Archives in D.C. I'm probably the first one to blow the dust off them, too. I read them till my eyes glazed." Aquino says he understands the controversy he has engendered: "I have enough maturity to know that if I follow an emotion-laden religion like this one, I have to expect some lack of tolerance. I'm not demanding equal time in Army chapels." Regarding his canceled TV appearance, he says, "Nobody grabbed me or twisted my arm, but it was clear the Army was getting a bit spooked. I heard that the message had come down to headquarters here in St. Louis: `Here he goes again.' Not showing up seemed sort of the decent, mature thing to do." Rixon said he saw King on TV promoting the show as dealing with "Satan, child abuse and the U.S. Army." The Army spokesman said he had no specific knowledge Aquino was involved but "alerted my taping people" and called Maj. Graham Yates, chief public affairs officer for the Army Reserves, who called Maj. Art House, public affairs specialist at the St. Louis personnel center. Word got back to Aquino, and he backed out. "Certainly, the Army is concerned when Aquino appears publicly," Rixon said Tuesday. "That's because it causes us a great deal of work explaining who he is and why he's still allowed to serve." The Army spokesman says each time he's publicly quoted about Aquino, the White House gets letters "calling me a moron" and asking President Reagan to fire both officers. "The Army has almost surprised me over the years with how sensitive to the Constitution they have been," said Aquino this week. "You'd almost expect with the Army being so John Wayne-ish that they'd get nasty over something like this.""

1980, Col. Paul E. Valley with Major Michael A. Aquino, 'From PSYOP to MindWar: The Psychology of Victory' (written for: Headquarters, 7th Psychological Operations Group, U.S. Army Reserve, Presidio of San Francisco): "We shall rid ourselves of the self-conscious, almost "embarassed" concept of "psychological operations". In its place we shall create MindWar. ... A definition is offered: MindWar is the deliberate, aggressive convincing of all participants in a war that we will win that war. ... Was the United States defeated in the jungles of Vietnam, or was it defeated in the streets of American cities? ... [MindWar] must not only weaken the enemy; it must strengthen the United States. It strengthens the United States by denying enemy propaganda access to our people, and by explaining and emphasizing to our people the rationale for our national interest in a specific war. Under existing United States law, PSYOP units may not target American citizens. That prohibition is based upon the presumption that "propaganda" is necessarily a lie or at least a misleading half-truth, and that the government has no right to lie to its people. ... Quite right, and so it must be axiomatic of MindWar that it always speaks the truth. ... MindWar thus involves the stated promise of truth."

Source(s): January 27, 1978, HSCA, Delsa & Robert Buras report of an interview with Joseph Oster: Mr. Banister had an office on Robert E. Lee Blvd., but then moved to the Balter Building where Mr. Oster joined him...Two sources that were used were Fidelafax and American Security Council... The American Security Council was used for security checks about political backgrounds with special interest in any communist type activities. These two organizations were headed and staffed mostly by retired FBI agents."

Guy Banister Guy Banister was born in 1901. He served in the FBI, eventually retiring as the Special Agent in Charge of the Chicago office in 1955 after 20 years of service. (In that capacity, he was [apparently] the superior to Robert Maheu during Maheu's service in Chicago; see below.) After serving briefly in the New Orleans police department as the assistant police superintendant,6 he opened a private detective agency called Guy Banister Associates, which was apparently a front for American intelligence operations. ... Banister was the Louisiana coordinator for the Minuteman, according to one former Minuteman, Jerry Milton Brooks, who worked for Banister.7 More significantly, Banister was involved in the Anti-Communist League of the Caribbean, part of the larger World Anti-Communist League.* Banister organized the Friends of Democratic Cuba in 1961, a group which raised funds for the Cuban Revolutionary Council, the CIA-organized Cuban government in exile that we have encountered on a number of occasions in this narrative. During the Bay of Pigs operation, Banister worked with Sergio Arcacha Smith of the CRC (see Chapter 5), whose office was across the hall from Banister's, at 544 Camp Street in New Orleans; Banister and Arcacha Smith were close friends.8 (We will note below in this chapter the connection between this office and the address used by Oswald on his FPCC literature.) A CIA memo indicated that Banister during this period was one of Arcacha Smith's FBI contacts; we may conclude therefore that Banister was still working for the FBI at this time.9 Banister was also working with Wray Gill, Marcello's lawyer, to help block the Justice Department's deportation of Marcello.10 Banister died in 1964. ...[W]ho was paying for Banister's anti-Communist activities: governmental intelligence, the New Orleans Mafia, or some third force allied with both together[?] Those stressing intelligence (Garrison, William Turner, Anthony Summers) have pointed to Banister's years of service in the FBI and the Office of Naval Intelligence, his association with the CIA-sponsored Cuban Revolutionary Council, and his work for the Louisiana State Committee on Un-American Activities. [fn] Those stress the mafia, following the lead of G. Robert Blakey and the House Committee on Assassinations, have argued that Banister was "closely associated with G. Wray Gill, an attorney for Mafia leader Carlos Marcello, and David W. Ferrie, who performed investigative services for both Banister and Gill." [fn: Blakey/Billings.] A third and more likely possibility is that OSwald and Banister were working for what was in effect a third force: an intelligencemafia gray alliance, rooted in the deep political economy of New Orleans. PD Scott 1993, p. 87. Lee Harvey Oswald spent a good deal of time with Guy Banister in his office in the summer of 1963. "Guy Banister's widow has revealed that her husband's office storeroom contained a supply of the 'Hands Off Cuba!' handbills that were distributed by Oswald. George Higgenbothan, one of Banister's collegiate undercover agents, recalled that when he kidded his boss about sharing abuilding with people papering the streets with leftist literature, Banister snapped, 'Cool it-- one of them is mine.'"11 We will return to the matter of documenting this connection further below. Another important person in these events, David Ferrie, was also heavily involved in the affairs of the agency.12

February 26, 1961, New Orleans Times-Picayune, 'Banister Tells Aims, Positions': "[Guy Banister:] I take a positive stand in favor of segregation of the races. There are 15 active organizations in New Orleans promoting integration of the races. Ten of these organizations are Communist fronts or have submitted to Communist influence and direction. As council-man-at large, I can be helpful in nullifying the machinations of these Communist agents and help in maintaining peace and harmony in the city."

January 27, 1978, HSCA, Delsa & Robert Buras report of an interview with Joseph Oster: "[Oster met Banister] in the New Orleans Police Department in the early 1960's when Mr. Banister headed up a group of special investigators to check on corruption within the Department's ranks. Mr. Oster was one of the members of this squad. Mr. Banister was fired in 1957 and Mr. Oster soon after went into business with him. Mr. Oster stated that he did most of the investigating and later, date unknown, became dissatisfied because Mr. Banister did not take an interest in the investigations that could have made money for the firm. Mr. Banister had an office on Robert E. Lee Blvd., but then moved to the Balter Building where Mr. Oster joined him...Two sources that were used were Fidelafax and American Security Council... The American Security Council was used for security checks about political backgrounds with special interest in any communist type activities. These two organizations were headed and staffed mostly by retired FBI agents. The personnel in the office at that time were: Carmen Bollino, an ex-FBI agent from Washington, D.C. He and ‘The Chief' worked Remington Rand Corporation checks. 'The Chief' was Guy W. Banister's nickname. It should be noted that Mr. Thomas Beckham states that LEE HARVEY OSWALD always said that the 'Chief' would take care of him. Mr. Beckham didn't know if OSWALD meant Mr. Banister or J. Edgar Hoover. Mr. Oster stated that he has heard Banister call Washington and speak directly to J. Edgar Hoover. Mr. Banister used to call and speak to someone in the CIA, but Mr. Oster does not remember any name. John Sullivan, another employee of Mr. Banister's who was also a retired FBI agent from Vicksburg, Mississippi. "

John Sullivan committed suicide shortly after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. I received this communication from Sullivan's grandson, Jeremy Sullivan: I was told that he committed suicide but my dad didn't think so. He told me there was an investigation and the FBI was involved. They deemed it suicide. The story I heard had changed depending on who told it, I believe that they had been out fishing all day and John Daniel had been drinking. After they got home, he was alone in his room and there was a gunshot and he was found dead. Jim Garrison had an undisclosed case against Sullivan in 1961. Delsa continues Other employees and people that had business with Mr. Banister: Edward Jack S. Martin and Major Stewart who wrote and owned the Westbank Herald located in Algiers, Louisiana. (This is New Orleans but it is located on the West Bank of the Mississippi River.) This paper was active in Latin American affairs. Mr. Oster feels that Major Stewart had intelligence ties to Latin America. Jack S. Martin was a part-reporter, part-investigator. Mr. Oster describes him as very smart and an adventurer, always trying to impress people with the important people he knew. Mr. Oster remembers catching Mr. Jack S. Martin with a very young sailor in the Colonila Hotel located in Exchange Alley. Mr. Oster will attempt to find the report made on this case, in which Jack S. Martin was allegedly involved in homosexual acts with the sailor. (The New Orleans Police Department arrest sheets do not reflect any such arrest, but Mr. Oster feels these sheets might have been tampered with over the years.) Mr. Jack S. Martin denies to the investigators that he was ever involved in homosexual activities, even though he associated with many young men and know deviates such as David Ferrie...Mr. George Singleton and Mr. Banister were close friends. Mr. Singleton wrote for the Citizens Council and was close to Judge Leander Perez in the fight against integration. Col. Buford Balter, Mr. Singleton, Mr. Stewart and others around Mr. Banister were interested in ultra-conservative politics in which Mr. Oster did not take any active part. Colonel Balter would take out ads in the local papers against integration...Alvin Cobb was a friend of Banister. Mr. Cobb was a supporter of the KKK. [HSCA interview 1.27.78 Delsa & Robert Buras]

Robert Maheu once worked under him. Also close to Maheu through his employee Bellino.

Great piece of work, Mark. Just recently I discovered that Guy Banister attended Soule Business College right after Louisiana State and remained a close friend of George Soule and that Banister reported to William Harvey when they both worked for the FBI during World War II apparently. And apparently the Soules were made members of Draper's American Coalition of Patriotic Societies started by Major John B. Trevor, Sr.
of Draper's Pioneer Fund as well. Gerry Hemming also said that Banister's boss claimed he was CIA but in fact he was retired FBI like Banister both of whom were considered out of control psychos looking to kill JFK. Dan Smoot and H. L. Hunt also had contacts with George Soule. Banister's contacts newly discovered with the Miss Sov Comm, Senator James Eastland, The World Anti-Communist League and the Jacobo Arbenz coup in Guatamala along with H. L. Hunt firmly cement Banister as one of the Top Ten major players in the entire JFK conundrum and the plot as well.
More later on George Soule who also knew Medford Evans, the Bircher and Boris Pash associate who was with The Citizens Councils in Jackson, MS.

In 1963, Soule was chairman of the 12th Annual National Congress of Freedom. (Who's Who in the South and Southwest 1963 - 1964) General Walker's lawyer, Clyde Watts, was a speaker at this event. (NOTP; April 7, 1963). J. A. Milteer was also in attendance. (Weisberg; Frame-Up; p481)

Louisiana State University. Monroe Police Department.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1870-1965. Son of Simon B. (surgeon C.S.A.) and Belle (Wolfe) B.; A.B., Coll. City N.Y., 1889; LL.D., Williams Coll., 1923, U. S.C., 1925, Johns Hopkins, 1933, Oglethorpe U., 1933, Coll. Charleston, S.C., 1935, The Citadel, 1937; D.C.L., Union Coll., 1937; LL.D., Coll. City N.Y., 1947; married Annie Griffen, Oct. 20, 1897 (died Jan. 16, 1938); children—Belle Wilcox, Bernard M., Renee B. Samstag. Mem. N.Y. Stock Exchange many years; apptd., 1916, by Pres. Wilson, mem. Adv. Commn. of Council Nat. Def.; was made chmn. Com. on Raw Materials, Minerals and Metals, also commr. in charge of raw materials for War Industries Bd., and mem. Commn. in charge of all purchases for the Allies; chmn. War Industries Bd., 1918-19; mem. drafting com. econ. sect. chmn. raw materials div. Am. Commn. to Negotiate Peace; Supreme Econ. Council; Am. del. on econs. and reparation clauses; econ. adviser for Am. Peace Commn. Mem. President’s Conf. for Capital and Labor, 1919, President’s Agrl. Conf., 1922. Adviser to James F. Byrnes, war moblzn. dir., 1943—; apptd. head fact finding com. on synthetic rubber by Pres. Roosevelt, 1942; made report to Pres. and James F. Byrnes on War and Postwar Plans, Feb. 1944. U.S. rep. UN Atomic Energy Commn., 1946.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Publisher of the St. Louis Globe-Democrat from 1967 until 1984. Worked with FBI in discrediting King.

April 6, 2010, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Missouri), 'P-D editorials on kidnapping inflamed the FBI's Hoover Paper chided bureau over handling of 1953 abduction, killing of boy.': "In April 1972, while meeting with Globe-Democrat publisher G. Duncan Bauman at FBI headquarters, Hoover compared the Post-Dispatch with the New York Times, New York Post and The Washington Post as "classic examples of the worst in newspaper reporting." It would be among his last recorded pronouncements about the newspaper he had grown to detest. Less than a month later, on May 2, 1972, Hoover died."

October 19, 1995, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Missouri), 'Dunc's Globe': "Like the country editor, "Dunc" wrote some of his own editorials, cut out and pasted up copy from a gluepot on his desk, showed up at all manner of community functions, was a kingmaker in local politics, and played cards on a regular basis with longtime cronies. Unlike the country editor, Bauman drove a sleek, black Buick, lived in a tony Clayton condo, notched thousands of miles on exotic vacation trips, wore designer-made silk neckties, chomped on long, imported cigars and had a long and controversial career that came to a screeching halt when his newspaper - the St. Louis Globe-Democrat - ceased operations (for the first time) in 1984. Bauman joined the Globe in 1943, where he became known as a "gut reporter" who decried injustices. He later became assistant city editor and took a leave of absence to attend Washington University Law School before becoming the newspaper's personnel manager in 1951. (He never earned a degree in journalism and, during our conversation, insisted that the only qualifications for a good reporter are a sound education and an unquenchable desire to right injustice). In 1959, he was named business manager and in 1967 publisher, succeeding the late Richard H. Amberg. ... We sat in the family room where a sterling silver crown from the Torah commands a prominent place. The crown is one of countless awards, tributes and photographs of Bauman and celebrities that fill the house. He took me on a tour and provided a narration for some of them, including the document that certified his position as Knight of Malta, one of the highest honors a Catholic layman can receive. "That's me with J. Edgar Hoover, days before he died . . . We're on (Gerald) Ford's campaign train . . . There's George Bush with us. We knew him quite well and he came to see us before he was president. He's probably the most qualified for the job . . . That's Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin with me.""

April 15, 2003, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Missouri), 'Globe-Democrat publisher served many causes': "Mr. Bauman served on many civic boards, including those for the Boys Club, the YMCA, the St. Louis Symphony, the Arts and Education Council, the Boy Scouts, the Better Business Bureau, the United Fund, the Convention and Visitors Bureau, the former Laclede School of Law in St. Louis, and the national board of the Committee for Employer Support of the Guard and Reserve. Mr. Bauman was active in Catholic church organizations. He was a member of the boards of DePaul Community Health Center, the President's Council of St. Louis University, Catholic Charities and the Human Life Foundation. In 1972, Pope Paul VI named him a Knight of Malta, one of the highest honors a Catholic layman can receive. ... Mr. Bauman continued the Globe-Democrat's conservative editorial views and occasionally wrote editorials. In 1977, he wrote a front-page editorial titled, "For Hanoi? Or America?" It attacked the Post-Dispatch for reporting that the FBI had provided the Globe-Democrat with information about radical groups during the 1960s."

March 17, 1996, State Journal-Register (Springfield, IL), 'St Louis saw Buchanan on the rise': "Long before Pat Buchanan was shaking up the Republican mainstream with his unapologetic brand of conservatism, St. Louis newspaper readers were getting a taste of things to come. Just 23 years old when he joined the now-defunct St. Louis Globe-Democrat in 1962, it wasn't long before the fighting Irish in Paddy Joe Buchanan hit the page in his only career stop outside the Washington Beltway. Communist-bashing was an almost daily ritual for Buchanan editorials. He vehemently supported the death penalty and escalation of the war in Vietnam. In his book "Right From the Beginning," Buchanan says he demanded the jailing of civil rights protesters involved in illegal demonstrations. He also admits using material leaked from the FBI to criticize Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. ... "The publisher, Richard Amberg, said he was a great talent and should be on the editorial page." It was a good match, the ultraconservative newspaper with the equally right-wing young writer. Some of his crusades paid dividends. Flach recalled that a state prison in Jefferson City was "a mess" until Globe writer Denny Walsh and Buchanan teamed up for a series of stories and editorials that led to reforms. ... "To my knowledge, he is not anti-Semitic and not anti-black," said Duncan Bauman, the Globe editor who hired Buchanan. "If you listen to what he says, he's a compassionate man." But Jake McCarthy, former editor of a Teamsters newspaper in St. Louis and now a columnist for the weekly Riverfront Times, remembers a different In his column last week, McCarthy wrote that Buchanan's rise is "a rather unnerving development to some of us who knew him in St. Louis in the '60s as, although affable enough, a man of unbending uptightness and social views from the days of robber barons and white supremacy." In 1965, Nixon stopped by the Globe during a visit to St. Louis. Don Hesse, then the Globe's editorial page cartoonist, hosted a party for Nixon at his home in Belleville, Ill. "Pat, who was very enterprising, got invited to this beer and pretzel party, and Nixon took a shine to him and invited Pat to become a speech writer," Duggan recalled."

Report of the Select Committee on Assassinations, U.S. House of Representatives, 95th Congress, 2d session, pp. 437-441: "The case involved the relationship between the FBI and the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, 9 as it was uncovered by a rival newspaper, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. In a series of articles published in 1977, the Post-Dispatch identified the publisher of the Globe-Democrat and a reporter on the paper's staff as individuals who "were looked upon by the St. Louis FBI office as key outlets in the mid-1960's for news the Bureau wanted published...."(65) The Post-Dispatch series was the result of a review of FBI documents the paper had obtained in a Freedom of Information Act request. (The documents were also reviewed by the committee.) The publisher was identified as Richard H. Amberg, who died in 1967, and the reporter as Denny Walsh, who had since left the paper. (66) The name of the publisher of the Globe-Democrat in 1968, G. Duncan Bauman, had been deleted from certain documents the FBI provided to the post-Dispatch. The committee obtained copies of internal documents referred to in the post-Dispatch series, and they revealed the ease with which the Bureau had been able to use the newspaper for its counterintelligence initiatives. For example, a memorandum from the St. Louis special agent-in-charge to Director Hoover on May 28, 1968,(67) discussed activities to disrupt "new left" organizations ... Then, on October 18, 1968,(68) the St. Louis field office received a memorandum from FBI headquarters giving permission to provide a source on the Globe-Democrat with information to disrupt organizing activities by Students for a Democratic Society at area high schools. A note appended to the memorandum praised the newspaper and its staff: ... Denny Walsh, a Globe-Democrat reporter named in the released FOIA documents, was interviewed by the post-Dispatch and by committee. He verified that the Globe-Democrat, as well as he personally, had enjoyed a close working relationship with the FBI.(69) Knowledge of the presence of a willing news media outlet for the FBI in St. Louis led the committee to scrutinize carefully a COINTELPRO initiative from FBI headquarters and Globe-Democrat editorial, both of which preceded the assassination of Dr. King by less than a week.10 The editorial addressed a march on Washington that Dr. King had scheduled for the spring of 1968. In late 1967, Dr. King had announced plans to lead a massive march on Washington in the spring of 1968. Alternately called the Washington Spring Project and the Poor People's Campaign, it generated a great deal of interest as well as considerable concern among the hierarchy of the FBI. Following the sanitation workers march in Memphis, led by Dr. King on March 28, 1968, the Bureau decided to seize upon the violence that had erupted as evidence that Dr. King was unable to conduct a peaceful demonstration by a large number of people. The theory behind the strategy was to call into question the peaceful intentions of the Washington Spring Project. On the very day of the ill-fated march, a memorandum was circulated outlining an FBI-authored editorial to be placed with "cooperative news media sources."11 (70) It took Dr. King to task for getting involved in the Memphis strike and for not being able to control the march, suggesting that Memphis was merely a prelude to what was coming in Washington. (72) ... "While the evidence was insufficient to link COINTELPRO to the assassination, the committee obtained ample evidence to warrant strong condemnation of FBI efforts that were directed against Dr. King and SCLC for the risk they created for Dr. King. The editorial writers at the Globe-Democrat were exercising first amendment freedoms, so their conduct was constitutionally privileged. There was, however, no similar privilege covering the conduct of the FBI. Not only did this conduct contribute to the hostile climate that surrounded Dr. King, it was morally reprehensible, illegal, felonious, and unconstitutional. There is no place in a free society for such governmental conduct. It deserves the strongest condemnation."

Pat Buchanan: Editorial writer St. Louis Globe-Dem., 1962-64, assistant editorial editor, 1964—1965; executive assistant to Richard M. Nixon, 1966-69; special assistant to President Richard NIxon The White House, 1969-73; consultant to Presidents Nixon and Ford, 1973-74; commentator NBC Radio Network, 1978-82; columnist TV Guide, 1975—1977; syndicated columnist New York Times Special Features, 1975-78, Chicago Tribune-NY News Syndicate, 1978-85; director communications The White House, Washington DC, 1985-87; syndicated columnist Tribune Media Services, 1987-91, 93-95, Creators Syndicate, 1997—1999, 2001—. Co-host Buchanan-Braden Show, Station WRC, 1978-83, columnist; co-host Crossfire (TV show) Cable News Network, 1982-85, 87-91, 93-95, 97-99; panelist The McLaughlin Grp., NBC/PBS, 1982-85, 88-92, 97-99, 2001—, After Hours WTOP-TV, 1979-1982; moderator Capital Gang (TV Show) Cable News Network, 1988-91; co-host Buchanan and Press, MSNBC, 2002-2003; editor-in-chief newsletter PJB-From the Right, 1990-91; co-founder, editor The Am. Conservative, 2002-07; candidate for Rep. Nomination for President, 1992, 96, Reform Party candidate for President, 2000; founder, chairman The Am. Cause, 1993-95, 97-99, 2001—, Buchanan & Co., Mutual Broadcasting System, 1993-95; political analyst MSNBC, 2003-. Death of the West: How Dying Populations and Immigrant Invasions Imperil Our Country and Civilization, 2002, Where the Right Went Wrong: How Neoconservatives Subverted the Reagan Revolution and Hijacked the Bush Presidency, 2004, State of Emergency: The Third World Invasion and Conquest of America, 2006, Day of Reckoning: How Hubris, Ideology, and Greed are Destroying America, 2007, Churchill, Hitler and "The Unnecessary War": How The Britain Lost Its Empire and The West Lost The World, 2008. Named Knight of Malta, 1987.

Source(s): November 1, 2005, (ASC founder) John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (not on ASC board it seems, but program director of the IAS, the later ASCF. Also worked closely with Wood and Fisher in setting up National Military-Industrial Conferences)

Rhodes Scholar at Oxford. Held Rockefeller and Ford fellowships. Member Council on Foreign Relations. Vice president H. Smith Richardson Foundation 1955-1962. Program director Institute for American Strategy. November 1, 2005, (ASC founder) John M. Fisher, 'History milestones': "The American Security Council Foundation (ASCF) was incorporated in Chicago, Illinois as the Institute for American Strategy on February 24, 1958 ... The Institute for American Strategy (IAS) was organized to ... manage the annual National Military-Industrial Conferences where, beginning in 1955, top military, business, education and organization leaders came together in Chicago to analyze the growing threat of Communism and propose strategies to meet the challenge at all levels..." Planning secretary of the National Military-Industrial Conferences (funded with H. Smith Richardson grant). Co-founder NSIC. Member Committee on the Present Danger. Board member Citizens Committee for Peace with Freedom in Vietnam (with the ASC's Eugene Wigner, but als Douglas Dillon of the Pilgrims.).

April 18, 1981, John S. Friedman, 'Culture War II', Nation 232, no. 15, pp. 452- 53: "The Smith Richardson Foundation, which has C.I.A. officials among its consultants reviewing grants, provides management training to C.I.A. and Defense Department employees through an affilate."

In the late 1950s and early 1960s ASC gained some notoriety when it was revealed that one of its affiliates, the Institute for American Strategy (IAS), had been used by the National Security Council as the vehicle for training military personnel on national security issues, with help from the right-wing Richardson Foundation. Fisher was president of the IAS. The ASC's General Edward Lansdale became administrative director of the Institute for American Strategy in the mid 1960s. Lansdale recruited John Deutsch in 1961, a later CIA director.

August 18, 1993, New York Times, 'Frank R. Barnett, 72, an Expert On Military Strategy and Security': "A native of Chillicothe, Ohio, Frank Rockwell Barnett was educated at Wabash College, Bradley University, Syracuse University, the University of California at Berkeley, the University of Zurich and, as a Rhodes Scholar from Indiana, at Oxford University. In World War II, he was a Russian interpreter in the 69th Infantry Division, which met the Soviet Army on the Elbe River in April 1945. After the war, he was attached to the staff of the United States Military Government in Berlin. From 1955 to 1962 he was a vice president and director of research of the Smith Richardson Foundation, an anti-Communist group founded in 1935. He was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the International Institute of Strategic Studies in London. ... Frank R. Barnett, founder and president of the National Strategy Information Center of Washington and New York, died on Sunday at a Manhattan nursing home. He was 72 and lived in Manhattan. ... He founded the center, a nonprofit, nonpartisan body, in 1962. Its goal was to bring together leaders of public opinion and provide information on national defense and international security through seminars, policy workshops and briefing sessions. Known for its anti-Communist and pro-military stance, the center continued to monitor the military equations after the demise of the Soviet Bloc."

1978, partial National Strategy Information Center officers list (photocopy): Frank Barnett (president). Directors: Karl Bendetsen, Adm. Thomas Moorer, Eugene Rostow. Advisory council: Joseph Coors, Henry Fowler, John W. Hanes Jr. Program director: Sven Kraemer. Research associate: Dr. Roy Godson. William Casey helped set up NSIC. Richard Mellon Scaife has been an important financier of the NSIC.

Source(s): Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Guide to the Ernie Lazar FBI FOIA Files on Anti-Communism and Right Wing Movements TAM.576 (New York University website): "Senior Advisory Board: Bennett Archambault, John T. Beatty (JBS), Robert Donner (JBS), Robert W. Galvin, Hughston M. McBanin, Gen. Robert E. Wood."

Member of the initial council of the John Birch Society.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; 1988, Russ Bellant, 'The Coors connection', p. 49 (board member in the 1980s).

1907-1989. Practiced law, Aberdeen, Washington, 1932-40; Directed evacuation of Japanese from West Coast, 1942. Served to colonel U.S. Army, 1940-46; special rep. secretary of war to General MacArthur 1941. Management counsel, 1946-47; consultant special assistant to secretary U.S. Department Defense, 1948; assistant secretary Department Army, 1948-50, under secretary, 1950-52; director general U.S. R.R.s, 1950-52; chairman board Panama Canal Co., 1950-54; counsel Champion Papers, 1952-53, vice president Texas div., 1953-55, vice president operations, 1955-60, chairman board, president, chief executive officer, 1960-67; director Westinghouse Electric, 1961-80; chairman, president, chief executive officer Champion International, 1967-72; director New York Stock Exchange, 1972-82; chairman executive committee Champion International, 1973-75. Special U.S. rep. with rank of ambassador to W.Ger., 1956, special U.S. ambassador to Philippines, 1956; chairman adv. committee to secretary Department Defense, 1962; vice chairman Defense Manpower Commission, 1974-76; board overseers Hoover Institution; chairman panel on Strategic Defense Initiative for President Reagan, 1980-84. Director National Strategy Information Center anno 1978. Member of an advisory group to Ronald Reagan that received security clearances to learn about new weapons developments such as nuclear x-ray lasers. Has been a consultant to the National Security Council. Went to the Bohemian Grove in 1980. Committee on the Present Danger. Co-founder of High Frontier with Gen. Daniel O. Graham.

March 4, 1985, New York Times, 'Reagan's Star Wars Bid; Many Ideas Converging': "In May 1981, Dr. George A. Keyworth 2d was named the President's science adviser. A nuclear physicist, he was intimately familiar with the X-ray secrets and had been strongly endorsed for the job by Dr. Teller. Also in 1981, a group of influential scientists, industrialists, military men and aerospace executives began to meet in Washington, D.C., at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative ''think tank.'' Their goal was to formulate a plan for creating a national system of defense. Among them were Dr. Teller, Dr. Wood and such members of the President's ''kitchen cabinet'' as Joseph Coors, a beer executive; Justin Dart, a wealthy businessman, and Jacquelin Hume, an industrialist. The group's top officer was Karl R. Bendetsen, once Under Secretary of the Army, later chairman of the board of the Champion International Corporation, and a long-time overseer of the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace. Since the 1940's he had known Dr. Teller, who in addition to his weapons work also held a post at Hoover. The group's second-in-command was Lieut. Gen. Daniel O. Graham ... But by late 1981 the group began to split over differing visions of how to carry out the task of space-based defense. Mr. Bendetsen, Dr. Teller and the Reagan 'kitchen cabinet' separated into a small group to investigate sophisticated proposals that would require much more research before being ready to use, while General Graham and his group, known formally as High Frontier, emphasized systems that could be built primarily from ''off the shelf.'' Another factor in the split, according to General Graham, was that Dr. Teller insisted on the inclusion of third- generation weapons powered by nuclear bombs. ''He wanted very much to leave in the nuclear options,'' the general said. ''The man is carrying a load and has taken a lot of abuse as the 'father' of the H-bomb. Now he wants to see nuclear technology turn out to be the answer in the opposite direction, to save the Western world.'' The split had vast implications in terms of Presidential access. Mr. Bendetsen and his friends visited the White House with ease. General Graham did not." March 3, 1985, Washington Post, 'Reagan Seized Idea Shelved In '80 Race; Activists Nurtured Shift to 'Star Wars'': "For the first two years of his presidency, Reagan focused on the modernization of offensive weapons: the B1 bomber, the MX, the Trident submarine. But others continued to advance the concept of strategic defense, including the Heritage Foundation, and Graham put together a study on the topic called "High Frontier." Reagan also talked about it with a group of "kitchen cabinet" friends, including industrialist Jacquelin Hume; brewer Joseph Coors; William Wilson, ambassador to the Vatican, and Karl R. Bendetsen..."

Source(s): April 18, 1991, Col. Sam Dickens for Roll Call, 'Premature Hero Status': "The American Security Council sponsored a visit to Washington last week of the widow and son of Enrique Bermudez. They visited with several Members of Congress, met with Bush Administration officials, and testified before the Organization of American States to assess the tragic and pitiful situation in Nicaragua.""; September 8, 1987, Associated Press, 'Kemp Says Honduran President Supports Aid to Contras': "Rep. Jack Kemp, a presidential candidate, said Tuesday he was told by the president of Honduras that U.S. aid should continue to Nicaraguan rebels despite a new Central American peace plan. ... Shortly after arriving Tuesday, Kemp and a few other members of the group were taken to a Nicaraguan rebel camp in southern Honduras for a meeting with Col. Enrique Bermudez. ... Among those in the group are Howard Phillips of the Conservative Caucus; Lyn Bouchey of the American Coalition for Traditional Values; Republican fund-raiser Richard Viguerie, and Sam Dickens of the American Security Council Foundation."; April 9, 1991, Washington Times, 'Autopsy disputed in death of Contra': "Two Miami morticians who examined the body of slain Nicaraguan resistance leader Enrique Bermudez have challenged important details about the murder contained in an official death certificate and a statement by Nicaragua's Marxist military chief. ... Retired Air Force Col. Samuel Dickens, a director of the American Security Council and friend of Mrs. Bermudez's, spoke with the undertakers about the handling of the body at her request. The Washington Times reported last month that intelligence reports provided strong circumstantial evidence linking military chief of staff Gen. Humberto Ortega to the slaying. ... "I believe they [the Nicaraguans] removed the internal organs because they did not want the bullet or any fragments to be found," Col. Dickens said in an interview."

CIA.gov, 'Northern Front Contras: The Contra Story': "Enrique Bermudez Varela served as an officer in the Nicaraguan National Guard Corps of Engineers from 1952-1979. During his military career, he was a student at the U.S. Army School of the Americas, the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College and the Inter-American Defense College. After completing his study at the Inter-American Defense College, Bermudez was assigned as the Nicaraguan Defense Attaché in Washington from 1976 to 1979. During that period, Bermudez was openly critical of the Somoza Regime and its General Staff."

March 8, 1985, Facts on File World News Digest, 'Contra Atrocities Reported': "A report by a U.S. human rights group detailing rights abuses by the Nicaraguan contras was issued March 5. [See 1984, pp. 932E3, 791A2] The group, Americas Watch, charged that throughout 1984 and early 1985, the contras had raped, murdered, tortured, kidnapped and mutilated unarmed civilians, including women and children. The report said that the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN), the largest contra group, had systematically executed prisoners and participated in "the deliberate use of terror." The FDN and the Misura Indian group were the worst offenders, the report said. Americas Watch, a private nonpolitical organization, also charged that the Sandinista army was guilty of some abuses but that there had been a "sharp decline" in such violations since 1982. It said the government had committed "major abuses" in December 1981, when its forces massacred between 14 and 17 Miskito Indians, and referred to seven more massacres and disappearances the following year. [See 1984, p. 821D1] The group accused the U.S. government of aiding and abetting the contras in the abuses by providing financial and other support. A U.S. State Department official commented, in response to the charges: "It seems to be what you would expect in a war." A senior administration official was quoted as saying, "The contras have a tendency to kidnap young girls." FDN military commander Enrique Bermudez, a member of the National Guard under former President Anastasio Somoza Debayle, maintained that the charges resulted from Sandinista propaganda aimed at discrediting the FDN. Bermudez was in Washington, D.C. to lobby Congress for the resumption of aid to the contras. A separate report officially issued March 7 showed findings similar to those of Americas Watch. The report was prepared by Reed Brody, a former New York state assistant attorney general, at the suggestion of a U.S. law firm representing the Nicaraguan government. It listed 28 incidents of atrocities by the FDN. The FDN March 7 called for further investigations into the allegations and invited U.S. congressional members to accompany rebel units on patrol. And in testimony before a Senate Appropriations subcommittee, U.S. Secretary of State George Shultz expressed skepticism about the reports, saying that "all sorts of stuff starts appearing" whenever a vote on Nicaragua appeared near."

December 5, 1991, Washington Post, 'Rebels With U.S. Blessing': "In his riveting and well-documented book "The Commandos," Sam Dillon, a prize-winning journalist who writes for the Miami Herald, reveals that there were two different contra groups in Nicaragua. One was an army of peasants rebelling against a revolution they originally thought would give them hope but which meant security police and cooperative farms. These independent farmers quickly resented "being lectured on what to plant; they didn't like meetings, and they didn't like land confiscations." If they complained, they would be called counterrevolutionaries and the most vocal were arrested, had their land confiscated and were handed over to Sandinista militants. While peasant farmers were taking up arms, a parallel movement was created by the CIA, based on ex-National Guardsmen from the Somoza era. This coterie, led by the late Enrique Bermudez, included men, Dillon shows, who indulged in systematic torture, rape and brutalization of their own troops and used money paid to them by the CIA for home improvements, mink coats, first-class meals and travel -- all while their troops were often hungry, ill-clothed and living in insufferable conditions in Honduras or the Nicaraguan countryside. While the CIA was channeling tens of thousands of dollars each month to Bermudez's general staff, "Bermudez's staff officers were pocketing the money [and] ... were also stealing half the CIA's food budget." These men included top Bermudez aides "Mack," the contra's chief trainer and intelligence boss from 1988 to 1990; counterintelligence head Mike Lima; and Ricardo Lau, a former Somoza secret police officer who carried out death squad killings of Honduran dissidents, as well as the murder of contra rebels he suspected of being Sandinistas."

October 6, 1991, San Francisco Chronicle, 'Inside the Contra Camp': "Now Sam Dillon, a Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter for the Miami Herald, brings us ''Comandos: The CIA and Nicaragua's Contra Rebels.'' Centered directly on the ''comandos,'' as the Contras called themselves, the book tells how the CIA backed the Contras' most right-wing faction, protecting it against power plays by more independent, moderate leaders, and worked to cover up the hard-liners' steady bloodbath of human-rights abuses. Dillon focuses on Luis Fley, a Contra troop commander who arrived in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, in mid-1988 to become the rebels' chief spokesman and human-rights investigator. Fley was the point man for a high-profile U.S. effort to clean up the Contras' human-rights record. But Fley, with the likable sincerity of a rookie detective, promptly uncovered a wide pattern of torture and killings by Contra officials. He was subjected to a coverup orchestrated by the rebel high command, CIA officials and U.S. Ambassador to Honduras Everett Briggs. Despite pressure from Congress and the State Department, Fley's investigation was eventually quashed. As Dillon reveals, Fley's case was the tip of the iceberg. In the early 1980s, Contra leaders had formed a death squad for the Honduran military, torturing and killing about 250 leftist Honduran students, trade union leaders and Salvadoran immigrants. In the late 1980s, rebel counterintelligence teams killed hundreds of fellow Contras under the pretext of rooting out Sandinista infiltrators. Although it is unclear whether the CIA knew about the killings while they were occurring, Dillon says, CIA agents and State Department diplomats helped cover them up. Dillon also provides copious detail on the corruption and sexual debauches of top Contra officials, including military chief Enrique Bermudez. Contra human- rights lawyer Marta Baltodano, who tried but failed to stop the routine sexual abuse of female rebels, described her superiors as ''a Mafia like I'd never seen.'' Of the many U.S. officials described, typically well researched is U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel Don Johnson, a gregarious U.S. military adviser with an infectious smile who may actually have been, according to Dillon, the CIA's chief military strategist for the Contras. Dillon quotes a Contra official who described Johnson standing in gym shorts in the rebel command post, directing a major offensive in December 1987 against three Nicaraguan mining towns: '' 'He was arranging everything on his maps. ''Let's try this! Now let's move them here!'' It was like a party, in his own house, as if he were playing with lead soldiers. . . . It was like it was a big game,' the official said. 'That's when we saw that Johnson was giving direct orders to Bermudez. ''Colonel, sign this for me!'' he'd tell Bermudez. And he'd hand Bermudez an order, already typed up. . . . He wasn't even consulting. And Bermudez was signing.' '' Although Dillon savages the Contra leadership and U.S. officials, he stubbornly portrays the Contras' cause as a noble one worth backing. He clearly and accurately describes how most Contra fighters were peasants driven into rebellion by Sandinista arrogance and Marxist policies. It was not their fault, Dillon says, that their revolt was hijacked by the CIA and right-wing thugs. Dillon's point might be stronger, however, had he compared the Contras' situation with the similar dilemma of many equally humble Nicaraguans who fought to defend legitimate Sandinista reforms -- despite their distaste for their own hijackers, who happened to be Soviet and Cuban."

August 27, 1996, NPR, 'California Reporter Alleges CIA Approval of Drug Ring': "GARY WEBB: ... The way it operated in was this - they would bring the cocaine in, in various means, through Miami, through Houston, along the coast of California. And they would distribute it and collect the money, and the money would be sent- at least some of the money would be sent to the Contras in Nicaragua. And the biggest part of the- the drug operation that we were able to find operated in South Central L.A. in Compton. ... Correct. And that's- You know, as you realize, there were several of- several guerrilla groups that we called the Contras. Actually, the biggest one and the one that was directly sponsored by the Central Intelligence Agency was the FDN, the Nicaraguan Democratic Force, in English. And the fellow who was the- the Southern California distributor for this ring was a man named Denielo Blandone [sp], who was a former official of the Somoza government. And he arrived in the United States in 1979 and testified recently that he began selling cocaine in South Central Los Angeles in- in early 1982. After he had met with the military commander of the FDN, which was a fellow named Colonel Enrique Bermudez [sp], who, you know, as the Iran-Contra hearing showed, was on the CIA's payroll for almost a decade, probably even longer than that. ... What we found was that they were meeting with CIA agents - Enrique Bermudez, number one; Aldofo Colero [sp], number two. We- we found and printed a picture of Aldofo Colero, who was the political leader of the FDN, that was taken in June of 1984 in a kitchen in San Francisco, in the company of Norlind Menessas [sp], who was the Nicaraguan exile who actually ran the drug ring. He was Denielo Blandone's boss. As far as protecting the ring, I mean, this thing came very close to being broken by the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department in late 1986, and according to an affidavit for the search warrant that I found, the police knew that this ring was selling cocaine and funneling the profits to the Contras through a brokerage firm in Florida. It was a very, very detailed affidavit for a search warrant. They raided 12 to 13 locations, they arrested a number of Nicaraguans, but they didn't find anything. And when I asked the police department what happened- I mean, usually when you have raids of this magnitude, you go in and you find things. And the attorney for the police officer who led the raid said that the police had always believed that it was compromised by the CIA. Now, we also had received documents from the National Archives that we had declassified, which told of a customs investigation in '85- '84, in which a customs official claimed that his investigation was sidetracked and stymied by 'national security interests.' Then we also reported that on- in El Salvador at that same time, a DEA agent named Selerino Castillo [sp] had discovered that drugs were being flown out of a couple of hangars at Ilipango Air Base [sp] outside of San Salvador. He was told that it was a CIA covert operation, that he was not to interfere with it. And he continued writing reports and eventually said he was drummed out of the DEA. So, you have three different agencies, at roughly the same period of time, reporting similar problems when they attempted to investigate this ring. ... Well, Denielo Blandone, who, by the way- I mean, this fellow is not a drug dealer who is trying to beat a rap by- by going public with this thing. He is working for the federal government at the moment, and he testified as a DEA witness in a case in San Diego where most of this came out last March. And he estimated that in the first year, 1981, that he started working with this ring, they sold around 900 kilos of cocaine. You know, we figured out that the wholesale value, alone- I mean, this isn't street value. We- we were playing very conservative with these figures. The wholesale value was $54 million. In 1990, Blandone was taped by the DEA bragging that he had sold the black drug dealers in Los Angeles between 2,000 and 4,000 kilos. And you just need to multiply that out. That's like four tons of cocaine. ... Blandone was arrested in 1992, and was charged with conspiracy to possess cocaine, and pleaded guilty. The probation department recommended a life sentence and a $4-million fine. What happened was that he was released from federal prison after 28 months in custody, was not fined, and, in fact, was given a job with the Drug Enforcement Administration to work for them as an informant. And we found records indicating that he had been paid approximately $166,000 in the last 18 months for his work with the DEA."

January 9, 2011, Contra Costa Times (California), 'The return of "Freeway" Ricky Ross, the man behind a crack empire': "That white powder and the life it promised intrigued him. One day a friend, a teacher, urged him to start dealing. So Ross looked around for opportunities. And what he saw -- what others might not have seen -- was a vast and untapped market in South Central Los Angeles, where he grew up. Everyone told him his plan was impossible. Cocaine was too expensive; most of the black folks who lived there were too poor to afford it. But Ross made it work. He distilled the powder into rock, using an existing method developed in the late 1970s. He marketed his product to the gangs, Crips and Bloods, who ran the streets. More often than not, his customers paid him in $1 bills. Ross was the man to see if you wanted to unload cocaine in L.A. His fame on the streets led him to Oscar Danilo Blandon, a Nicaraguan dope dealer with ties to the Contras -- a ragged band of mercenaries and ex-landowners trying to overthrow the Sandinista-led government in Nicaragua with the help of the U.S. Congress and the CIA. By the early 1980s, Ross had heard that Blandon was trying to unload huge quantities of premium-grade cocaine. So one day, Ross says, he and Blandon both paid $60,000 to a broker who arranged for them to meet. "I made all my money back that same day," he says. Ross and Blandon were made for each other. Blandon had more cocaine than anyone could have wished for. And Ross had a mind for business that rivaled that of many CEOs. "He just had so much," Ross says, "and the cheaper I got it, the cheaper I could sell it." And sell it he did. Ross pulls his truck to a stop at 74th and Western avenues and points to a gated set of buildings, now shuttered, rusting and empty. This was Ross' "shop." From here he sold tires and wheels. He had a beauty salon and a carwash -- all of it a front. "I was selling drugs all over the place out here," he says, and turns up the volume on the radio, from which Eminem is wailing about his marital problems. "This was state of the art. We kept cars full of money, or drugs, on all these streets." The high life Ross and Blandon made millions of dollars together. Blandon and his cohorts shipped the cocaine into the U.S. through Miami and then out to Ross, who started building networks to other cities across the country. In the course of his rise, prosecutors estimate that Ross exported several tons of cocaine to New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania and elsewhere, and made more than $600 million in the process. ... Ross ran his empire with corporation-like precision. If his employees had legal problems, he supplied them with a lawyer. If buyers wanted an early delivery, he made sure they got it. He gave some of his clients preferential rates. And because Blandon gave him such bargain-basement prices, he undercut his competition at every turn. By the mid-1980s, Ross claims there were a few days when he made more than $2 million hawking crack on the streets. The San Diego DEA officials who would investigate, and convict, him a decade later refer to him now, in unusually understated language, as a "large-scale crack-cocaine dealer." Ross didn't know what to do with all his money. He paid his mother and his girlfriends a weekly allowance. He bought cars and houses and motels and apartment buildings. He lost count of all the property he owned. "Twenty houses, maybe 30," he says, "I don't know." A few miles more and he stops the truck in front of a gold and white house with Greek columns on Hillcrest Avenue, a quiet street in Inglewood. At the height of his power, he bought this house from a liquor store owner for $250,000 in cash. And because the liquor store owner needed small bills to run his business, Ross paid him in $1 bills. Downfall Blandon and Ross made an odd pair. Blandon was Nicaraguan, well-to-do, disdainful of his poor black customers. Blandon hated the Socialists who had taken over his country. Sometimes he told Ross that he was helping the rebels out with the money he made selling crack. But Ross didn't ask too many questions. He was trying to stay one step ahead of the law."

August 24, 1996, The Times, 'CIA aided drug ring 'to fund Contras'': "AS AMERICA'S most infamous crack cocaine millionaire was sentenced yesterday in a federal court, detailed allegations emerged that his supply network was protected by the CIA in order to channel profits to anti-government rebels in Nicaragua. "Freeway" Ricky Ross, who was convicted on drugs charges earlier this year, was for much of the 1980s the main customer of a powerful cocaine ring in the San Francisco area tolerated by the CIA as an important source of funds for Nicaragua's Contras, the San Jose Mercury News reported. Ross, 34, who had a talent for street-level organisation, bought a tonne of the drug for $ 54 million (Pounds 35 million) in 1981 alone, according to Oscar Blandon, a former Contra leader, drug dealer and the American Government's chief informer in its case against Ross. Mr Blandon, his chief supplier, said in 1994 that the reason for his involvement in the drug trade was simple: "We started raising money for the Contra revolution. Whatever drugs we were running in LA, the profit was going to the Contra revolution." It was Juan Norwin Meneses [Cantarero], Mr Blandon's boss, the crucial link between the crack epidemic and funding for the Contras, who was able to run his business with impunity thanks to US intelligence, documents obtained by the newspaper show."

August 28, 1996, Dayton Daily News (Ohio), ''Crack' plague tied to CIA': "For the better part of a decade, a San Francisco Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to the Crips and Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug profits to a Latin American guerrilla army run by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. This drug network opened the first pipeline between Colombia's cocaine cartels and the black neighborhoods of Los Angeles, a city now known as the 'crack' capital of the world. The cocaine that flooded in helped spark a crack explosion in urban America - and provided the cash and connections needed for L.A.'s gangs to buy automatic weapons. This page looks at the bizarre relationship that developed between a U.S.-backed army attempting to overthrow a revolutionary socialist government and the Uzi-toting 'gangstas' of Compton and South-Central Los Angeles. - The San Jose Mercury News JUST THE FACTS * The 5,000-man Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN) was created in mid-1981 when the CIA combined several existing groups of anti-communist exiles into a unified force it hoped would topple the new socialist government of Nicaragua. * From 1982 to 1988, the FDN - run by both American and Nicaraguan CIA agents - waged a losing battle against Nicaragua's Sandinista government, the Cuban-supported socialists who'd overthrown U.S.-backed dictator Anastasio Somoza in 1979. * Former FDN leader and drug dealer Oscar Danilo Blandon Reyes, who began working for the FDN's drug operation in late 1981, testified that the drug ring sold almost a ton of cocaine in the United States that year - worth $ 54 million at prevailing wholesale prices. * Blandon testified that 'whatever we were running in L.A., the profit was going for the contra revolution.' At the time of that testimony, Blandon was a full-time informant for the Drug Enforcement Administration, a job the U.S. Department of Justice got him after releasing him from prison in 1994. * Though Blandon admitted to crimes that have sent others away for life, the Justice Department turned him loose on unsupervised probation after only 28 months behind bars and has paid him more than $ 166,000 since. * Blandon's boss in the FDN's cocaine operation, Juan Norwin Meneses Cantarero, has never spent a day in a U.S. prison, even though the federal government has been aware of his cocaine dealings since at least 1974. * Meneses - who ran the drug ring from his homes in the San Francisco Bay Area - is listed in the DEA's computers as a major international drug smuggler and was implicated in 45 separate federal investigations. Yet he and his cocaine-dealing relatives lived quite openly in the Bay Area for years, buying homes, bars, restaurants, car lots and factories. * While a prosecutor says Meneses' organization was 'the target of unsuccessful investigative attempts for many years,' records show that a number of those probes were stymied by agencies of the U.S. government. * Agents from four organizations - the DEA, U.S. Customs, the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department and the California Bureau of Narcotic Enforcement - have complained that investigations were hampered by the CIA or unnamed 'national security' interests. * It wasn't until 1989, a few months after the contra-Sandinista war ended and five years after Meneses moved to a ranch in Costa Rica, that the U.S. government took any action against him: Federal prosecutors in San Francisco charged Meneses with conspiracy to distribute one kilo of cocaine in 1984, a year in which he was working publicly with the FDN. * The Meneses indictment was quickly locked away in the vaults of the San Francisco federal courthouse, where it remains today - inexplicably secret for more than seven years. Meneses was never arrested. * Reporters found a copy of the secret indictment in Nicaragua, along with a federal arrest warrant issued Feb. 8, 1989. Records show the no-bail warrant was never entered into the national law-enforcement database that police use to track down fugitives. THE CONSEQUENCES * While the FDN's war in Nicaragua is barely a memory today, black America is still dealing with its poisonous side effects: * Inner cities are grappling with legions of homeless crack addicts. * Thousands of young black men are serving long prison sentences for selling cocaine - a drug that was virtually unobtainable in black neighborhoods before members of the CIA's army brought it into South-Central in the 1980s at bargain-basement prices. * L.A. gangs used their enormous cocaine profits to arm themselves and spread crack across the country. * The U.S. Department of Justice is left to explain why nearly everyone convicted in California's federal courts of 'crack' cocaine trafficking is black: * Danilo Blandon - the Crips' and Bloods' first direct-connect to the cocaine cartels of Colombia - is a free man living in Nicaragua and running a wood exporting business. One prosecutor said Blandon had sold so much cocaine in the United States that his mandatory prison sentence would be 'off the scale.' * But Ricky Ross, the young black man who was L.A.'s premier crack wholesaler and Danilo Blandon's biggest customer, awaits sentencing on a cocaine conspiracy conviction. Blandon helped set up the sting that netted Ross. THE SETUP * The contra army's financiers - who met with CIA agents both before and during the time they were selling drugs in L.A. - delivered cut-rate cocaine to the gangs through a young South-Central crack dealer named Ricky Donnell Ross. * 'Freeway Rick,' a dope dealer of mythic proportions in the L.A. drug world, turned the cocaine powder into crack and wholesaled it to gangs as far east as Dayton. * The cash Ross paid for the cocaine was used to buy weapons and equipment for a guerrilla army named the Fuerza Democratica Nicaraguense (Nicaraguan Democratic Force) or FDN, the largest of several anti-communist groups commonly called the contras. * Former FDN leader and drug dealer Oscar Danilo Blandon Reyes didn't try to peddle the FDN's cocaine in Beverly Hills or Malibu. He and several other Nicaraguan exiles headed for the vast, untapped markets of L.A.'s black ghettos. * Blandon's marketing strategy - selling the world's most expensive street drug in some of California's poorest neighborhoods - might seem baffling, but he and his compatriots arrived in South-Central L.A. just as street-level drug users were figuring out how to make cocaine affordable: by changing the pricey white powder into powerful little nuggets that could be smoked - crack. * With crack, cocaine smokers got an explosive high unmatched by 10 times as much snorted powder. And since only a tiny amount was needed for that rush, cocaine no longer had to be sold in large, expensive quantities. Anyone with $ 20 could get wasted. * It was a 'substance that is tailor-made to addict people,' said Dr. Robert Byck, a Yale University cocaine expert, during congressional testimony in 1986."

September 19, 1996, Geraldo Rivera show, 'Panelist discuss the possible involvement of the CIA in the crack cocaine epidemic': "Mr. ALAN FENSTER (Attorney For "Freeway Rick" Ross): Well, one of the arguments, of course, is that the government is strenuously requesting that he--that Ricky Ross be sentenced to a mandatory life prison. That is, he will die in prison, whereas Blandon, a man responsible for bringing thousands of kilos of cocaine into the United States, was let out of jail after doing 28 months. And on top of that, he's been paid $ 166,000 so far by the American taxpayers and apparently is still counting."

September 15, 1996, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette (Pennsylvania), 'CIA tied to Calif. drug ring' (written by Gary Webb): "'There is a saying that the ends justify the means,'' former FDN leader and drug dealer Oscar Danilo Blandon Reyes testified during a recent cocaine trafficking trial in San Diego. ''And that's what Mr. Bermudez (the CIA agent who commanded the FDN) told us in Honduras, OK? So we started raising money for the Contra revolution.'' The CIA link Recently declassified reports, federal court testimony, undercover tapes, court records here and abroad and hundreds of hours of interviews over the past 12 months reveal that Blandon was no ordinary drug dealer. Shortly before Blandon - who had been the drug ring's Southern California distributor - took the stand in San Diego as a witness for the U.S. Department of Justice, federal prosecutors obtained a court order preventing defense lawyers from delving into his ties to the CIA. Blandon, one of the FDN's founders in California, ''will admit that he was a large-scale dealer in cocaine, and there is no additional benefit to any defendant to inquire as to the Central Intelligence Agency,'' Assistant U.S. Attorney L.J. O'Neale argued in his motion shortly before Ross' trial on cocaine trafficking charges in March. The 5,000-man FDN, records show, was created in mid-1981 when the CIA combined several existing groups of anti-communist exiles into a unified force it hoped would topple the new socialist government of Nicaragua. From 1982 to 1988, the FDN, run by both American and Nicaraguan CIA agents, waged a losing war against Nicaragua's Sandinista government, the Cuban-supported socialists who'd overthrown U.S.-backed dictator Anastasio Somoza in 1979. Blandon, who began working for the FDN's drug operation in late 1981, testified that the drug ring sold almost a ton of cocaine in the United States that year, $ 54 million worth at prevailing wholesale prices. It was not clear how much of the money found its way back to the CIA's army, but Blandon testified that ''whatever we were running in L.A., the profit was going to the Contra revolution.'' ... ''He has been extraordinarily helpful,'' federal prosecutor O'Neale told Blandon's judge in a plea for the trafficker's release in 1994. Though O'Neale once described Blandon to a grand jury as ''the biggest Nicaraguan cocaine dealer in the United States,'' the prosecutor would not discuss him with the Mercury News. Dealer not jailed Blandon's boss in the FDN's cocaine operation, Juan Norwin Meneses Cantarero, has never spent a day in a U.S. prison, even though the federal government has been aware of his cocaine dealings since at least 1974, records show. Meneses, who ran the drug ring from his homes in the San Francisco Bay area, is listed in the DEA's computers as a major international drug smuggler and was implicated in 45 separate federal investigations. His organization was ''the target of unsuccessful investigative attempts for many years,'' prosecutor O'Neale acknowledged in a 1994 affidavit. But records and interviews revealed that a number of those probes were stymied not by the elusive Meneses but by agencies of the U.S. government. Agents from four organizations - the DEA, U.S. Customs, the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department and the California Bureau of Narcotic Enforcement - have complained that investigations were hampered by the CIA or unnamed ''national security'' interests. One 1988 investigation by a U.S. Senate subcommittee ran into a wall of official secrecy at the Justice Department. In that case, congressional records show, Senate investigators were trying to determine why the U.S. attorney in San Francisco, Joseph Russoniello, had given $ 36,000 back to a Nicaraguan cocaine dealer arrested by the FBI. The money was returned, court records show, after two Contra leaders sent letters to the court swearing that the drug dealer had been given the cash to buy weapons for guerrillas. Russoniello said it was cheaper to give the money back than to disprove that claim. ''The Justice Department flipped out to prevent us from getting access to people, records - finding anything out about it,'' recalled Jack Blum, former chief counsel to the Senate subcommittee that investigated allegations of Contra cocaine trafficking. Meneses moved to a ranch in Costa Rica in 1984, and was eventually arrested on cocaine charges in Nicaragua in 1991. After his arrest, his judge expressed astonishment that the infamous smuggler went unmolested by American drug agents during his years in the United States. A sudden downfall Blandon led an equally charmed life. For at least five years he brokered massive amounts of cocaine to the black gangs of Los Angeles without being arrested. But his luck changed overnight. On Oct. 27, 1986, agents from the FBI, the IRS, local police and Los Angeles County sheriff's officers fanned out across Southern California and raided more than a dozen locations connected to Blandon's cocaine operation. He and his wife, along with numerous Nicaraguan associates, were arrested on drug and weapons charges. The search warrant affidavit reveals that local drug agents knew plenty about Blandon's involvement with cocaine and the CIA's army nearly 10 years ago. Despite their intimate knowledge of Blandon's operations, however, the police raids were a spectacular failure. Every location had been cleaned of anything remotely incriminating. No one was ever prosecuted. FBI records show that soon after the raids, Blandon's defense attorney, Bradley Brunon, phoned the sheriff's department to suggest that his client's troubles stemmed from a most unlikely source: a recent congressional vote authorizing $ 100 million in military aid to the CIA's Contra army. According to a December 1986 FBI teletype, Brunon told the officers that the ''CIA winked at this sort of thing (selling cocaine to raise Contra money). . . . (Brunon) indicated that now that the U.S. Congress had voted funds for the Nicaraguan Contra movement, the U.S. government now appears to be turning against organizations like this.'' Blandon has also implied that his cocaine sales were, for a time, CIA-approved. He told a San Francisco federal grand jury in 1994 that once the FDN began receiving American taxpayer dollars, the CIA no longer needed his kind of help. ''When Mr. Reagan get in the power, we start receiving a lot of money,'' Blandon testified. ''And the people that was in charge, it was the CIA, so they didn't want to raise any (drug) money because they have, they had the money that they wanted.'' ''From the government?'' asked Assistant U.S. Attorney David Hall. ''Yes, for the Contra revolution,'' Blandon said. ''So we started - you know, the ambitious person - we started doing business by ourselves.'' Asked about that, prosecutor Hall said, ''I don't know what to tell you. The CIA won't tell me anything.'' None of the government agencies known to have been involved with Meneses and Blandon over the years would provide the Mercury News with any information about them. A Freedom of Information Act request filed with the CIA was denied on national security grounds. FOIA requests filed with the DEA were denied on privacy grounds. Requests filed months ago with the FBI, the State Department and the Immigration and Naturalization Service have produced nothing so far. The Texas connection The Contra-cocaine connection also arose during the sensational 1992 cocaine trafficking trial of Meneses after he was arrested in Nicaragua in connection with a staggering 750-kilo shipment of cocaine. His chief accuser was his friend Enrique Miranda, a relative and former Nicaraguan military intelligence officer who had been Meneses' emissary to the cocaine cartel of Bogota, Colombia. Miranda pleaded guilty to drug charges and agreed to cooperate in exchange for a seven-year sentence. In a long, handwritten statement he read to Meneses' jury, Miranda revealed the deepest secrets of the Meneses drug ring, earning his old boss a 30-year prison sentence in the process. Meneses ''and his brother Luis Enrique had financed the Contra revolution with the benefits of the cocaine they sold,'' Miranda wrote. ''This operation, as Norwin told me, was executed with the collaboration of high-ranking Salvadoran military personnel. They met with officials of the Salvadoran air force, who flew (planes) to Colombia and then left for the U.S., bound for an Air Force base in Texas, as he told me.'' Meneses, who has close personal and business ties to a Salvadoran air force commander and former CIA agent named Marcos Aguado, declined to discuss Miranda's statements during an interview at a prison outside Managua in January. He is scheduled to be paroled this summer after nearly five years in custody. U.S. General Accounting Office records confirm that El Salvador's air force was supplying the CIA's Nicaraguan guerrillas with aircraft and flight support services throughout the mid-1980s. Miranda did not name the Air Force base in Texas where the FDN's cocaine was purportedly flown. The same day the Mercury News requested official permission to interview him, he disappeared. While out on a routine weekend furlough, Miranda failed to return to the Nicaraguan jail where he'd been living since 1992. He has not been seen in nearly a year."

October 2, 1996, The Star-Ledger (Newark, New Jersey), 'The gang's all here: Time to probe drug links among CIA, Contras': "Time to probe drug links among CIA, Contras, Crips and Bloods It should not shock our sensibilities that there are allegations of Uncle Sam's culpability in pushing tons of cocaine among street gangs in Los Angeles in the mid-1980s, with profits earmarked for the CIA-supported Nicaraguan Contras. There have been suspicions among countless people in urban America for a couple of decades that some sinister force in Washington, in conjunction with perhaps an appendage of the criminal class, funneled illicit drugs into black communities. The heads of the Central Intelligence Agency and the Justice Department have dismissed such charges. Both departments, however, currently are investigating allegations of the CIA involvement in drug trafficking from the Contras to the streets of Los Angeles. Even the assurances by CIA and Justice Department officials have been insufficient to assuage the anger of many African-Americans who, since the charges first surfaced, have demanded a full-blown congressional investigation. ... The Contra crack scandal was first uncovered last August in a three-part series of the San Jose Mercury News, which reported that a Nicaraguan cocaine dealer, Danilo Blandon, funneled drugs to "Freeway" Ricky Ross, a South Central crack dealer who Blandon later testified in federal court was his biggest customer. Ross turned Blandon's cocaine into crack and distributed it to the Crips and Bloods street gangs. Blandon, now an undercover informant for the Drug Enforcement Administration, told the DEA in 1995 that at the height of his business, he was providing 100 kilos of cocaine a week to the gangs."

January 30, 1998, New York Times, 'C.I.A. Report Concludes Agency Knew Nothing of Drug Dealers' Ties to Rebels': "The Central Intelligence Agency today released the first volume of an internal investigation concluding that the agency knew nothing about California cocaine dealers who claimed connections with rebels in Nicaragua backed by the agency. The inspector general's report was an effort to answer accusations made in newspaper articles published in August 1996 that drug-dealing Nicaraguan rebels and their supporters were responsible for introducing crack cocaine to black neighborhoods in California in the 1980's. The series of articles in The San Jose Mercury News suggested that the C.I.A. condoned the drug trafficking because the cocaine dealers kicked back millions of dollars to rebels fighting the Marxist Sandinista Government of Nicaragua. The articles ignited a storm of protest, fanned by talk radio, the Internet and the grapevine. The intelligence agency fervently denied the accusation and undertook the internal investigation to try to restore its image. The Director of Central Intelligence, George J. Tenet, said today that "no investigation, no matter how exhaustive, will completely erase that false impression or undo the damage that has been done" to the agency by the articles. The Mercury News published a long note from its editor last year saying the articles were overblown. The reporter who wrote them, Gary Webb, has resigned. The agency's report released today, the first of two volumes, includes fragments of evidence about connections between the cocaine dealers and the rebels, known as contras, but nothing like the seamless web reported by The Mercury News. The report concludes that one of the cocaine dealers mentioned by The Mercury News, Oscar Danilo Blandon, gave a contra leader, Eden Pastora, several thousand dollars, the use of two cars and a free place to stay. But, the agency says, their relationship was not political. Mr. Blandon also met with another contra leader, Enrique Bermudez, but says that he gave him no money. Mr. Blandon told the C.I.A. that he and another cocaine dealer, Norwin Meneses, donated tens of thousands of dollars to contra sympathizers in Los Angeles. The agency says it cannot prove or disprove that assertion. Its report says neither man claims to have been "motivated by any commitment to support the contra cause or contra activities undertaken by C.I.A.," and that the agency was unaware of their existence in the 1980's. Another convicted drug dealer, Renato Pena Cabrera, who says he was an unpaid representative of the contras in California from 1982 through 1984, told C.I.A. investigators that he had heard from a Colombian associate of Mr. Meneses that some proceeds from several million dollars' worth of cocaine he sold went to support the contras. The report includes no more information on that assertion, other than to say that the C.I.A. never had a relationship with Mr. Pena. The second volume of the report, to be completed next month, will examine accusations that some contras and their supporters dealt in drugs. A 1989 Senate investigation concluded that they did. It said the largest contra group moved money through a drug-smuggling network; that drug traffickers gave the contras money, guns, planes and pilots, and that Government money meant to support the contras went to drug traffickers. The C.I.A.'s inspector general, Fred Hitz, said today that he had found no evidence that the agency, or any of its employees, had dealt in drugs to support the contras."

February 1, 1990, Associated Press, ' Attorney: Contra Leader Ordered Killing of U.S. Citizen': "An attorney charged Thursday that new information points to Contra military leader Enrique Bermudez as the official who ordered the killing of a U.S. volunteer building a rural dam in Nicaragua. Benjamin Linder, 27, of Portland, Ore., died April 28, 1987, when the U.S.-backed rebels attacked the hydroelectric dam in northern Nicaragua. His family contends the engineer was abducted, tortured and executed, but the Contras said he was armed, and died in a firefight between rebel and Sandinista government troops. The family has filed a $$50 million wrongful death suit in federal court in Miami against the Contras and their leadership, including Bermudez. The Contras at one time had a headquarters in Miami. "This was not just an attack on a dam ... this was an attack to assassinate a man," family attorney Michael Ratner told U.S. District Judge Stanley Marcus. "Linder was taken alive and executed subsequently, and Enrique Bermudez gave the order." The charge was based on a deposition from Fermin Cardenas, former head of operations for the Contras, and later given amnesty in Nicaragua. Cardenas, who died shortly after giving his statement, said Bermudez had ordered Linder killed to sabotage the dam project, and congratulated the patrol's commander afterward. Bermudez continues to head the rebel military. Thursday's hearing came on the family's request to amend the suit with the Cardenas deposition, thus making it more specific, instead of basing it on general claims that the Contras routinely conducted such raids against civilian workers."

May-July 2010, Volume 11, Issue 11, American Security Council Foundation News Review, Henry A. Fisher, ASCF president: "The ceremony on March 21, 2010 was to be held at a rally to commemorate the 19th anniversary of the murder of Contra commander Comandante‟ Enrique Bermudez. Enrique Bermudez, codenamed “Comandante 380,” founded and commanded the Contras, the largest group of Free-dom Fighters in the war against Nicaragua‟s Marxist Sandinista government. From the inception in 1979 until the end of the military conflict in 1990, Bermudez was responsible for all military operations for the 25,000 man strong Contra force, and later the transition to a peaceful opposition political party after the historic free and fair election of President Violeta Barrios de Chamorro on February 25, 1990. Prior to his affiliation with the Contras, Enrique Bermudez had risen through the ranks of the Nicaraguan Guardia National to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel and served under former Nicaraguan President Anastasio Somoza De-bayle. Lt. Colonel Bermudez was serving as military attaché‟ to the United States at the time of the 1979 revolution in Nicaragua by the Sandinistas. At that time Bermudez moved immediately into armed opposition against the Sand-inista Government becoming one of the most influential leaders in the fight for a free Nicaragua."

July 30, 1989, Washington Post, 'U.S. Wants Contras to Keep Arms Until Nicaraguan Voting': "Meanwhile, some strains have developed in the administration and conservative political circles over how State Department officials are implementing the administration's contra policy. State Department officials have strongly criticized some veteran contra leaders, such as longtime civilian political chief Adolfo Calero and military commander Enrique Bermudez, charging that Bermudez, Calero and others are more interested in preserving their personal political bases than adapting to the political situation in the United States and Nicaragua. These criticisms, coupled with the State Department's decision to give the contra field commanders a greater role in the political process, have prompted counter-charges from Bermudez and Calero that the State Department is seeking to force them out and undermine the contras' traditional political leadership. ... Some longtime conservative political allies of the contras also have criticized the State Department. In a recent letter to Bush, 15 conservatives joined Samuel T. Dickens, director of the American Security Council, a conservative group strongly supportive of the contras, in accusing the department of seeking to undermine the contras' political and military leadership. Officials backing the State Department said it is not seeking to oust Bermudez and Calero but trying to force them to adapt to the changing political situation. "In any sort of transition period, there are certain changes that take place that require a certain adjustment," one official said. "In an earlier time . . . , [Bermudez] was sort of an undisputed leader. Now he's not going to have the sole role. The leadership has expanded.""

April 18, 1991, Col. Sam Dickens for Roll Call, 'Premature Hero Status': "The Feb. 16 assassination of former resistance leader Enrique Bermudez was just one of many such killings over the past year. At least 50 former members of the resistance (Contras) who laid down their arms to participate in the democratic process have been murdered by government security forces. ... The Nicaraguan government has, in short, willfully blocked an effective probe of the Bermudez murder. This implies knowledge of high-level Sandinista involvement in the killing. Sandinista-controlled death squads continue to operate with impunity in Nicaragua. Murders of former resistance people continue. The American Security Council sponsored a visit to Washington last week of the widow and son of Enrique Bermudez. They visited with several Members of Congress, met with Bush Administration officials, and testified before the Organization of American States to assess the tragic and pitiful situation in Nicaragua."

May 3, 1991, New York Times, 'A Man of Hate Meets His Violent Destiny': "To the Editor: In all the denunciations of the assassination in Managua in February of Col. Enrique Bermudez, I note that no one bothers to mention just who this contra leader really was. President Bush called it a heinous crime, and Samuel T. Dickens, the director of inter-American affairs at the American Security Council, accuses the Sandinistas of perpetrating the deed (Op-Ed, April 16). But Enrique Bermudez was so hated by so many that anyone could have done it. What's more, the United States press had well recorded his viciousness in the past. When Enrique Bermudez became the contras' top commander in 1988, you reported (May 6, 1988) that contra field chiefs petitioned the Central Intelligence Agency to get rid of him on the grounds that he was too brutal and personally corrupt. And when the C.I.A. refused, you reported that 7 of the 38 commanders quit (July 21, 1988). Newsweek informed (Aug. 1, 1988) of his boast that under his command the contras would use new methods, "such as assassination of Sandinista leaders," adding, "we could use even terrorism." But there were a lot of ordinary Nicaraguans who would have eagerly sought Enrique Bermudez for revenge. I met one such, a woman more than 70 years old, when I went to Nicaragua as a member of the international team of observers of the 1984 elections. They called her La Dulce, the soft one, because she never raised her voice and never raised her eyes. She walked with a slight shuffle as if lugging a sack of dead wood on her shoulders, and she clutched a walking stick as if it were a tomahawk. "My son was tortured to death in front of my eyes," she finally told me one day, "to force me to tell them where some students were hiding. I didn't tell them, you know why, because I didn't know, but they killed him anyway." Then, pulling out a crumpled newspaper picture and showing it to me, La Dulce, who never supported or joined the Sandinistas, added: "This man was the one who kept putting the picana" -- an electric rod attached to a portable generator -- "in my son's mouth. The others were holding him and holding me. But he was the one who burned out my son's eyes. Him." The picture was one of Enrique Bermudez, commander of the dictator Anastasio Somoza's National Guard. JOHN GERASSI Professor, Political Science Queens College, CUNY."

June 17, 1992, United States Court of Appeal, 11th District, No. 90-5862, 'David LINDER, Elisabeth Linder, individually and as Co-Personal Representatives of the Estate of Benjamin Linder, John Linder, Miriam Linder, Plaintiffs-Appellants, v. Adolfo Calero PORTOCARRERO, et al., Defendants-Appellees': "After graduating from college with a mechanical engineering degree in 1983, Linder, as a civilian, went to remote areas of Nicaragua to construct dams and hydroelectric plants. He chose San Jose de Bocay, a town that had never had electricity, as a plant site. In April 1987, Linder went to the site with six co-workers. He wore civilian clothes and carried a rifle. His co-workers were volunteers from a local farming cooperative. Some wore military uniforms and carried guns because, although not Nicaraguan Army soldiers, they were civilian Self-Defense Militia members. Lying in ambush were at least a dozen members of the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN). After Linder and his co-workers put down their rifles and began their work, the FDN patrol attacked them with grenades and machine guns. The patrol shot Linder through both of his legs and his left arm, immobilizing but not mortally wounding him. While he lay defenseless, patrol members tortured him by stabbing him thirty to forty times in the face. He was then executed by shooting him through the temple from a range of less than two feet. 3 This planned attack on Linder was allegedly part of a policy, pattern and practice of widespread torture targeted at development workers and development projects for the purpose of destroying the projects and terrifying other development workers, foreign and Nicaraguan, from engaging in similar development work. 4 Four individual defendants, Enrique Bermudez, Adolfo Calero, Aristides Sanchez and Indalecio Rodriguez are allegedly responsible for the torture and murder of Linder.1 These individuals, who resided in Miami, Florida, were responsible for the military decisions and operational directions that were issued."

April 26, 1986, UPI, 'Contra accuses other rebels of corruption, drug trafficking': "A Contra guerrilla has accused the main U.S.-backed rebel group of beating and paralyzing him because he ''denounced corruption'' and drug trafficking in the force. Leonardo Zeledon Rodriguez left the Nicaraguan Democratic Force, or FDN, which operates out of base camps along the Honduran border, in 1982 to join a smaller Contra force. ''Although there was no food at the camps, here in Tegucigalpa the leaders, such as '380,' went around drinking rum in the bars,'' Zeledon said Friday. He identified FDN military chief Enrique Bermudez as 380. ''Who doesn't remember that Troilo Sanchez, brother of Aristides Sanchez who is a member of the FDN directorate, was caught in Costa Rica with pillows full of cocaine,'' he said. ''Troilo is a brother-in-law of Adolfo Calero,'' one of the top rebel leaders, Zeledon said. ''Troilo sold 200 pounds of cocaine and received $6.1 million for it.'' Zeledon also charged the FDN with ordering an assault against him. He said he was in a Tegucigalpa night club Jan. 21 when he met Leonardo Montalvan, who told him the Contras wanted to ''screw me over'' because he had taken local reporters to an FDN instruction school near the Honduran capital. ''Leonaro Montalvan told me I was on a (secret police) list and that they were going to kill me,'' he said. He said he left the club at about 1:30 a.m. and the next thing he remembered was waking up in a hospital, Zeledon said. ''It has left me immobile,'' Zeledon said of the beating that left him paralyzed from the chest down. He denied taking reporters to the training center. ''They did this to me because I denounced corruption, and I'm going to continue to denounce it while I'm still alive,'' Zeledon said from his bed in the Military Hospital School. Zeledon said that until last September he was private secretary to Stedman Fagoth, leader of a Nicaraguan rebel force made up of Misura Indians [who since 1983 was allied with the FDN]."

The Kerry Committee would soon establish that the rebels on the U.S. side had participated in the Colombia-U.S. drug pipeline. The committee's report, issued in December 1988, concluded that: "[I]t is clear that individuals who provided support for the Contras were involved in drug trafficking, the supply network for the Contras was used by drug trafficking organizations, and elements of the Contras themselves knowingly received financial and material assistance from drug traffickers. In each case, one or another agency of the U.S. government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring, or immediately thereafter."

Source(s): July 17, 1986, Washington Post, 'The Contra Conclave': "... several hundred members of the of the conservative American Security Council assembled yesterday at the Capital Hilton for their annual meeting ... Yonas Deressa, a spokesman for the Ethiopian Democratic resistance... Gurmit Singh Aulakh, an invited guest from the International Sikh Organization, made the case for U.S. aid to Sikh liberation. ... "India is completely in the Soviet bloc." Asked about the assassination of Indira Gandhi, he said, "She asked for it." [her son Rajiv took over and was assassinated in 1991] ... Souksomboun Sayasithsena of Laos, left, and Adolpho Calero at yesterday's ASC meeting. ... Fisher made periodic appearances on the platform, presenting a plague to ... Caspar Weinberger and a mounted white alabaster eagle to ... Robert J. Dole. "

As Kerry himself put it in a closed session statement, later released: "It is clear that there is a networking of drug trafficking through the contras, and it goes right up to Calero, Mario Calero, Adolpho Calero, Enrique Bermudez. And we have people who will so testify and who have. "

August 4, 1987, New York Times, 'Iran-Contra hearings; Summing up a summer's work': "Adolpho Calero Portocarrero: Political leader of the largest contra army, the Nicaraguan Democratic Force Q. Mr.Calero did there come a time when you gave travelers checks to Col. North? A. Yes. Q. And in total , how much did you give him? A. We figure it's $90,000, about $90,000. Q. How did you come to give these checks to Col. North? A. In one of our meetings he brought out the fact that there was a private effort going to liberate the American hostages . . . . And so I reacted immediately, saying that hostages -Nicaraguan hostages of the Sandanistas, American hostages of these groups in Lebanon - were one and the same, and that I was happy to help, I would be happy to help in their liberation. (May 20)"

April 16, 1988, Washington Post, ' Testimony of Bush Aide in Question': "An entry in a newly released notebook of former White House aide Oliver L. North has raised new questions about when Vice President Bush's national security adviser, Donald P. Gregg, learned about the secret, North-directed operation to supply the contras during a congressional ban on U.S. military aid. ... The entry states, "1630 -- mtg w/ Jim Steele/Don Gregg." The notes then cite a proposed visit by Calero and contra military chief Enrique Bermudez to an air base to set up logistical and maintenance support."

March 16, 1998, Federal Document Clearing House Congressional Testimony, 'Testimony, March 16, 1998, Maxine Waters, congresswoman, House Select Intelligence, CIA involvement in drug trafficking': "The following individuals associated with the Contras are, or were, either CIA agents or CIA assets: - Adolpho Calero - Enrique Bermudez - Marcos Aguado - Contra pilot and accused drug dealer. - Francisco Aviles - Contra official in Costa Rica in Frogman case. - Ivan Gomez - CIA agent who accepted drug money from Meneses. - Dagaberto Nunez - ran shrimp company for Oliver North in Costa Rica. - Rene Corvo - Cuban American who worked with Contras in Costa Rica. - Francisco Chanes - Owner of shrimp company for Oliver North in Costa Rica. - Edmundo Meneses - American-trained Nicaraguan general and Norwin's brother. - Sebastian Gonzalez - Contra leader in Costa Rica and drug partner of Meneses. ... Incredibly, the Report fails to mention anything about the activities of Adolpho Calero, only mentioning that he was interviewed. He was the key Contra leader and CIA agent in the Southern Front. Damning public information ties Calero to drug trafficking. In a December 1986 interview, Calero told the Costa Rican newspaper La Nacion that he met with drug kingpin Norwin Meneses at least six times and that he knew Meneses was involved in illegal activities."

March 16, 1998, Federal Document Clearing House Congressional Testimony, 'Testimony, March 16, 1998, Maxine Waters, congresswoman, House Select Intelligence, CIA involvement in drug trafficking': "Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee, I am here today to testify about the failure of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to conduct a serious and thorough investigation into the allegations of CIA involvement in cocaine trafficking to fund its Contra war activities. Unfortunately, my fear that the CIA would be unable to investigate itself has been confirmed with this report. The Inspector General's Report lacks credibility. It is fraught with contradictions and illogical conclusions. In a September 3, 1996 memo, then CIA Director John Deutch laid out the framework for this investigation. In his instructions to CIA Inspector General Frederick P. Hitz, Director Deutch stated, "I have no reason to believe that there is any substance to the allegations published in the Mercury News." Despite his premature conclusion, a serious, substantial and credible investigation and interview process would have proven him wrong. If the CIA Director's premature conclusion was meant to direct the final outcome, he has succeeded. This Report's sweeping denial of the CIA's knowledge of drug trafficking related to the Contras defies the evidence and the logic that the CIA should have known. From the days of the CIA's first response to the allegations raised in the "Dark Alliance" series, many skeptics believed that the CIA could never produce a credible or truthful review of wrongdoings by its own agency. These skeptics could point to this Sunday's Los Angeles Times to confirm their fears. The Times reported that, after 37 years, the CIA finally admitted publicly the most profound deception imaginable on an American family. Thomas Pete Ray and his top secret squadron of National Guard bombers were shot down during a CIA bombing mission in the Bay of Pigs debacle. For 37 years the CIA denied that Mr. Ray and his squadron even existed, much less were shot down by Cuban troops in 1961. Only this month, faced with a document obtained by a Freedom of Information Act request by the National Security Archives, did the CIA finally admit the truth - 37 years later. My deep concern about the allegations raised in the "Dark Alliance" series that my government could have in any way been involved in, or had knowledge of, drug trafficking, has caused me to spend my own time and resources to find out more about these allegations. After reading the "Dark Alliance" series, I interviewed Gary Webb, the writer of the series. I invited him to come to my district in South Central Los Angeles to respond to questions from local residents. My community encouraged my investigation and supported me in my efforts to delve deeper into these allegations. I personally interviewed a number of key figures in the "Dark Alliance" series. I first interviewed Alan Fenster, the attorney for Ricky Ross. Then I drove to San Diego to interview Mr. Ross who was being held in the Metropolitan detention facility on drug charges. I also drove to a restaurant in the Valley where I met with Celerino "Sully" Castillo, the DEA agent who had investigated the drug trafficking operation at the Ilopango airfield in El Salvador. Castillo had documented that the CIA directed this drug trafficking operation out of two hangers, using the Contra supply network as the route for shipping drugs into the U.S. I interviewed former LAPD officer Mike Ruppert, who states he was forced to leave LAPD after he uncovered a connection between the CIA and narcotic trafficking operations in California and Louisiana. Mr. Ruppert also was interviewed by the CIA for its Report. I met and had numerous telephone conversations with Jerry Guzetta, a detective with the City of Bell and a key member of the multi-agency task force working with the LA Sheriff's Department investigating the Blandon narcotics operation. Guzetta. was the Level 1 informant whose information was the basis of the affidavit of LA Sheriff Tom Gordon that resulted in the October 1986 raid of the Blandon operation's 14 sites in Southern California. I visited the records division of the LA Sheriff's Department and uncovered the Sheriff s reports regarding the October 1986 drug bust. I was the first to obtain copies of the documentation regarding the raids. On January 3, 1997, using my personal funds, I flew to Nicaragua to meet with Enrique Miranda Jaime, a former Sandanista official and drug partner of Norwin Meneses, a central figure in the allegations in the "Dark Alliance" series. I was contacted by someone who had information about the Colombian Cartels and their connection to Norwin Meneses. When I arrived in Nicaragua, I was taken to the prison in the town of Grenada by the State Department where I met with Miranda himself. Mr. Miranda told me some of the information that he gave to the CIA in this investigation, which is reported on pages 54 and 55 of the IG's Report. Mr. Miranda currently is in prison after being convicted for smuggling 764 kilos of cocaine with his partner Norwin Meneses. Meneses told Miranda - in detail - that Meneses worked for the Contras and that his drug trafficking operation had the support of the CIA. Meneses also told Miranda that he was receiving support directly from Oliver North and passing on the funds to support Contra groups. I met with Tomas Borge, a former Sandanista Interior Minister and head of intelligence. Mr. Borge also came to South Central LA to meet with me. I met with him for several hours. I also had numerous telephone conversations with Coral Talavera Baca, the girlfriend of Rafael Cornejo, who was a relative and part of Norwin Meneses' drug trafficking organization, as well as a long-time business partner of Danilo Blandon, another central figure in the "Dark Alliance" series. I received information from Ms. Baca and Mr. Cornejo who were connected to Carlos Lehder, a Columbian drug dealer and co-founder of the Medellin Cartel. It was through Lehder's private island that the Medellin Cartel moved massive amounts of cocaine to Miami and the United States. Ms. Baca had visited Carlos Lehder's private island and have information regarding the connection between Mr. Lehder and Norwin Meneses. I have looked into many of the main allegations raised in Gary Webb's series and I have thoroughly reviewed the Inspector General's Report. In addition, I have read many letters and reviewed volumes of information sent to me and have visited a large number of people who have claimed to have information about the drug dealing in South Central Los Angeles. In my informed opinion, the CIA IG Report and the investigation lacks credibility and its conclusions should be dismissed. Let me turn to some of the specifics of the Inspector General's Report. The average reader likely will find the structure of this Report bizarre and confusing. I also question the Report's methodology, its sweeping conclusions, its cleverly worded denials and its selective quoting of documents. The Report states that 365 interviews were conducted, but only summarizes statements from 12 individuals connected to the South Central Los Angeles specific allegations. I have a list of over 70 individuals who should have been interviewed under oath by the CIA if the investigation was to be considered credible. Did the CIA interview all of these people? Because the Report fails to list who was interviewed, we have no way of knowing. In addition, only 40 pages of this Report titled "The California Story" actually deal with the allegations of the South Central/crack cocaine/Contra connection. The Report mentions a half dozen other CIA and Contra officials interviewed, but does not offer even a cursory summary of their testimony. So let me do what the Report failed to do. The following individuals associated with the Contras are, or were, either CIA agents or CIA assets: - Adolpho Calero - Enrique Bermudez - Marcos Aguado - Contra pilot and accused drug dealer. - Francisco Aviles - Contra official in Costa Rica in Frogman case. - Ivan Gomez - CIA agent who accepted drug money from Meneses. - Dagaberto Nunez - ran shrimp company for Oliver North in Costa Rica. - Rene Corvo - Cuban American who worked with Contras in Costa Rica. - Francisco Chanes - Owner of shrimp company for Oliver North in Costa Rica. - Edmundo Meneses - American-trained Nicaraguan general and Norwin's brother. - Sebastian Gonzalez - Contra leader in Costa Rica and drug partner of Meneses. Today, I am asking this Committee to obtain a written response from the CIA that either categorically confirms or denies they are or were CIA assets or agents. Another major problem with the investigation underlying the Report was the CIA's lack of subpoena power. This meant that some of the most important CIA and other officials were never interviewed. Three former unnamed senior CIA managers would only respond in writing. Six other key CIA personnel and former DEA agent, "Sully" Castillo, refused to be interviewed. The CIA agents included Duane Clarridge, Joseph Fernandez, and Clair George. All of these senior CIA officials had major responsibilities for the CIA's Contra operation. There can be no thorough investigation without sworn testimony from each of these individuals. Joseph Fernandez was the former CIA station chief in Costa Rica while the Meneses' drug organization was operating from there. Duane "Dewey" Clarridge was the CIA officer who helped create the Contras at a time when the Meneses ring first began dealing cocaine for the FDN. His name also appeared in Oliver North's notebooks as being responsible for making quid pro quo deals with known drug kingpin Manuel Noriega. Clarridge summed up how serious he thought this investigation was when he told reporters in December 1997 that the CIA quote "sent me questions that were bullshit, and I wrote back they were a bunch of bullshit." When I spoke with journalists following the release of the Report this past January, much to my surprise, many had to admit to me they had not even read the entire report. They admitted that they only had read the glossy eight page summary which offered unsubstantiated conclusions of the CIA's innocence and blanket denials of the "Dark Alliance" series allegations. Had they only read the report in its entirety as I did, they would have learned that allegations of drug trafficking and connections between the Contra and the CIA were not new. In fact, the Report even lists and summarizes some of the other investigations that found Contra involvement in drug trafficking. For example, the Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, chaired by Senator John Kerry conducted a two-year investigation into allegations of Contra involvement in drugs and arms trafficking. The CIA Inspector General's Report summarizes some of the Kerry Commission's 1,166-page report's devastating findings on pages 35 through 38. These are some of the admissions: - Drug traffickers used the Contra war and their ties to the Contras as a cover for their criminal enterprises in Honduras and Costa Rica. Assistance from the drug lords was crucial to the Contras, and the traffickers in turn promoted and protected their operations by associating with the Contra movement. - Drug traffickers provided support to the Contras and used the supply network of the Contras. Contras knowingly received both financial and material assistance from the drug traffickers. - In each case, one or another U.S. Government agency had information regarding these matters either while they were occurring, or immediately thereafter. - Members of the Contra movement were involved in drug trafficking, including pilots who flew supplies for the Contras, mercenaries who worked for the Contras and Contra supporters throughout Central America. - Drug traffickers helped in the Contra supply operations through business relations with Contra groups. - Drug traffickers contributed cash, weapons, planes, pilots, air supply services and other materials to the Contras. - U.S. State Department funds, authorized by Congress for humantarian assistance, was paid to drug traffickers. In some cases, these drug traffickers received the State Department funds, after having been indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges, and in other cases, were the subject of pending investigations by those agencies. - The FDN Contra group moved Contra funds through a narcotics drug trafficking and money laundering operation. - Drug trafficking for the Contra movement was done by some because they were told that their actions were either on behalf of, or sanctioned by, the U.S. Government. Not included in the CIA IG Report are other key findings by the Kerry Committee. - Despite widespread trafficking through the war zones of northern Costa Rica, the Kerry Committee was unable to find a single case which was made on the basis of a tip or report by an official of a U.S. intelligence agency. This despite an executive order requiring intelligence agencies to report drug trafficking to law enforcement officials and despite direct testimony that drug trafficking on the Southern Front was reported to CIA officials. - U.S. officials involved with the Contras knew that drug traffickers were using the Contra infrastructure and that the Contras were receiving assistance from drug profits. Yet, they turned a blind eye and did not report these individuals to the appropriate law enforcement agencies. How can this Report include these incriminating findings by elected officials, including Senators Kerry, Brock and Moynihan and others while summarily dismissing any CIA knowledge of, or involvement in, Contra drug trafficking into the U.S.? This is an outrageous contradiction. Moreover, the Report is littered with damaging admissions. - Norwin Meneses was one of the biggest drug dealers in America, either North and South, and he supplied Danilo Blandon. Blandon, in turn, was the source who supplied Ricky Ross. And Blandon and Meneses did so unhindered by the CIA. Is it unreasonable to think Meneses was connected to the CIA given that the Contras were a CIA creation and that the CIA handled every aspect of the Contra operation? Pages 22 through 24 of this Report confirms that the CIA essentially created, funded, supplied, and trained the Contras and that the CIA was intimately involved in determining their strategy and running their operations. Meneses was never arrested by U.S. law enforcement. He was permitted free entrance to the U.S. and was even issued a visa. How was this allowed and why was it allowed to continue? - The CIA and DEA records are full of knowledge about Meneses' drug dealing operation. This knowledge was substantiated in this Report. The CIA knew of his drug trafficking by 1984 and the DEA had known of his trafficking activities as early as 1974. - Incredibly, the Report fails to mention anything about the activities of Adolpho Calero, only mentioning that he was interviewed. He was the key Contra leader and CIA agent in the Southern Front. Damning public information ties Calero to drug trafficking. In a December 1986 interview, Calero told the Costa Rican newspaper La Nacion that he met with drug kingpin Norwin Meneses at least six times and that he knew Meneses was involved in illegal activities. In addition, there were many other key facts confirmed by the Report: Drug Kingpin Norwin Meneses supported and was involved with the Contras- On pages 76 - 77, drug dealer Norwin Meneses admitted giving money to the California chapter of the FDN/Contras and that he was involved in the 1985 attempted to obtain "material support, medical and general supplies" for the Contra movement. Pages 70 - 71 of the Report documents the connection between CIA asset and FDN military leader Enrique Bermudez, Meneses and Blandon. Blandon and Meneses "traveled to Bolivia in 1982 to make a drug deal, and stopped in route in Honduras." While in Honduras, Blandon and Meneses met with Bermudez for the second time. Bermudez asked Blandon and Meneses to help raise money and supplies for the FDN. He let the drug traffickers know that their support would be welcome because "the ends justify the means." Blandon then describes how "he and Meneses were escorted to airport by armed Contras" after the meeting with Bermudez. Blandon left the meeting with $100,000 to buy drugs. The profits from the sale of these drugs were to be used to buy supplies and fund the Contras. Blandon tells of how he ran into trouble at the airport in Honduras when he was caught with the $100,000. But, the Contras intervened and secured Blandon's release. Where did the $100,000 come from? Did they give back the $100,000 to Blandon because of the Contra-CIA connection? - The CIA knew that Meneses was both a drug dealer and involved with the Contras - On page 45, the Report documents a declaration from the Records Validation Officer for the CIA (RVO) submitted in response to the CIA IG Report investigation. The RVO Declaration certified that the CIA had confirmed to the FBI that Meneses was a drug trafficker. On page 49, the Report details a June 11, 1986 CIA cable from the LA Division Station informing CIA Headquarters that Contra leader Fernando Chamorro was asked by Meneses in August or September 1984 to help "move drugs to the U.S." At the time, Chamorro was a CIA asset. A second June 1986 CIA cable reported that "Meneses was involved in the transporting of drugs." What did the CIA do with this information? A CIA cable, dated Oct. 31, 1986, contained the following two admissions. First, it details a CIA cable dated Dec. 5, 1984 reporting that "Norwin Meneses was apparently well known as the Nicaraguan Mafia, dealing in drugs, weapons and smuggling and laundering of counterfeit money." Second, it quotes a CIA cable, dated Mar. 25, 1985, which "described a Norwin ((Meneses)) Cantatero, as the kingpin of narcotics traffickers in Nicaragua prior to the fall of Somoza. On page 48, the Report describes a 1984 CIA cable discussing Meneses' drug trafficking activities with Tuto Munkel and Sebastian Gonzalez Medieta. Sebastian Gonzalez was a key CIA player in the Contras Southern Front. He was in charge of logistics for the supply of arms supplied by Manuel Noriega. This cable shows the CIA knew Gonzalez also was involved in drug trafficking with Norwin Meneses in 1984 - when the CIA was still directly involved in Contra operations, before the hand off to Oliver North's operation. Remarkably, this Report makes no mention of Gonzalez being a key CIA agent, nor mention of his critical role as a Contra in the Southern Front. Tuto Munkel was arrested in Florida as part of the Frogman case and is a crucial link between that case and the Meneses Contra connection detailed above. What did the CIA do with this information in their cables? The Report does not indicate that any action was taken. Despite this damning information to the contrary, the Report goes on to quote Meneses' own testimony as if it were fact. On page 54, the Report repeats without comment Meneses' denial that he trafficked in cocaine or other narcotics on behalf of the CIA or any Contra group, and that he denied he ever had any contact or relationship with CIA, DoS, the U.S. military, or U.S. civilian assistance groups that provided assistance to the Contras. As I mentioned earlier, Enrique Miranda told me some of what he told the CIA when it interviewed him a year ago in Central America. - The CIA directly intervened in the Frogman case to protect a CIA asset - In one of the most amazing admissions in this Report, pages 113 through 115 detail the direct intervention of the CIA in the Frogman Case. The Frogman case was, of course, California's biggest cocaine bust at that time. The CIA intervened in the case by arranging the return of $36,000 seized from a drug trafficker. The CIA did so because of the trafficker's involvement with the Contras and CIA agents. Again, this Report catalogs the pattern of the CIA returning money to known drug dealers -$100,000 in the Bermudez/Blandon case, $36,000 in the Frogman case. How many more times did this happen? An internal CIA cable dated 1984 details that the CIA made contact with prosecutors in the Zavala/Frogman case in order to protect what the CIA believed was an operational equity. That cable is included on page 113, and makes for incredible reading. Evidently, the CIA feared that exposure of the CIA's connections to the drug case had "the potential for disaster", according to a cable described on page 115. Well Mr. Chairman, if I have anything to do with it, that cable and the confirmed facts sifted from this confused Report will mean disaster for the CIA. This Committee has a responsibility to look into the nefarious activities surrounding the massive Contra-cocaine drug network and to use its subpoena power to provide the American people with the truth that has been denied them for too long."

Source(s): July 11, 1986, PR Newswire, 'News Advisory': "WHAT: The "freedom fighters" will convene in the first "Contra Summit" as part of the Peace Through Strength Summit sponsored by the American Security Council Foundation as the educational secretariat of the Coalition of Peace Through Strength. ... WHERE: The Capital Hilton Hotel, 16th and K streets N.W. Among those attending the summit will be Adolfo Calero, senior directorate, United Nicaraguan Opposition; Maj. Gen. Pok Sam Anh, Khmer People's National Liberation Front, Cambodia; Jeremias Chitunda, foreign minister, National Union for the Total Independence of Angola; Yonas Deressa, Ethiopian People's Democratic Alliance; Eshan Jan Areef (Jamiat-i-Islami), Afghan Freedom Fighters; and Souksomboun Sayasithsena, International Union of Lao Organizations, Laos. The meeting will also feature addresses by Weinberger; U.S. Sens. E.J. (Jake) Garn, R-Utah, and Dennis DeConcini, D-Ariz.; U.S. Reps. Jack Kemp , R-N.Y., Samuel S. Stratton, D-N.Y., Robert H. Michel, R-Ill., and Bill Chappell Jr., D-Fla. In addition, Sen. Dole will be the recipient of the 1986 Eagle Award..."

North American representative and later vice president of UNITA in Angola under Jonas Savimbi.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Yale educated. CIA. United Technologies. Consultant Ford Foundation.

Research assistant Yale University, New Haven, 1934, instructor econs., 1935-39, assistant professor, 1939-42; member staff Bureau Foreign and Domestic Commerce, Department Commerce, Washington, 1941-42; economist Combined Shipping Adjustment Board; assistant to deputy administrator War Shipping Administration, Washington, 1942-43; U.S. executive officer Combined Shipping Adjustment Board, 1942-45, director ship requirements, 1943-45; economic adviser to director War Moblzn. and Reconversion, Washington, 1945-46, deputy director, 1946; asso. professor econs. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston, 1942-48, professor, 1948-52; executive secretary Pres.'s Committee Foreign Aid (Harriman Committee), Washington, 1947-48; assistant administrator program Economic Cooperation Administrn., 1948-51; acting administrator, 1951; member staff Ford Foundation, 1952-54; special assistant to director CIA, Washington, 1954-59, deputy director plans, 1959-62; president Institute for Defense Analyses, 1962-64; director marketing and economic planning United Aircraft Corp., East Hartford, Connecticut, 1964-74; business consultant Farmington, 1974-94. Consultant to director Mutual Security, 1952; consultant various intervals Connecticut Pub. Utilities Commission, Fortune Magazine, Social Sci. Research Council, Cosmopolitan Shipping Co., U.S. Steel Corp., Scudder, Stevens & Clark, Brightwater Paper Co., Asiatic Petroleum Co. Member Am. Academy Arts and Scis., Am. Economic Association, Econometric Association, Council on Foreign Relations, Washington Institute Foreign Affairs, Connecticut Academy Arts and Scis. Clubs: Hartford; Graduate Club Association (New Haven); Yale (New York City).

Assassination requests would normally have gone to Richard Bissell. Because Bissell was away on vacation, Dulles told Eisenhower he would take care of Lumumba.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

U.S. Army.

Black, Gen. Edwin F.

Source(s): 1988, Russ Bellant, 'The Coors connection', p. 49: "The ASCF also created a "Strategy Board" in the early 1980's that included a number of persons with covert operations backgrounds Major General John Singlaub; the late Edwin Black ... Ray Cline; and Ed Feulner."; American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Commander of U.S. forces in Thailand. Director of the CIA drug trafficking bank, the Nugan Hand Bank.

1915-1985. Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army, 1940, advanced through grades to brigadier general, 1965; with Office of Strategic Services, Europe, World War II; comdg. officer 2d battalion 505th Airborne Infantry 82d Airborne Div., Fort Bragg, North Carolina, 1950-51; comdg. officer 2d battle group 19 Ind., 25th Div., Schofield Barracks, Honolulu, 1957-58; mil assistant to deputy secretary Department Defense, Washington, 1959-61; comdg. general U.S. Army Support Command, Thailand, 1967-69; assistant div. Commander 25th Infantry Div., Vietnam, 1969; assistant chief of staff U.S. Army Pacific, Honolulu, 1970; retired U.S. Army, 1970; executive vice president Freedoms Foundation, Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, 1970-71; director business plans Southeast Asia LTV Aerospace Corp., Bangkok, 1971-74; managing director KRA Canal Survey Office, 1972-76; director international business devel. LTV Corp., 1974-75; director industrial devel. Government of Am. Samoa; consultant on economic devel. Trust Ters. of Pacific Islands, 1976-77; vice president international business devel. I.R.A.S. Devel. Corp., White Plains, New York , 1980-85. Special assistant to president Radiation Tech., Inc., Rockaway, New Jersey, 1983-85. Member Council Foreign Relations, Outrigger Canoe Club, Waialae Country Club, Royal Bangkok Sports Club, Army-Navy Country Club, Army-Navy Club (Washington).

November 13, 1982, New York Times, 'Austrialia suspects bank link to CIA': "Australian detectives are expected to visit the United States and Southeast Asia in the next few weeks as they attempt to determine whether the failed Sydney-based Nugan Hand Merchant Bank was involved in trafficking in heroin and covert activities of the United States Central Intelligence Agency. … The police report said of Mr. Hand: ''His business activities in the late 1960's and the early 1970's with members of the C.I.A.- controlled airline, Air America, and C.I.A.-connected Continental Air Service, and Agency for International Development led to the strong inference that Hand's intelligence activity was with the C.I.A. ''There is some evidence to suggest that Hand retained his U.S. intelligence ties through the 1970's and probably into the 1980's. Houghton was associated with U.S. intelligence personnel in Southeast Asia and Australia, and had some type of association with personnel in the Australian security and intelligence organization.'' … The sections include ''The destruction of Nugan Hand records;'' his meetings in 1979 with a former C.I.A. operative, Edwin P. Wilson, who was recently arrested in the United States and charged with exporting explosives to Libya to help train terrorists, and one headed, ''Houghton and two Australian clients of Nugan Hand - a case of fraud?'' Colby Is Named The report included a list of Americans who worked for Nugan Hand. Among them were Rear Adm. Earl Yates, U.S.N., retired, the first president of Nugan Hand International; William E. Colby, Director of Central Intelligence from 1973 to 1976, who worked as legal adviser to Nugan Hand International after 1979; Walter McDonald, former economist and oil expert at the C.I.A., who joined Nugan Hand International in 1979 as a consultant; Brig. Gen. Edwin Black, U.S.A., retired, the bank's representative in Hawaii; Lieut. Gen. LeRoy Manor, U.S.A.F., retired, the Nugan Hand representative in Manila; Dr. Guy Pauker, a consultant to Nugan Hand International, and Dale Holmgren, the bank's Taiwan representative, who was an Army officer in Taiwan."

Source(s): 2010 American Security Council Foundation document (on Congressional Advisory Board)

United States Senator-elect for Missouri. Accused of close connections to the questionable Jack Abramoff, together with Tom Delay.

Born in 1950. Secretary state State of Missouri, 1985-93; president Southwest Baptist University, 1993-96; member US Congress from 7th Missouri district, 1997—, chief deputy majority whip, 1999—2002, assistant majority leader (majority whip), 2002—2007; assistant minority leader (minority whip) US Congress from 7th Missouri District, 2007—2009; interim majority leader US Congress from 7th Missouri district, 2005—2006 Career Related Member Federal Election Commission Adv. Panel; del. Atlantic Treaty Association Conference, 1987; member Congl. Committee on Commerce, 1999—2004, International Relations, 1997-98, 2004-, House Reps. Steering Committee, 1997-; del. National Hist. Publications and Records Commission, 1997—; member ho. appropriations committee, 1999. Board directors Center Democracy; member Missouri Mental Health Advocacy Council, 1998-99; member executive board Am. Council of Young Political Leaders, 1998-99; chairman Missouri Housing Devel. Commission, Kansas City, 1981, Rep. State Convention, Springfield, 1980; chairman Gov.'s Adv. Council on Literacy; co-chmn. Missouri Opportunity 2000 Commission, 1985-87; Rep. candidate for lieutenant governor of Missouri, 1980; active local American Red Cross, Muscular Dystrophy Association, others. Memberships Member National Association Secretaries of State (chairman voter registration and education committee, secretary, vice president 1990), Am. Council Young Political Leaders, Kiwanis, Masons. Political Affiliation Republican Religion Baptist

Source(s): 1964, ASC Press, 'Peace and Freedom through Cold War Victory' (lists Frawley, Teller, Adm. Ward, Gen. Wedemeyer, Gen. Wood, Hazlitt, Liebman, Possony, Braden, Fisher)

Co-owner Braden Copper Company in Chile. Shareholder United Fruit Company, also active in South America. Directed the W. Averell Harriman Securities Corporation. As an agent of Standard Oil, he played a role in the Chaco War between Bolivia and Paraguay and espoused an openly anti-union position. State Department protege of Nelson Rockefeller. Major coup plotter. President of the Metropolitan Club 1967-1973. 1964, Benjamin R. Epstein, 'Danger on the Right', p. 181: "of leaders of the John Birch Society — Tom Anderson and Clarence Manion of its national council; Spruille Braden, a former Birch Council member; and such endorsers of the Birch Society as Frederick G. Reinicke, Archibald B. Roosevelt [1964, The Nation, volume 198: "Archibald Roosevelt. had furnished literature for distribution by the John Birch Society"]..."

Post march 1968 pamphlet of the Citizens Committee for a Free Cuba list Spruille Braden as chairman. John M. Fisher, head of the ASC, had joined by 1964 (1964 CCFC pamphlet: Terror and Resistance in Communist Cuba, written by Paul D. Bethel). Founding members of the committee in May 1963 included Edward Teller, Adm. Arleigh Burke, Claire Boothe Luce, Nicholas Duke Biddle, Leo Cherne, and its executive secretary/director, Paul D. Bethel (briefly JM/Wave; apparently working with Alpha 66 and a close friend of David Atlee Philips at the same time, which in interesting in regard to Antonio Veciana of Alpha 66 and his Maurice Bishop (David Atlee Philips) and Oswald. First Fonzi thought that Bishop was Bethel, but Veciana knew Bethel). 1969, Paul D. Bethel, "The Losers,"p. 398: "There is no doubt that President Kennedy and his brother, the Attorney General, consciously set about the business of stopping all efforts to unhorse Fidel Castro-from outside exite attacks, and from Cuba's internal resistance movement."

Braden had strong interests of his own in the region. In 1921 he was directly involved in the creation of Standard Oil of Bolivia, owned by his father, William Braden. Some maintain that Braden senior attempted to coax Bolivian President Daniel Salamanca into obtaining arms and funds to take over the Paraguayan Chaco. There are numerous interpretations regarding the war, which had its roots in oil interests and a dispute between US Standard Oil and the British firm, Royal Dutch Shell.

1894-1978. dir. Am. Ship and Commerce Corp., W.A. Harriman Securities, Pa. Coal and Coke, Marion Steam Shovel Co., Kingscote Realty Corp., Capitol Theatre Corp., others; trustee, mem. exec. com. Dry Dock Savs. Bank. numerous assignments as ambassador and spl. rep. U.S. Pres., from 1935; ambassador to Colombia, 1939-42, Cuba, 1942-45, Argentina, 1945; asst. sec. state Am. Republic Affairs, 1946-47. Pres., Americas Found., 1960-66, Colombia Found., Colombian Assn. Mut. Aid. Chmn. N.Y.C. Anti-crime Com., 1951-58. Conservative. Mem. PanAm Soc. U.S. (pres. 1953-59, hon. pres., 1959-78), Inter-Am. Edn. Assn. (hon.), Chevaliers du Tastevin (grand officer), Soc. of Cincinnati (hon.), Am. Arbitration Assn. (dir., exec. com.), Navy League U.S. (life). Clubs: Met. (past pres. N.Y.C., hon. life); Nejapa Country (Managua, Nicaragua). Author: Diplomats and Demagogues-the Memoirs of Spruille Braden, 1971. Negotiated peace treaty settling Chaco War between Bolivia and Paraguay. Address: New York, N.Y.

Chairman of Citizens Committee For a Free Cuba.

Source(s): February 4, 1980, Aviation Week & Space Technology, 'Soviet Trucks in Afghanistan Reheat Export License Debate': "Brady has joined the non-profit American Security Council..."

Deputy director of Commerce Dept.'s Office of Export Administration, resigned. Brady openly has challenged his superiors in the department and urged termination of U.S. support for the Kama project since May, 1979, when it was disclosed in congressional testimony by the Central Intelligence Agency that Kama trucks were being diverted to military use. Joined the non-profit American Security Council and is assigned to organize a branch of the nationwide Coalition for Peace Through Strength in New Hampshire, his home state.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

His father: 1871-1954. Son of William and Susette B.; LL.B., Washington U., 1892; married Lydia D. Feuerbacher, June 6, 1899 (died Aug. 27, 1930); 1 son, Gustavus Adolphus. Admitted to bar, 1892; since practiced law in St. Louis; sr. mem. G.A. Buder. Son & Assos. Pres. Arc. Realty Co., Arcadia Realty Co., Pontiac Realty Co., Arcadia Refining Co., Arcadia Royalty Company; president, director Lyiade Investment Trust; dir., atty. Scruggs, Vandevoort-Barney, Inc., Burroughs Adding Machine Company, Packard Motor Car Company of Missouri, Selden-Breck Constn. Co., Arcarea Reserve Co., Miss. Served as pvt. Battery A, 1st Mo. Vol. Arty., Spanish-Am. War; participated in Puerto Rican expdn., 1898. Decorated Medal of Order of Leopold II (Belgium) for services, 1914-18. Incorporator, former v.p., hon. dir., life mem., Municipal Theater Assn.; mem. St. Louis Pub. Library Bd., St. Louis Park and Playground Assn. (v.p.), Am., Mo., Ill., St. Louis bar assns.; mem. Spanish-Am. War Vets., Vets. Fgn. Wars, Mo. Press Assn. (former pres.), Am. Press Assn. (former pres.), St. Louis Law Library (life mem.). Republican. Unitarian. Clubs: Rotary, Bankers of Am., New St. Louis, Advertising, Mo. Athletic, St. Louis Automobile (St. Louis); Detroit. Home: 3137 Longfellow Blvd. Office: Buder Bldg., St. Lous, Mo

Source(s): 2010 American Security Council Foundation document (on Congressional Advisory Board)

Congressman from Texas. Active in the health care reform debate, having served as a campaign surrogate for Sen. John McCain during his 2008 presidential campaign.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1901-1996. Commanded destroyer and carrier groups during WWII. Chief of Naval Operations 1955-1961. Co-founded the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C. with David Abshire. August-September 1985, Mother Jones Magazine, p. 38: "Ray Cline reminded me that David Abshire, the president of the Center for Strategic and International Studies when Heritage began in 1973, thought "CSIS should stay away from Heritage because they appeared to be a bunch of wild Reaganites and Joe Coors people."

Source(s): Who's Who (ASC's cold war victory committee 1966-68 (28 member Cold War Victory Advisory Committee))

Both of Butler's grandfathers had been members of Louisiana's prestigious Boston Club. Public relations man with the Army from 1957 to 1959. Member John Birch Society before he became public. Supported by Hale Boggs, of the later Warren Commission.

Joan Mellon, 'A farewell to justice': "Other CIA assets Oswald encountered in New Orleans included Ed Butler, who debated him on the radio. “Mr. Butler is a very cooperative contact and has always welcomed an opportunity to assist the CIA,” Butler’s Domestic Contact Service Information Sheet reads. Yet the CIA asked Butler to leave its “Free Voice of Latin America” because he was too right wing. Other Butler CIA documents emanate from the Office of Security." Same book claimed Edwin Walker and Edward Butler were occasional visitors of Guy Banister's office.

Headed the Information Council of the Americas. Public relations man with the Army from 1957 to 1959. Youth editor of the Washington Radio Report of the American Security Council. Appeared on the air with "communist" Lee Harvey Oswald (with Carlos Bringuier, the CIA operative who hit Oswald) and is still convinced that Oswald was a dedicated communist. Stated to have met Guy Banister a couple of times. Report of the American Security Council. President of Radio Free Cuba. Formed the Information Council of the Americas. William Stuckey described the Information Council of the Americas as an "anti-communist propaganda organization. Its principal activity is to take tape-recorded interviews with Cuban refugees and distribute these tapes...to radio stations throughout Latin America." In September 1961, Edward Butler worked with Sergio Arcacha Smith. An FBI source reported: "Butler had requested to assist Smith in any way he could, as Smith was working on plans to overthrow Fidel Castro in Cuba." [FBI 62-109060-4707]. Promoted the Hitler in Havana movie.

Carlos Bringuier, who together with his close friend Ed Butler, debated Oswald on WDSU radio in New Orleans, exposed his defection to Russia, and publicly released a "truth tape" of the debate right after the assassination. Butler was head of the Information Council of the Americas (INCA). He conceived of the propaganda activity he called "truth tapes" while serving in a special Army Unit in Alexandria Virginia. After 1963 he sat on the Planning Committee for the Freedom Studies Center of the American Security Council with Edward Lansdale.

1966 brochure, Information Council of the Americas (INCA), 'What Lies Ahead?': "INCA international advisory committee: Alton Ochsner, M.D., chairman; Edward Scannell Butler, director; George Albertini, publisher, Est & Quest Magazine (Paris); ... Alberto C. Fowler, Director, International Relations, City of New Orleans; ... Juanita Castro, chairman, Marta Abru Foundation, anti-communist sister of Fidel Castro; ... Patrick J. Frawley, Jr.; ... C. C. Too, director, Psychological Warfare Section, Malaysia." Frawley was a major financier and strategy board member of the American Security Council. Butler was a member of the ASC also. Ochsner worked closely with Clay Shaw (of the JFK assassination) at International House and the International Trade Mart. September 10, 1968, New Orleans States Item, 'Dr. Ochsner Renamed by Info Council': ""Dr. Alton Ochsner Sr. has been reelected president of the Information Council of the Americas. Other officers recently elected were Dean A. E. Papale, honorary vice president; Percival Stern, honorary vice president; Dr. Robert J. Mead, first vice president; Ed Butler, vice president for mass communication; Dr. Joseph V. Schlosser, vice president for educational affairs; Edgar A. G. Bright, vice president for organizational affairs, and James T, Richards, vice president for financial affairs. Richard T. Newman, vice president for project development; R. Kirk Moyer, vice president for truth forum; Dr. James H. Allen, vice president for membership; Gonzalo Abaunza, Jr., secretary; Dr. J. D. Grey, treasurer; Gibbons Burke, general counsel; Bruce Baird, chief of protocol, and Robert Rainold, chief of security. INCA's new list of directors includes Richard Baumbach, Edgar A. G. Bright Jr., Pat Brown Sr., James Bryan, Perrin O. Butler, Gilbert Charbonnet, Capt. J. W. Clark, C. C. Clifton, Jr., E. T. Colton, Dr. Joseph Craven, Eberhard P. Deutsch, Richard G. Drown Jr., B. Frank Eshleman, C. Allen Favrot, Darwin Fenner and Pat Frawley Jr. Archbishop Phillip M Hannan, Clyde Hendrix Jr., Hayward Hillyer III, Dr. Joseph Hopkins, Harvey Koch, J. P. Labouisse, Dr, William Locke, William Monaghan, Clayton L. Nairne, Dr. John Ochsner, Bishop H. Perry, Frank G. Purvis Jr.,—Ed M. Rowley, Eustis H. Reily, A. J. Rhodes, William E. Robertson, Cecil Shilstone, C. C. Walther, J. Walter Ward Jr. and William Walter Young."

Account executive Brown-Friedman Advertising, New Orleans, 1960; director staff Information Council of Ams., 1961-62, executive vice president, 1963-69, vice president communications, 1970, executive vice president, 1971-77, president, 1978—, Scannell Associates, Inc., 1967—. Senior consultant to chairman board Eversharp Inc., 1966-70, Technicolor Inc., 1966-70, Frawley Corp., 1989-91, Schick Health Services, 1989-91; speaker to national and local business education and professional groups, also appearances on radio and TV, 1961– ; Member national adv. committee Cold War Council, 1963-66; member adv. committee Friends of Free Asia, 1966-67; member adv. board Young Ams. for Freedom, 1967-69; Board directors World Youth Crusade for Freedom, 1967-68. Producer: record album Oswald: Self-Portrait in Red, 1964, Oswald Speaks, 1967; TV special Hitler in Havana!, 1967; host: TV special Oswald: Self-Portrait, 1968; TV series The Square World of Ed Butler, 1969-70; host, executive producer: TV series Spirit '76, 1975-76; radio-TV series Spirit U.S; Author: Revolution Is My Profession, 1968; Contributor articles to trade, professional and popular publications. Member Young Men's Business Club Greater New Orleans (defense bureau chairman 1962, editor Action 1963, Americanism award 1963), New Orleans Jaycees (editor Forward 1963, Distinguished Service award, Outstanding Young Man in New Orleans award 1969), Am. Security Council (cold war victory committee 1966-68). Roman Catholic.

April 12, 2001, Miami New Times (Florida), 'Revelation 19.63; For nearly four decades the CIA has kept secret the identity of a Miami agent who may have known too much too early about Lee Harvey Oswald': "As Borja safeguarded the group's boats and guns on Catalina Island, just off the southern coast of the Dominican Republic, he heard from a close friend, Carlos Bringuier, with whom he had grown up on the beaches of Tarara, just east of Havana. "Carlitos," Borja reminisces. "We called him Vistilla nearsighted , because he was a little bit blind, and his glasses were this thick. He was our delegate in New Orleans. He notified us that this guy was putting in propaganda all throughout New Orleans, and he wanted our directions." The guy was Lee Harvey Oswald. ... On Saturday evening, August 21, 1963, Bringuier and Oswald debated the Cuban revolution over radio station WDSU. In the middle of the discussion, in which Oswald defended Castro's policies, Stuckey suddenly shifted gears. Was it true, the moderator asked, that Oswald had lived in Russia? "That is correct, and I think those -- the fact that I did live for a time in the Soviet Union -- gives me excellent qualifications to repudiate charges that Cuba and the Fair Play for Cuba Committee is communist controlled," Oswald replied, obviously taken aback. "I would like to know," Bringuier chimed in, "if it is the Fair Play for Cuba Committee or Fair Play for Russia Committee." Bringuier was pleased with the program. When it was over, he drafted a press release that called on the U.S. Congress to investigate Lee Harvey Oswald and denounce the FPCC. A rewritten and slightly toned-down version of the press release was issued in the name of the Directorate, as well as Alpha 66 and five other hard-line exile groups."

Jim DiEugenio, 'Ed Butler: Expert in Propaganda and Psychological Warfare' (www.ctka.net): "Edward S. Butler was born in 1934 to an upper class New Orleans family. He went into the Army Management School from 1957-59 at Fort Belvoir, Virginia. When he returned home he took a position as an account executive with Brown, Friedman and Company, an advertising firm. But, according to New Orleans authority Arthur Carpenter, his service in the military affected all his later adult life. Butler wrote that at the time of his service he became interested "in psycho-politics and particularly Soviet applications." As Carpenter notes, in June of 1960, Butler wrote an article in Public Relations Journal, which became a declaration for his later career as a propagandist. There he wrote about the Communist threat to America and how a spirit of crisis had to be created to resist it; how America had to use propaganda to counter the Soviets' skill in that field; how public relations experts like himself had to be recruited in this endeavor; and finally how private funds had to be enlisted to finance this war and his efforts. He also proposed that this effort would serve as a complement to the State Department, USIA, CIA, free institutions abroad, and the various legislative committees dealing with trade information, foreign aid and the like. In short, a private adjunct to America's foreign policy apparatus. The article turned out to be his vocational outline. Some of the people Butler recruited in New Orleans to help finance his propaganda efforts were Clay Shaw and Lloyd Cobb of the International Trade Mart and Alton Ochsner, the extremely conservative physician and philanthropist. By 1961 he had become involved in two associations that were meant to fight this propaganda war: the Free Voice of Latin America and the American Institute for Freedom Project. The former had its office in Shaw's International Trade Mart and through the latter Butler engaged both Ochsner and Guy Banister, who was Oswald's handler in New Orleans in the summer of 1963. But according to an investigation by Jim Garrison, Butler was so imperious and abrasive within the former group that he was forced out in 1961. At that time, Butler began to organize its successor organization, the Information Council of the Americas, or INCA. This was to be, in essence, a propaganda mill that had as its targets Central and South America, and the Caribbean. It would create broadcasts, called Truth Tapes, which would be recycled through those areas and, domestically, stage rallies and fund raisers to both energize its base and collect funds to redouble its efforts. By this time, as Carpenter and others point out, Butler was now in communication with people like Charles Cabell, Deputy Director of the CIA, and Ed Lansdale, the legendary psy-ops master within the Agency who was shifting his focus from Vietnam to Cuba. These contacts helped him get access to Cuban refugees who he featured on these tapes. Declassified documents reveal the Agency helped distribute the tapes to about 50 stations in South America by 1963. There is some evidence that the CIA furnished Butler with films of Cuban exile training camps and that he was in contact with E. Howard Hunt --- under one of his aliases --- who supervised these exiles in New Orleans. Some of the local elite who joined or helped INCA would later figure in the Oswald story e.g. Eustis Reily of Reily Coffee Company, where Oswald worked; Edgar Stern who owned the local NBC station WDSU where Oswald was to appear; and Alberto Fowler, a friend of Shaw's; plus future Warren Commissioner Hale Boggs who helped INCA get tax-exempt status. Butler also began to befriend ground level operators in the CIA's anti-Castro effort like David Ferrie, Oswald's friend in New Orleans; Sergio Arcacha Smith, one of Hunt's prime agents in New Orleans; and Gordon Novel, who worked with Banister, Smith and apparently, David Phillips, on an aborted telethon for the exiles. Two other acquaintances of Butler's were Bill Stuckey, a broadcast and print reporter, and Carlos Bringuier, a CIA operative in the Cuban exile community and leader of the DRE, one of its most important groups in New Orleans. These three figure in one of the most fascinating and intriguing episodes in the Kennedy assassination tale. In August of 1963 --- three months before the assassination --- Bringuier was involved in a scuffle with Oswald as he distributed literature for the FPCC, the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. As many commentators have noted, Oswald was the only member of that "committee" in New Orleans, and some of the literature he distributed gave as the FPCC headquarters address, the office of rabid anti-communist Guy Banister --- further exposing who Oswald really was. WDSU filmed some of these leafleting events. When Bringuier found out about this, he confronted Oswald on the city streets and verbally and physically assaulted him. The police came. Bringuier got off; Oswald was busted for disturbing the peace --- even though Bringuier was the aggressor. This event brought Oswald to the attention of Stuckey who had him on his WDSU show, Latin Listening Post, on August 17th. After the show, Stuckey and his friend Ed Butler asked Oswald to return four days later. Oswald continued his leafleting, this time in front of the International Trade Mart. In the interim, through contacts in Washington, they found out about Oswald's voyage to Russia, his stay there, and his attempted defection. The morning of the program, the 21st, Stuckey informed the FBI that Oswald would appear on the program. Butler and Stuckey used the Washington information to "unmask" Oswald on the show, and thereby discredit the supposedly liberal and sympathetic FPCC as harboring Soviet Communists in its midst. Right afterwards, Butler went over to a neighboring TV station, WVUE, where he was put on the air to announce Oswald's exposure on the 10 PM news. ... Could there be anything more to add to the suspicions about Butler? When New Orleans DA Jim Garrison began investigating Oswald's activities in the summer of 1963, he inevitably came around to Butler, Ochsner and INCA. When word got out about this aspect of the investigation, Butler and Ochsner began to attack Garrison both locally and through national media like The New York Times (12/24/67). According to Carpenter, they began a whisper campaign that Garrison was mentally unbalanced and that his followers, like Mark Lane and Harold Weisberg, were lunatic leftists who wanted America to crumble from within. They became so worried about Garrison that Butler packed up all the files of INCA and moved to Los Angeles where he accepted a job offer from another conservative philanthropist, William Frawley of the Schick-Eversharp fortune. Frawley was one of the early backers of Ronald Reagan, governor at the time, who had failed to extradite two Garrison suspects. Frawley credited Reagan's success to public disgust over "Niggers, the Watts riots, dirty students, the Cesar Chavez Reds and fair housing." Butler wrote a book in 1968 entitled Revolution is My Profession in which he attacked as communist infiltrators those whose tactics have "been to try to link the CIA with all sorts of crime, especially President Kennedy's assassination." (P. 242) In that same year, he himself infiltrated a meeting of Mark Lane's Citizens Committee of Inquiry and capsized their proceedings. Later that summer he hooked up with two other ultra-rightists, Anthony Hilder and John Steinbacher, to try to sell the idea that Sirhan had been under the influence of the Madam Blavatsky meditation cult, and that she had been a disciple of Stalin. Hilder and Steinbacher even produced an "instant book" on the subject: Robert Francis Kennedy THE MAN, THE MYSTICISM, THE MURDER. (As some commentators have pointed out, there are indications this book was actually put together before the RFK assassination.) Butler was at the press conference to promote the book. Butler then put out a magazine financed by Frawley called The Westwood Village Square which tried to link all three assassinations --- both of the Kennedys and King's --- to the Communists. The centerpiece of the article was his testimony before the Dodd committee."

November 23, 1963, Washington Post, 'Chief Suspect Once Defected to Reds; Active Among Pro-Castroites in U.S.': "Oswald and several Cubans were arrested two months ago in the Louisiana city [New Orleans] for passing out allegedly pro-Communist literature. Edward Scannell Butler III, of the Information Council of the Americas, said he and Oswald once debated communism. He said Oswald renounced his United States citizenship and went to the Soviet Union to marry a Russian."

January 1, 1967, New York Times, 'Court holds up Oswald record': "The recording [of Oswald] was made Aug. 17, 1963 ... The Information Council of the Americas ... claims ownership of the tape and plans to issue a recording of its own. In the interview [in which Edward S. Butler was involved], Oswald described himself as a member of the pro-Castro Fair Play for Cuba Committee..."

February 28, 1967, Lebanon Daily News (Pennsylvania), 'New Probe Links Oswald To Castro's Communists': "Ed Butler claims possession of certified copies of six letters handwritten by Lee Harvey Oswald to leaders of the Communist Party U.S.A. reporting on his progress in setting up a Fair Play For Cuba Committee front organization in New Orleans. ... On this record Oswald attacks Cuban exiles as "criminals" whose hands are steeped with blood."

April 21, 1967, The Cumberland News (Maryland), p. 11, 'These days: Kennedy and nihilism': "While Jim Garrison is trying to reopen the Oswald case the two Louisianians who run the New Orleans-based Information Council of the Americas, Dr Alton Ochsner and Edward Scannell Butler, express a well founded horror at the suggestion that Mark Lane, who is a most rigid man, might deputized as an assistant District Attorney to help Garrison flush the alleged conspiracy."

December 24, 1967, New York Times, 'Garrison's Charges on Assassination a Thorn to New Orleans': "Edward S. Butler, executive director of the Information Council of the Americas, rose in the audience and angrily challenged Mr. Lane to a debate on the spot. Mr. Butler's request was refused, and he started questioning Mr. Lane directly, but the exchange was drowned out by shouts and arguments in every part of the room. ... Many working people look frightened when asked about Mr. Garrison. After several questions, a saleswoman in a downtown department store mumbled, "I suppose he's got something, but I don't want to talk about it." When asked what he thought of Mr. Garrison, a Negro cab driver said: "You've got to watch who you talk to about that guy. The Governor hasn't said anything and I'm not going to say anything either. I don't want any trouble."

October 28, 1966, New York Times, 'TV: Right-Wing Propaganda and Razor Blades': "[Hitler in Havana] invited the conclusion that Premier Fidel Castro, through use of propaganda, aroused Lee Harvey Oswald to violence and therefore was responsible for the assassination of President Kennedy. After newsreel scenes of the murder of the President, the program went on to contend that Communist influences in this country wanted "to get a grip on the minds of a minority of American youngsters and convert them into carbon copies of Lee Harvey Oswald." "Hitler in Havana" was produced and narrated by Edward Scannell Butler, executive vice president of the Information Council of the Americas, which specializes in the production of radio recordings to combat Communism in Latin America. By coincidence, the program stressed the need for supporting such so-called "truth tapes" lest college campuses in the United States be converted into "armed camps" and young people turned "against God, country and family and toward la dolce vita." ... It was sponsored by Patrick J. Frawley... In other respects, "Hitler in Havana" was the crudest form of propaganda, employing the tactics it professed to deplore."

April 7, 1968, New York Times, 'Coast Rightists Publish a Psychedelic, Quasi-Hippie Magazine': "The latest right-wing foray against the left is a lavishly printed 11-inch-square magazine called "Square," which uses psychedelic design style and a quasi-hippie approach to cloak its message. The magazine's main backer is Patrick J. Frawley Jr. ... Its publisher and editor is Ed Butler, a 33-year-old publicist who is executive vice president of the New Orleans-based Information Council on the Americas. This group figured prominently in the welter of anti-Castro and pro-Castro activities in which Lee Harvey Oswald, President Kennedy's assassin, was involved."

October 7, 2005, Times-Picayune (New Orleans), 'Edward S. Butler III, radio host, activist': "During a stint in the Army, Mr. Butler worked with the Defense Intelligence Agency while stationed at the Army Management School at Fort Belvoir, Va. Later, he co-founded The Information Council Of The Americas, a non-profit organization that became involved with aiding people displaced by Fidel Castro's communist revolution in Cuba. In the course of his work with the council, Mr. Butler came in contact with Oswald, who was promoting a pro-Castro organization in New Orleans and seeking help from the American Communist Party. Mr. Butler confronted Oswald on a New Orleans radio show in August 1963 and forced him to admit that as a Marxist, he had gone to the Soviet Union and tried to renounce his U.S. citizenship. Oswald soon moved to Dallas, killing Kennedy on Nov. 22, 1963. In 2002, Mr. Butler recalled his on-air debate with Oswald: "He wore a very heavy wool suit in August, a very hot August day in New Orleans. He was parboiling, but he didn't have a bead of sweat on him, and he was very self-contained. "I was shocked when I heard he had killed Kennedy. I would not have been shocked if he had tried to kill me. I was concerned about the guy from the minute I met him." After Kennedy's assassination, Mr. Butler wrote a study of political revolution, "Revolution Is My Profession," in which he predicted unrest in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s and the rise of terrorism. He also produced a television show based in large measure on the Oswald radio debate, as well as a feature film examining the nature of the Castro regime: "Hitler In Havana." During his years in California, Mr. Butler produced and starred in a weekly television show, "The Square World Of Ed Butler," and in documentaries, including two series: "Spirit '76" and "Spirit U.S." He also published a West Coast magazine, "Westwood Village Square.""

August 30, 1970, Washington Post, 'The Right Wing's Biggest Spender': "Butler began his career before the Bay of Pigs by latching onto a reputable New Orleans anti-Castro group called the Free Voice of Latin America, but he was eventually ousted. A former officer of the group explained why: "This young man's ultra-right wing views were not only an embarresment but in my opinion dangerous. He could think of nothing but the danger of some globe-encircling Communist conspiracy..." Butler formed his own propaganda outfit, the Information Council of the Americas (INCA) and began cranking out "documentaries" called Fact Films, Eyewitness Albums and Truth Tapes. The tapes were beamed over INCA's 130 Latin America radio affiliates to "help deprive the Communist minority of vital mass suppurt." It was as the producer of "Hitler in Havana", one of the Fact Film series, that Butler came under Frawley's patronage. Soon the industrialist's name appeared on the INCA Advisory Committee alongside those of such anti-communists as Herbert Philbrick, who spied on Boston Communists for the FBI in the 1940s. ... In his book, "Revolution is My Profession", Butler reveals that his aim is to frustrate the current campus movement with "professional conflict managers". The conflict managers, he says, "will infiltrate troublemaking groups, try to divert them from their goals, break up their structure, create internal dissensions."

June 27, 1969, New York Times, Page 42, Column 1 (students and student life): "40 students calling themselves 'squares' and 'revolutionaries' picket SDS hq, Chicago, shouting 'SDS are Fascist pigs'; youths, led by Edward S Butler 3d, are attending Natl Student Conf on Revolution sponsored by Information Council of Amers; have spent most of their time working on tactics to fight campus radicals with radical action; hold SDS is their arch villain."

February 17, 1991, Orange County Register (California), 'The purpose of perestroika': "Analyst Ed Butler thinks the Soviets are applying a subtle and potentially dangerous revolutionary strategy that could pay off enormously -- especially if people in the West are unaware of what's going on. Butler, who edited a magazine for which I worked almost 25 years ago, is president of the Information Council of the Americas, which he founded along with former American Cancer Society President Dr. Alton Ochsner and the presidents of Tulane and Loyola universities in New Orleans in 1961. ... Ed Butler thinks reports of the break-up of the communist enterprise are premature. "Almost everybody has it exactly wrong," he told me a couple of weeks ago. "The Soviets are poised to emerge from the revolutionary turmoil they purposely unleashed on their own society stronger and more dynamic than ever. They have disassociated themsleves from the onus of past communist atrocities, and their leaders are serenely confident. Despite their economic weakness, they have achieved big political gains. "My best guess is that the embattled communists have changed their ultimate strategic goal regarding the USA from hostile takeover to friendly merger. But they intend to be, even if not immediately, the senior partners. ""

In 1967 Jim Garrison began investigating the activities of Lee Harvey Oswald in New Orleans. Alton Ochsner told a friend that he feared Garrison would order his arrest and the seizure of INCA's corporate records. Ed Butler took these records to California where Frawley arranged for them to be hidden. Ronald Reagan, the governor of California refused all of Garrison's extradition requests. Frawley had previously helped fund Reagan's political campaigns in California.

-- Dr Alton Ochsner, Jr.--

Ran the Information Council of the Americas with Ed Butler.

2000, Donald Gibson, 'The Kennedy assassination cover-up': pp. 163-166 (father of Ochsner): "Ochsner was part of the local aristocracy and he was thoroughly plugged into the national power structure, particularly the "internationalist" parts of it. Any right-wing yahoo looking to Ochsner for leadership would have been shocked to learn that Ochsner was thoroughly connected to the very same old, big moneyed interests that non-upper-class right wingers love to hate, or love to pretend to hate. Ochsner was a leader in the 1960s of both the International House (IH) and the International Trade Mart (ITM), where he worked with Clay Shaw. [he] was a guest in 1965 at the Bohemian Grove ... [friends] with Edward W. Ball of the DuPont interests. ... Ochsner had become a supporter of the Somoza regime in Nicaragua. Due in part to the efforts of Ochsner, Tulane became a major center for Latin American study. The University was aided by grants fromthe Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Corporation... Brent's Missisippi Shipping apparently subsidized the Latin American Reportm published in the 1940s and 1950s by William G. Gaudet. Gaudet, who also received support from Ochsner and was associated with Edward Bernays of United Fruit, claimed that he worked for the Central Intelligence Agency. Whatever his true employer, Gaudet turned up as the man who accompanied Lee Oswald (or an Oswald imposter) on the famous trip to Mexico. ... Hecht [connected to Stillman-Rockefeller interests] provided a non-collateralized loan to Alton Ochsner and four other doctors to establish the Ochsner Clinic, opened in 1941. Brent and New Orleans attorney J. Blanc Monroe also were involved in the creation of the clinic. Hecht and Brent were, with Clay Shaw, members of the governing board of the ITM at the time of its incorporation in 1945. ... Ochsner had a friendship with Turner Catledge, managing editor of the New York Times. Ochsner was personally close to Samuel Zemurray of United Fruit and to Edgar B. and Edith Rosenwald Stern of the Sears Roebuck fortune. ... Ochsner's foundation and hospital received financial support in the 1950s from Crawford Ellis of United Fruit, from the Ford Foundation, and from three of the wealthiest Texas-based families - Murchison, Richardson, and Bass. The chairman of the Ford Foundation from 1953 to 1965 was John J. McCloy, who spent part of the summer of 1963 with Clint Murchison. McCloy served as honorary chairman of International House in New York City and was a director of United Fruit. In the early 1960s, David Rockefeller, a close associate of McCloy and, like McCloy, Kennedy's opponent on many issues, was a trustee and chairman of the executive committee of IH. "David's interest in IH went back at least to 1946 and his family contributed regularly to IH. At the 1959 dedication of a new building for the Ochsner hospital, Ochsner introduced as guest speaker Monroe J. Rathbone, President of Standard Oil of New Jersey (Exxon). Rathbone had been an executive of Standard Oil in Louisiana during the time that Standard clashed with Huey Long. In 1962 Ochsner was president of IH; his tenure there probably overlapped with Shaw's time as Managing Director of IH. ... When Ochsner and Butler created the Information Council of the Americas (INCA) a month after the Bay of Pigs failure, they acted not as local right wingers, but as Establishment right wingers. When Butler formed INCA in May of 1961 he was forming his second right-wing group in a year. He had created Free Voice of Latin America in 1960; it was headquartered at the ITM. According to historian Arthur carpenter, INCA developed from three sources: Edward Butler, Alton Ochsner, and elite anti-communism. ... A few months after he and Ochsner created INCA, Butler was bragging about his relationship with CIA Deputy Director Charles P. Cabell, who would soon be fired by President Kennedy."

March 31, 1986, ADWEEK, 'Battle Over Aid to Contras Fought on Ad Front': "An ongoing effort to sell the Contras to Americans (at presstime Senate committees were wrestling with the issue) is being made by the New Orleans-based Caribbean Commission. Dr. Alton Ochsner Jr., the group's president, has designed a program called "Adopt a Contra Family." Its purpose, said Ochsner, is "to humanize the contras by associating them with their families" and thus counter their media image as "callous mercenaries who rape and torture and kill.""

March 21, 1994, Times-Picayune (New Orleans, LA), 'Peace put to the test; Salvadorans relish vote': "Voters turned out in droves Sunday to participate in El Salvador's first national elections since the 1992 peace accord ended a 12-year civil war. ... About 3,000 international observers, including several from the New Orleans area, came to monitor the elections, which were preceded by months of tension and occasional violence. ... "There's an entirely different climate down here this time," said Alton Ochsner Jr., a retired surgeon from New Orleans who observed Sunday's elections and those in 1989 as a guest of ARENA [of death squad leader Robert D'Aubuisson]. "You could hear explosions going off all over the city (in 1989). Today there were no disruptions." Richard Herberg, a retired Marine from Belle Chasse who accompanied Ochsner to several rural voting centers Sunday, said he'd been impressed by the commitment of the voters, many of whom waited for hours in the hot sun to cast their ballots."

October 12, 1994, Times-Picayune (New Orleans, LA), 'Ochsner gives up license': "The namesake of the principal founder of the Alton Ochsner Medical Foundation is surrendering his license to practice medicine after being investigated for prescribing narcotics without authorization. Although he was entitled to a hearing before the state's medical licensing board, Dr. Alton Ochsner Jr. said he decided to give up his license because he planned to retire anyway Nov. 16, when he turns 70. "I guess I could have gone to court, but it just wasn't worth it," he said. In a report, the Louisiana State Board of Medical Examiners said it was investigating whether Ochsner prescribed habit-forming drugs illegally. Ochsner, who lives in New Orleans and has a Metairie office for his family practice, said the inquiry was the result of a clerical error last year when he applied for his 1994 license to prescribe such drugs. The form lists four classes of controlled substances. Ochsner said he accidentally marked only one group on the application, not the three groups he usually did, but continued to write prescriptions for all three categories. "I don't know how it happened," he said. "I was ordering drugs I have always ordered all my life. The first thing I knew, the Drug Enforcement Administration was here.""

January 7, 2000, Times-Picayune (New Orleans, LA), 'Alton Ochsner Jr., 75, N.O. surgeon, educator': "Dr. Alton Ochsner Jr., a well-known surgeon and a son of one of New Orleans' most famous doctors, died Thursday at his home. He was 75. Dr. Ochsner was born Edward William Alton Ochsner Jr. in 1924 aboard the SS America in the Atlantic Ocean. He lived in New Orleans most of his life. He graduated from Southern Arizona School in Tucson, Ariz., and attended Tulane University and the University of Pennsylvania as an undergraduate. He graduated from Tulane School of Medicine in 1948 and interned at Charity Hospital before winning fellowships at Tulane and Western Reserve Medical School in Cleveland. He did residencies in surgery at University Hospital in Ann Arbor, Mich., and Baylor University-affiliated hospitals in Houston. Dr. Ochsner was an associate professor of clinical surgery at Tulane for many years and was affiliated with more than a dozen local hospitals. He was president of St. Claude General Hospital in 1976. After serving in the Army during World War II, he was a captain in the Army Medical Corps in 1953-54, assigned to Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington. He published articles and book chapters on fund-raising, carcinoma of the lung, and diseases of the heart, diaphragm and blood vessels. He was a former editor of the International Surgical Digest. Dr. Ochsner received the Rudolph Matas Award in the History of Medicine, and the Volunteer and Information Agency Award for Outstanding Volunteer Service. He was a member of many local, national and international medical organizations, and a past president of the Louisiana Heart Association, the Orleans Parish Heart Unit and the Nu Sigma Nu Alumni Association. He was active in the local Chamber of Commerce and its Americanism and Jazz committees, the New Orleans International Jazz Festival, the Audubon Area Zoning Association, Louisiana Festivals and many other civic groups. Dr. Ochsner was a former chairman of the Caribbean Commission and Americans for Freedom, president of Project Hospital Ship Oceanic Inc., and a board member of the Louisiana Conservative Union, the Information Council of the Americas and the National Captive Nations Committee. He was a member of the Boston Club, Pickwick Club, Lamplighter Club and several Carnival organizations, and was active in boating, fishing, swimming, tennis, polo and art collecting."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

FBI agent. Founder of the American Security Council as the Mid-Western Research Library.

Source(s): American Security Council website

ASC member since 1974, director 2004-2006, and president in 2005. Vice president of Occidental Chemical Corporation in Dallas, Texas. President-elect of the American Chemical Society. Roman Catholic.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Senior editor Time magazine 1943-48. Founding editorial board National Review. Also wrote for Life and Fortune magazines. His writings have been an inspiration to conservatives in the 1980s.

Source(s): July 23, 1984, New York Times, 'The High Cost of Advising': "The American Security Council Foundation is soliciting funds by mail in behalf of the United States Congressional Advisory Board ... Co-chairmen of the board are two Republicans, Senator Jake Garn of Utah and Representative Jack F. Kemp of upstate New York, and two Democrats, Senator J. Bennett Johnston of Louisiana and Representative Bill Chappell Jr. of Florida."

Democrat Congressman from Florida 1969-1989. Moderate to conservative Democrat. Served on the United States House Appropriations Committee. Chairman of the United States House Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense until his defeat in 1989.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Born in 1948. Grew up in Atlantic City in a strongly Conservative Republican family (claimed he is entirely different). Met Nixon when he was five years old through his father. Clay Claiborne was an African American student at Wash U. beginning in 1966. He was arrested for his protest activities. Well-known activist.

Founder and head Cosmos Engineering Co.

April 20, 2001, Olin Library, Washington University, Lisa Salt (WU Student) interview with Clay Claiborne: "My father was very strongly Republican. He worked for the Republican National Committee. He worked as a consultant almost all his life in a Republican camp. ... You know, my father always had the news on. He always, he had a lot of political connections, so very young, I met a lot of political people. I went to Washington, D.C. I met Richard Nixon when he was Vice President and I was five years old. So my father, while he held very different politics from what I have subsequently developed, he did definitely introduce me to the world of politics and political thought."

Black activist Clay Claiborne takes it even farther. In a Daily Kos column headlined.

October 23, 2010, Daily Kos, 'Was Meg Whitman Fooled by Her Maid?': "It's another one of those cases, like with the slave codes, sodomy laws, the anti-marijuana laws, or the anti-skate boarding laws of Atlantic City that made me a rebel in my youth, when the law is wrong and the people are right. I never have a problem with people breaking such laws." Pictures of Claiborne posted in one of his articles at Daily Kos showed this Claiborne is black.

Member of the Council of 56 of the Religious Roundtable, together with Jerry Falwell, General Daniel O. Graham, General George Keegan, Jr., James Kennedy, Larry McDonald, Phyllis Schlafly, Jesse Helms and Nelson Bunker Hunt. Executive director of the Black Silent Majority. Daily Kos?

August 18, 1980, New York Times, Page 7, Column 1: "Mr. McAteer now heads the Religious Roundtable, which he founded, and which has on its board of 56 - ''the same number as the signers of the Declaration of Independence'' - virtually all the leaders of the New Right, from the Congress, the electronic ministries, the tactical and issue organizations, and the independent church networks. ... Senators Jesse Helms, Republican of North Carolina, and Gordon J. Humphrey, Republican of New Hampshire, are on it, as is Representative Phillip M. Crane, Republican of Illinois. Other members include Mr. Weyrich and Mr. Falwell and other television evangelists, as well as Clay Claiborne, the head of an organization known as the Black Silent Majority."

June 1, 2009, Whittier Daily News, 'Liberal Seekers to discuss holocaust in Vietnam': "The topic of discussion will be, "Before Iraq there was Vietnam," the tagline for the film "Vietnam: American Holocaust" by Clay Claiborne and narrated by Martin Sheen."

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1968

Son of Col. Charles Carr and Rebecca C.; ed. Highland Park (Ill.), High Sch.; B.S., U.S. Mil. Acad., 1917; grad. Inf. Sch., 1925; command and Gen. Staff Sch., 1935; Army War Coll., 1937; LL.D., Pa. Mil. Coll., Loyola Univ., Clemson Coll., U. of So. Cal., Oberlin Coll., U. of San Francisco, U. of S.C., U. Akron, Belmont Abbey Coll., Butler U.; D.P.S., University of Vienna, University of Naples, also, The Citadel; D.C.L., Oxford University; D.Sc., U. of Florence; L.H.D., Newberry College; married Maurine Doran, May 17, 1924 (dec.); children—Patricia (Mrs. Gordon H. Oosting) (dec.), William Doran (maj., U.S. Army nat.); married 2d, Mrs. Mary Millard Applegate, Oct. 17, 1967. Commd. 2d lt., Infantry, 1917, advanced through the grades to gen., 1945, ret. 1953; commander-in-chief of U.S. Occupation Forces in Austria and U.S. High Commr., 1945; U.S. mem. Allied Commn. for Austria; dep. U.S. Sec. of State, 1947, with Council of Fgn. Ministers negotiating a treaty for Austria; head of 6th Army, 1947-49; Western Area rep. of Sec. of Defense for Unification of Facilities and Services, 1948-49; chief of Army Field Forces, Ft. Monroe, Va., 1949-52; comdr. in chief, U.N. Command in Korea; comdg. gen. U.S. Army Forces in Far East; gov. Ryukyu Islands 1952. Retired in 1952.

Headed the 1954-55 Clark Committee, officially called Task Force on Intelligence Activities. Gen. Clark was chairman of the committee. It studied the workings of the CIA and the various other intelligence agencies. For the CIA it recommended congressional and executive oversight and made a number of other suggestions to make the whole intelligence community run more effiently.

President the Citadel Military College of South Carolina, 1954-66, pres. emeritus, 1966-84. Episcopalian. Awarded: Maltese Order of Malta (Cross of Merit First Class). Nominated ambassador to the Vatican by Truman, from which eventually withdrew under protest from various groups. Early director (and the most senior) of Wackenhut with George Wackenhut, Capt. Eddie Rickenbacker and ASC co-chair Lloyd Wright. Identified as a director in 1967 with Wright. Retired as a director of Wackenhut in 1974. April 30, 1974, Wall Street Journal, p. 21: "Wackenhut Corp elects Gen S J McKee, Gen B A Schriever and C L Wright dirs. Gens M W Clark and K P McNaughton resign as dirs."

John Rees used to supply information to Wackenhut.

Appeared on the cover of the John Birch Society's American Opinion, volume 9, October 1966.

March 13, 1977, letter from Gen. Mark W. Clark to Tom Ryan: "First, I did not feel that President Truman should have relieved General MacArthur at the time he did. General MacArthur was having a hard time in Korea and was naturally sending back bitter messages, yelling for help. Some of those messages were rather curt and I believe offended President Truman. I believe also, General MacArthur would have been the Republican nominee for the Presidency of the United States had he not be relieved. General Eisenhower and I were at West Point. We were nearly the same age, and were close friends. General MacArthur was ten or twelve years older than I was, and although I knew him, not intimately like Ike, I admired them both."

Dec. 8, 1952, Spokane Daily Chronicle, Washington Merry-Go-Round, Eisenhower Faces Four Alternatives: Clark Favors All-Out Offensive: "These alternatives are: 1. Negotiate a peace with the reds. This appears to be increasingly difficult unless there are heavy concessions on our side. 2. Pull American ground troops out of Korea, leaving South Koreans and possibly Chinese nationalists to continue a long drawn-out war, with American air and naval support backing them up. 3. Launch an offensive next spring, one which carries no international risk such as bombing beyond the Yalu river. 4. Launch an all-out offensive with no holds barred. This would include bombing beyond the Yalu river, also the use of atomic artillery; perhaps also blockading Chinese ports. The last alternative carries the greatest political complications. … However, this all-out offensive is what General Clark favors, and, of course, so also did his more spectacular predecessor, Douglas MacArthur." August 12, 1954, News and Courier (Charleston, S.C.), Preventive war opposed by Eisenhower: Disagrees with Clark on breaking off of Soviet diplomatic ties: "With the air of a man reluctant to disagree with an old comrade, Eisenhower told his news conference his administration by no means shares Gen. Mark Clark’s view the United States should break off diplomatic ties with Russia and throw the Communists out of the United Nations. … Eisenhower was warm in his personal praise of Gen. Clark… Now president of the Citadel … Clark appeared yesterday before a Senate Internal Security subcommittee [where he made the remarks]. … Clark, who is conducting a Hoover Commission investigation of the super secret Central Intelligence Agency, also had some critical words for some American diplomats."

WWII REPUTATION:

I'm very interested what our American friends know about General Mark Clark and to what extent knowledge that this fellow is responsible for more than 60,000 dead soldiers is common in USA. 60,000+ bodies within seven month... + more wounded and thousands of irreparable battle stress casualties... (To be really honest, this achievement of Mark Clark was shared with British General Alexander, General Leese, General Freiburg from NZ and dumbest of all of them - Polish General Anders.) "The Abbey at Monte Cassino (the Abbazia di Montecassino), bombed into rubble by the Allied forces, only to make ideal cover for the German troops who rapidly re-entered the Abbey after the bombing. As a result, the Allies attempted again to "take" the hill on which the Abbey was situated; thousands of soldiers lost their lives in this action. Military leadership during the Peninsular Campaign by Field Marshall Alexander and General Mark Clark was inept at best and caused thousands of casualties -- civil and military -- that blemish the record of the services even today. Monte Cassino tops any list of disgraces resulting from egocentric military leadership, planning and execution. Historians now agree that none of the bombing and fighting served any true military purpose. It was simply a contest between the leadership of the American, English and Polish forces to see whose men could take the hill. The senseless waste of human life sickened many of us who photographed it. One small town in Texas lost 3000 of its National Guardsmen in about 3 hours in a Mark Clark-directed operation to force surrender of the town of Cassino. The operation failed."

The book The Impossible Victory" by Brian Harpur has some revealing insights into Mark Clarke's character, including an interview with the man himself. It seem he was obsessed with being the one to liberate Rome, without any regard for the strategic value or cost in terms of casualties. Yes, indeed. And little correction - Mark Clark dreamed about being "Rome conqueror" not "liberator". It's just subtle difference, but for anyone familiar with mentality out of West Point, very important. I recall something to this effect --the coming 'Operation Overlord' invasion of Normandy caused Clark to lunge for Rome in order to grab some headlines before the Atlantic Wall was pierced by Ike and Monty... Unfortunately, this led to the escape of a sizable number of German troops that could have been cut off instead. Clark, like Gen. Douglas MacArthur and to some extent Gen. Bernard Montgomery, was tainted with a tinge of megalomania.

Source(s): November 1, 2005, (ASC founder) John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (appointed co-chair of an ASCF Strategy Board in or around 1983); American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Member Team B Strategic Objectives Panel. 2nd Committee on the Present Danger. Advisor Center for Security Policy. Ariel Center, and the Hoover Institution. Co-director of research at the Jerusalem-based Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies (IASPS). a Senior Research Fellow in National Security Affairs at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University and a Member of the Board of Trustees of the International Institute of Strategic Studies.

Political scientist Stanford University, 1964-67; member faculty University Southern California, 1967-87, professor international relations, 1974-87; professor and department head Southwest Missouri State University, 1987—2005, professor emeritus, 2005— . Senior research fellow Hoover Institution Stanford University, 1961-1987; chairman Strategic Alternatives Team, 1977-90; acting chairman Pres.'s General Adv. Committee on Arms Control, 1981-82; special assistant Office Secretary Defense, member Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (Strategic Arms Limitation Talks) delegation, 1969-71; director Defense and Strategic Studies Center University Southern California, 1971-1987, Center for Defense and Strategic Studies Southwestern Missouri State University, 1987-2005; member B team on National Intelligence Estimates, 1976; member executive panel, board director Committee Present Danger, 1980-93; director transition team Department Defense, 1980-81; senior national security advisor to Ronald Reagan, 1979-80; member national security affairs adv. council Republican National Committee, 1979-89; research council Foreign Policy Research Institute, Institute Foreign Policy Analysis; co-dir. Ann. International Security Summer Seminar, Federal Republic Germany, 1981-98; trustee Am. committee International Institute Strategic Studies, 1980—; visiting professor U.S. Army Advanced Russian Institute, Garmisch, Federal Republic Germany, 1978-79; chairman adv. board International Security Council, 1991-96; consultant in field, member numerous government adv. committees. Co-author: Strategic Options for the Early Eighties: What Can Be Done?, 1979, Tactical Nuclear Weapons, 1978, Nuclear Weapons, Policies, and the Test Ban Issue, 1987, Strategy and International Politics, 2000; author: Fortress USSR, 1986; member board editors Global Affairs. Co-chmn. Scholars for Reagan, 1984; member executive council, director NCAA relations Haka Bowl, NCAA Postseason Football Bowl. With US Marine Corps, 1953-61. Member International Institute Strategic Studies (U.S. committee, board trustees).

INTERNATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL

January 29, 1990, Washington Times, 'Show us results, not rhetoric, Soviet military experts told': "A unique panel of U.S. and Soviet military experts, including a former Marine Corp commandant and a retired chief of naval operations, concluded two days of talks, with the Americans saying the Soviets must produce more concrete evidence of political and military change. "On the American side, we were interested in hearing the Soviet description and explication of the new political thinking," said William R. Van Cleave, a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution. "I would be less than candid if I did not acknowledge that we were more impressed with the words than we were with the evidence of change," he said at a news conference following the meeting. The conference, which ended Friday, was jointly sponsored by the Washington-based International Security Council, a privately funded think tank, and the U.S.S.R. Academy of Sciences. The U.S. side was led by Mr. Van Cleave and included Admiral Elmo R. Zumwalt Jr., former chief of naval operations; Gen. Paul X. Kelley, retired commandant of the Marine Corps; and Donald Rumsfeld, former secretary of defense." 1991, Elizabeth Clare Prophet, 'The astrology of the Four Horsemen: how you can heal yourself and planet earth', p. 309: Mentions these delegates, including Gen. Keegan and two less important men. That information came from a 1991 Global Affairs issue on the meeting. October 7, 1991, C-Span, on the ISC meeting 'Change and Continuity in Soviet Military Policy': Chairman of the meeting is William Van Cleave. Introduces the members of his delegation as Admiral Zumwalt, General Michael Dugan (Air force chief of staff), General Carl E. Vuono (Former chief of staff of the army), General John L. Piotrowski (Commander NORAD and U.S. Space Command), General Alfred M. Gray (Commandant Marine Corps), Donald Rumsfeld, Fred Ikle, David Bar-lan (Chief Editor of Jerusalem Post; later Netanyahu policy advisor and spokesperson; anti-Palestinian; claimed that the West only protects the the Palestinians for oil), William T. Lee (DIA analyst) and a few others. It was the second meeting.

Observers?

July 22, 1993, Washington Post, 'Libyan Spin Control': "Joseph Churba, head of the International Security Council, a conservative and pro-Israel Washington think tank, met with senior Libyan political figures in Rome in April. Churba says he used the meeting to press the Libyans to open the country to inspection of suspected chemical weapons factories and missile sites. The failure of the Libyans to give him a clear answer on this, and objections to the contacts from the State Department, led Churba to cancel a second meeting scheduled in Geneva. Churba told me the Rome conference cost his organization $ 50,000. Most of his activities are funded by the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, the South Korean evangelist whose newspaper, The Washington Times, published on July 6 an interview in which Gadhafi praised President Clinton as "a kind, well-intentioned man." The story emphasized Gadhafi's willingness to cooperate with Clinton on counterterroist intelligence if America made a gesture to Gadhafi."

January 19 1988, The Times, 'Times Diary: Moonshine': "The balloon of international optimism inflated by the Reagan-Gorbachov summit is about to be pricked by 24 military experts being put up in London this week by the Rev Sun Myung Moon. After concentrating for some years on the vagaries of South-east Asia, the International Security Council - a Moonfunded think tank of hawkish soldiers, civil servants and scholars - is turning its attention to the INF treaty. Richard Perle, Reagan's former assistant defence secretary, and Joseph Luns, Lord Carrington's predecessor as Nato secretary-general, are among those now at the Hyde Park Hotel."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; 1988, Russ Bellant, 'The Coors connection', p. 49: "The ASCF also created a "Strategy Board" in the early 1980's that included a number of persons with covert operations backgrounds Major General John Singlaub; the late Edwin Black ... Ray Cline; and Ed Feulner."; November 1, 2005, (ASC founder) John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (appointed co-chair of an ASCF Strategy Board in or around 1983); American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

1918-1996. OSS 1943-1946 and worked in the Far-East with Paul Helliwell and Gen. Singlaub. Harvard degrees. Intelligence analyst CIA 1951-1953. Good friend of Chiang Kai-shek's son. Co-founder Political Warfare Cadres Academy with Kai-shek's son in 1951 (from which Roberto D' Aubuisson graduated). Attaché, United States embassy in London, England, CIA 1951-1953. Chief of the agency's staff on the Sino-Soviet bloc CIA 1954-1958. Accurately predicted that Beijing and Moscow would go their separate ways. Seemingly responsible for setting up the Asian People's Anti-Communist League (APACL) in Taiwan and South Korea in 1955-1956. CIA station chief in Taiwan 1958-1962 (official position: Director, United States Naval Auxiliary Communications Center, Taipei); deputy director CIA 1962-1966; CIA station chief in Bonn 1966-1969 where he oversaw the local Gladio forces; confirmed the authenticity of FM 30-31A & B, instruction manuals of the DIA which included false flag terrorist actions that were to be blamed on the USSR; director Department of State's Bureau Intelligence and Research 1969-1973; director world power studies at Georgetown's CSIS 1973-1986; co-founder of the WACL with Gen. Singlaub; representative of CAUSA, founded by Moonie Col. Bo Hi Pak; the Jonathan Institute; founder U.S. Global Strategy Council in 1981 and headed it from 1986 to 1994; great supporter of non-lethal weapons. President National Intelligence Studies Center by the early 1990s. Member Association of Former Intelligence Officers. Associated with the John Birch Society. Risk consultant to General Dynamics, Hewlett Packard and several oil companies.Advisory board Interaction Systems, McLean, Vi. since about 1983. Published Chiang Ching-kuo Remembered: The Man and His Political Legacy (Washington: United States Global Strategy Council. 197 pp.). Chiang Ching-kuo, so of Kai-shek, was the director of the notorious secret police of Taiwan from 1950 to 1965.

APACL:

1986, Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, 'Inside the League': "Chiang's rule was corrupt, inept, and impotent, perhaps best illustrated by the speed with which he lost mainland China to Mao after World War II. Even the American military officials who advised him during World War II had no faith in him or in his Kuomintang (KMT) political party. As early as 1943, General Joseph Stilwell had disgustedly called the Chiang Kai-shek rule "a one party government supported by a Gestapo." ... If the Formosans were hoping for moderation from the Kuomintang or assistance from the Americans, they were soon disillusioned. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek may not have been able to defeat the communists, but the unarmed Formosans were a different story, under the cover of darkness, he rushed some twelve thousand of his Nationalist soldiers to the island. The massacres that ensued were indiscriminate and vast in scale. "From an upper window," George Kerr, a State Department official in Formosa, wrote, "we watched Nationalist soldiers in action in the alleys across the way. We saw Formosans bayoneted in the street without provocation. A man was robbed before our eyes-and then cut down and run through. Another ran into the street in pursuit of soldiers dragging a girl away from his house and we saw him, too, cut down. "This sickening spectacle was only the smallest sample of the slaughter then taking place throughout the city."[1] Dr. Ira Hirschy, the chief medical officer in Formosa for the United Nations Rehabilitation and Relief Agency, was also a witness to the killings: "In the city of Pintung where the inauguration of the brief people's rule was marked by the playing of the Star Spangled Banner on phonographs, the entire group of about 45 Formosans who were carrying on various phases of local government were taken out to a nearby airfield from which, later, a series of shots were heard. A Formosan, who, representing the families of these people, went to the military commander to intercede for their lives, was taken to the public square and, after his wife and children had been called to witness the event, he was beheaded as an example to the rest of the people not to meddle in affairs which did not concern them."[2] After the initial wave of killings, which claimed the lives of most of Formosa's prominent businessmen, intellectuals, and political leaders, the Nationalists turned their attention to the younger generation. "We saw students tied together," Kerr reported, "being driven to the execution grounds, usually along the river banks and ditches about Taipei [the capital].... One foreigner counted more than thirty bodies—in student uniforms-lying along the roadside east of Taipei; they had had their noses and ears slit or hacked off, and many had been castrated. Two students were beheaded near my front gate." The March 1947 massacre took an estimated twenty thousand lives; the fledgling Formosan independence movement had been crushed and the way was paved for Chiang Kai-shek and his soldiers retreating from the mainland to establish a government-in-exile. The atrocity also proved the efficacy of total and unconventional warfare, a mode of combat the Nationalists would later teach to other anticommunists, often through the auspices of the World Anti-Communist League. ... Although the U.S. government has denied the authors access to the pertinent records, it appears clear that the United States was largely behind the formation of both the Asian People's and the World Anti-Communist Leagues. Because the United States propped up the regimes of Synghman Rhee and Chiang Kai-shek, these rulers naturally initiated programs and pursued policies that their American advisers favored. Conversely, they could not easily embark on a project that the United States did not desire. Given the political realities of the time, it would be hard to believe that the Leagues were established without American assistance- after all, their stated objectivesto actively fight communism-were very much in keeping with American foreign policy objectives. It is equally doubtful that the Taiwanese and South Korean governments footed the bills for the Leagues. Taiwan was still woefully poor in the 1950s, while Korea 7 devastated by the Korean War, was suffering famine in some provinces. ... Former intelligence officers suggest that the funds most likely came out of money already designated for economic or military assistance, CIA discretionary funds, or U.S. Embassy Counterpart Funds, and that it was done not out of Korea but out of Taiwan. ... Since the Chinese Nationalists were in no position to repay the American assistance in the 1950s 7 an arrangement was made whereby the United States was given "credits" in the Taiwanese currency (NT) for its debts. Using this method, the Taiwanese then embarked on various programs dictated by the Americans as a means to lower their debt. Thus the much-hailed Taiwanese missions to Africa to teach farmers better agricultural practices were actually an American program, paid for by Counterpart Funds in the American Embassy. These funds were not just numbers in a ledger book. They were actual sacks of money that sat in a safe in the American Embassy in Taipei. From the little-scrutinized Counterpart Funds account may have come the initial financing for the Asian People's Anti-Communist League in 1954 and the preparatory meeting of the World AntiCommunist League in 1958. The most likely American conduit for the latter operation was a flamboyant Harvard graduate named Ray Cline. Having served as an intelligence officer for the U.S. Navy and for the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) in Asia during World War II, Cline was CIA station chief in Taiwan from 1958 to 1962. As such he had access to the Counterpart Funds account at the time when the first preparatory meetings were being held toward the establishment of the World League. ... Whatever the validity of this theory, Cline continues to have a close relationship with the League. Not only has he attended several conferences, including those of 1980, 1983, and 1984 7 but he is also a close friend of retired Major General John Singlaub; their relationship dates back to the 1940s, when both served with the OSS in China. ... Cline has contributed to the flourishing of the international ultraright in ways more verifiable than his possible early work with the League. Despite his local notoriety in Taiwan for having built the gaudiest home on the island (dubbed "the Pink Palace"), Cline developed a deep and lasting friendship there with a man named Chiang Ching-kuo... the son of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and heir-apparent to the Taiwan dictatorship. He had an intelligence background similar in some respects to Cline's, except that he had the added advantage of having been trained by the enemy. ... In the late 1950s they joined forces to create an instrument of war that continues to have a hidden impact on events throughout the world: the Political Warfare Cadres Academy. Today, much of the international recruitment for this academy is coordinated through the World Anti-Communist League. ... Its primary function, as with the Soviet model, is to ensure party (in this case, Kuomintang) control of the military through political incloctrination. Kuomintang cells, called "political departments" and composed of graduates of the academy, are established in every military unit down to company size. These political commissars watch over troops as well as the non-academy officers, test their political awareness, and submit regular status reports to the General Political Warfare Department on each person. "The surveillance or inspection function of the company political officer is by far his most ominous duty. Each member of the unit has the responsibility to report on dissidence and deviant political attitudes which may be observed on the part of his comrades."[8] The commissars' primary loyalty is not to the military but to the Party, and according to former American advisers in Taiwan, in disputes between army and political officers, the latter always win. ... One Taiwanese, a former Kuomintang Party member now living in exile, was selected from his university class to attend a two-month training course at the academy. "We were taught that to defeat communism, we had to be cruel. We were told to watch our commander, that if he showed weakness or indecision in combat, we were to kill him. They also had us watch fellow classmates who, of course, were watching us.""

Rollback!: "During World War II, Cline served as a naval intelligence officer and worked for the OSS in Kunming, China, with John Singlaub, Mitchell Livingstone WerBell III, Richard Helms, and Howard Hunt."

2004, Peter Dale Scott, 'War and state terrorism', p. 196: "The importantce of the Kunming OSS station to the postwar drus-intelligence connections is illustrated by the subsequent careers of its members. Stationed there were Helliwell, who later set up CAT, Inc. and Sea Supply, Inc.; Lou Conein, who became the CIA's liaison to Corsican and other traffickers in Saigon; Ray Cline and John Singlaub, both part of the CIA's GMD connection and its offshoot, the drug-sponsoring Asian People's (later World) Anti-Communist League; Howard Hunt, who also helped set up what became the World Anti-Communist League; and Mitchel WerBell, an armorer for the CIA later indicted for an arms-for-drugs deal. WerBell was also involved in a questionable deal for the resettlement of Hmong tribesmen with the Nugan Hand Bank. Presiding over the Kunming station was George Olmsted, whose Washington bank was eventually acquired by BCCI."

1989, Thomas Bodenheimer and Robert Gould, 'Rollback!', p. 64: "Such old-time covert warriors include John Singlaub, Thomas Clines, Paul Helliwell, Richard Stilwell, and Ray Cline, all of whom worked in the OSS operation in the Burmese-China theater during World War II."

2010, Rodney Stich, 'Japanese and U.S. World War II Plunder and Intrigue', pp. 40-41: "Paul Helliwell [served under] CIA William Donovan. Helliwell was involved in Far East activities, including creating CIA front companies, proprieties. These included Civil Air Transport, later renamed Air America, which was based in Taiwan, and the Sea Supply Corporation based in Bangkok. ... Helliwell established an office in Miami for the CIA's Sea Supply Corporation that used Castle Bank and Trust Company, a bank heavily involved in laundering CIA activities and drug money laundering. ... [Ray Cline] once revealed that between 1945 and 1947 OSS and CIA personnel, Santa Romana and Lansdale, had arranged for the shipment by banks of tons of gold retrieved from the Japanese plunder in the Philippines and placed in over 150 bank accounts in over 40 countries. He also helped establish such covert proprieties as Sea Supply Corporation and Castle Bank." Paul Helliwell ran the Eagle Project. Ray Cline and Henry Stimson are suspected of having started the project.

2010, Rodney Stich, 'Japanese and U.S. World War II Plunder and Intrigue', p. 140: "However, Curtis was then informed by a phone call that Reagan had personally endorsed the Nippon Star and Phoenix Exploration groups [to search for gold in Philippines]. Reagan couldn't publicly endorse the explorations but had fully briefed the U.S. embassy in Manila... Other involved in the exploration included ... General Daniel Graham ... and Ray Cline."

January 14, 1993, USA Today, ''Inside ouster' scenario was only wishful thinking': "The air strike on Iraq Wednesday was but a stopgap measure in the U.S. government's longstanding goal of toppling Saddam Hussein. But President Bush expected long ago that domestic pressures - particularly the humiliating defeat of the Iraqi army during the gulf war - would have led to Saddam's overthrow, says former CIA deputy director Ray Cline. Cline, who retired from the government in 1973 and now heads the Washington-based National Intelligence Study Center, says Bush told him more than a year ago that he expected Saddam to be ousted by his own military. ''He said these people are going to just destroy Saddam Hussein,'' Cline says. The Bush administration has not made much of a secret of its covert action program to foment a military-led coup against Saddam. The operation has reportedly included support for dissident groups, propaganda broadcasts and dissemination of phony currency to undermine the economy."

Cline has also worked with the far-right in the Philippines. After relocating the offices of WACL to the Nippon Star Trading Company complex in Manila in late 1986, John Singlaub met with Cline, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, and General Luis Villa-Real. Villa-Real, the president of WACL's Philippine chapter, played a central role in the creation of right-wing death squads in that country. (15) Both Cline and Singlaub were identified by the 'Philippine Daily Inquirer' as aiding the forces behind the 1986 coup attempt against the Aquino government. (16)

Has stated that Moscow is behind international terrorism.

AB, Harvard University, 1939. MA, Harvard University, 1941. PhD, Harvard University, 1949. Postgrad., Balliol College, Oxford University, England, 1940. Junior fellow Harvard University, 1941-42; with Office of Strategic Services, 1943-46, Office Chief Military History, Department Army, 1946-49, CIA, 1949-51; attaché Am. Embassy, London, 1951-53; with CIA, 1954-58; director U.S. Naval Auxiliary Communications Center, Taipei, 1958-62; deputy director for intelligence CIA, 1962-66; special adviser Am. embassy, Bonn, Germany, 1966-69; director Bureau Intelligence and Research, Department State, 1969-73; director world power studies Georgetown University Center Strategic and International Studies, Washington, 1973-86; chairman U.S. Global Strategy Council, 1986-94. President National Intelligence Study Center, Washington; adjunct professor Georgetown University, 1974-94. Author. Member Oxford Society, Council Foreign Relations, Washington Institute Foreign Affairs, Harvard Club (Washington and New York City), Phi Beta Kappa.

November 9, 1966, New York Times, 'World body is aim of anti-communists': "Seoul, South Korea, Nov. 8--Anti-communist leaders from 24 Asian, African and Middle Eastern countries adopted today a charter for a nongovernmental worldwide anti-communist body to be organized in Taipei, Taiwan, next fall. The charter for the World Anti-Communist League was adopted during the closing session of the annual conference of the Asian Peoples Anti-Communist League. The conference was attended by delegates from 24 member countries and by observers from five American and European countries, including the United States. The Asian League, founded in 1954 in South Korea, intends to play a leading role in organizing and coordinating the activities of anti-communist groups around the world."

September 25, 1954, New York Times, ''Hate Japan' drive is spurred by Rhee': Rhee continues propaganda against population to hate Japan. Doesn't want Japan to join APACL.

April 7, 1984, Central News Agency - Taiwan, 'Ku Cheng-Kang flies to Belgium to attend meeting': Joint meeting in Belgium of WACL and APACL April 9-11.Dr. Ku Cheng-Kang is chairing the meeting. Then left for Holland to visit WACL there.

May 5, 1979, Washington Post, 'Even U.S. Suspect At Anti-Communist League Gathering': "A decade ago, had an American ambassador attended a meeting of the World Anti-Communist League, he probably would have been greeted with the same enthusiasm as Moshe Dayan at an Israeli Bonds dinner. There would have been smiles, applause and calls for the obligatory spech. Last week, however, when U.S. Ambassador Robert E. White made a surprise appearance at the opening session of the League's 12th annual congress, it was as if Dayan had walked into a conference of the Palestine Liberation Organization. "They didn't quite know what to do with me," White said afterwards, recalling his trip into the ultra-conservative lion's den, where the Carter administration's foreign policy is about as popular as that of the Kremlin. Among those at this year's conference were former Nazi SS officers, two neo-Fascists from Italy reportedly wanted for terrorist acts, members of Alpha 66, a right-wing Cuban exile group, and Pedro Ibanez Ojeda, who attended as Chilean President Augusto Pinochet's personal envoy. When Frederick Guirma, the delegate from Upper Volta, gave a speech urging the League to support blacks in South Africa, Rhodesia and Namibia, who he said "are fighting for their rights," there was dead silence. The League later passed a resolution stating that South Africa is "beset by communist subversion" and that journalists who write about that country's policy of racial separation in a negative manner are "at the service of Marxism and its campaign of psychological aggression." What became quite clear during the conference was that the Anti-Communist League supports any government, no matter how repressive or racist, that says it is anti-communist. The Carter administration's human rights policy is seen as nothing more than playing into the hands of the international communist conspiracy-as was the U.S. decision to recognize Peking. "If the United States had a strong, pro-capitalist foreign policy, quite naturally many nations would strengthen their ties with the U.S.," said Bruce Larsen, head of the New Zealand delegation. Larsen said he believed in democracy. When asked if he considered Paraguay, generally classified as Latin America's most authoritarian dictatorship, a democracy he said. "Certainly, it is. I do not believe in democracy for subversive leftist elements." The League is particularly secretive about its own inner workings, about how many members it has and where its money comes from. There were about 400 delegates from 86 countries at this year's conference, several of whom admitted that they had not paid their own way and most of whom refused to discuss the League or their presence. Diplomatic observers said some delegates told them that all of their expenses were paid for, probably by the Paraguyan government. The conference's most exciting moment came during the final session, when the debate over where to hold the next congress brought into the open a simmering internal dispute that some observers said could change the very nature of the League. Until now, according to these observers, the League has been pretty much dominated by the Nationalist Chinese, who founded it. Taiwan's hope was to draw into the organization any anti-communist group that supported it in its diplomatic struggle with Peking. According to the observers, however, one faction within the Saudi royal family has been pumping money into the League with the aim of capturing control and turning it against Israel. At least one of the working groups at this year's conference passed a resolution supporting the Palestinians and condemning "Zionist expansionism in the Middle East." Asked why the League was supporting the Palestinians, who have close ties with the Soviet Union, over the Israelis, who have close ties with many of the governments which the League supports, such as South Africa and Chile, Sam G. Dickson [a major racist], an Atlanta lawyer who was a U.S. delegate, said "Israel has made herself repugnant to most nations of the world. "Occasionally, one has to decide that the enemy of mine enemy is not my friend," Dickson said."

--

April 13, 2002, The Age (Melbourne, Australia), 'Shanghai, by jiminy': "Small wonder that the first meeting of the Chinese Communist Party took place in Shanghai in 1921 (the building remains open for inspection) and that the ideas found a ready market. It was from the Bund that Chiang Kai-shek loaded nearly all of China's gold reserves - 500,000 ounces - as he fled to Taiwan in 1948."

Washington Times columnists include Ray Cline's son-in-law Roger W. Fontaine (Director of Latin American Affairs, National Security Council 1981-1983; Washington Times columnist; publisher of Sun Myung Moon's book 'Inquisition' under the name Andromeda publications, but his wife said the book was published by Regnery Gateway; Director of Latin American Studies, CSIS; principal professor of the Institute for World Politics). Moon: 1991, PBS, 'The Resurrection of Reverend'. Also shows pictures of Sasakawa and Mussolini. Shows that the Washington Times, the White House, the Justice Department and Moon himself all refused to give any comments. Max Hugel, William Casey's friend and briefly his deputy for covert operations, was picked by Moon to bail him out.

RAY CLINE - BOUGEROL - BONVOISIN - BORCHGRAVE

Arnaud de Borchgrave: PIO contact at Newsweek. CIA liaison to de Bonvoisin. Moss also on PIO press list and with de Borchgrave at Mid-Atlantic Research Associates. With Cline and Casey at Ashbrook Center in 1986. Moss and Borchgrave: The Spike.

The World and I (Moonies): editor was Arnaud Borchgrave and Ray Cline sat on editorial board. Stilwell wrote for magazine. Washington Times: Roger Fonatine (Cline's son-in-law) and Borchgrave. USGSC: chairman was Ray Cline. Board member was

Interview with Ray Cline by Alan de Francovitch and the BBC team preparing the programme Gladio Story, quoted by Bouffioux in Telemoustique, 23/4/92 - this experience may explain PIO's English-language title: "counter-insurgency training [was] given to the Belgian Major Jean-Marie Bougerol and his men in the US..."

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Nuclear physicist. A veteran of the Manhattan Project. Conceived, designed and advocated development of the neutron bomb, a high-radiation anti-personnel weapon. Cordially despised the Federation of American Scientists (FAS). During the Vietnam War, Cohen argued that using small neutron bombs would end the war quickly and save many American lives.

Cohen spoke at an April 2000 fundraiser in La Canada, California, for then-Reform Party presidential candidate Patrick Buchanan.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Democrat Governor from Florida.

Leon County rep. to Florida Legislature, 1934-40; member Senate, 1940-54; governor State of Florida, 1955-61; president National Association Broadcasters, 1961-64; director Community Relations Service, 1964-65; undersec. U.S. Department Commerce, 1965-66; private practice law Tampa, Florida, 1966-68; of counsel Ervin, Varn, Jacobs, Odom & Kitchen, Tallahassee, 1970-91; member Florida Constitution Revision Commission, 1977-78, Southern Legal Council, 1977-91. Former chairman National Governors Conference, Southern Governors Conference; member national adv. council Peace Corps; member honor corps National Conference of Christians and Jews; chairman South Regional Education Board, 1955-57; member Commission on Goals for Higher Education in South, 1961-62, Commission on Future of South, 1980-81; trustee Florida Defenders of Environment, 1981—; board directors Committee on Constitutional System, 1984—; chairman Dem. National Convention, 1960. Lieutenant US Naval Reserve, World War II.

Source(s): Donald Freed, Gemstone - the Bottom Line (1974)

Colson was the key figure. Publicly, as Special Counsel, he was liaison between the White House and various political groupings-the Reverend Carl McIntire, the Liberty Lobby, and similar right-wing extremists; the Eastern European ethnics, many of them neo-fascists; the American Security Council and the National Rifle Association; Teamster officials and organized crime; ITT, the multinationals, and the CIA. Covertly, he was liaison to the White House from the secret government, with primary responsibility for Operation Gemstone. Charles Colson was the double agent, and his plan was simplicity itself:

Later Colson would arrange anti-Nixon incidents at the AFLCIO convention in Miami and hard-hat attacks against antiwar demonstrators in New York. It seems likely that he was also involved in an early rehearsal of Gemstone at a Nixon appearance in San Jose, California, in late October. According to Congressman Paul McCloskey and the local police chief, the ultraconservative Young Americans for Freedom (YAF) sent its members to pose as anti-Nixon demonstrators. Both Hunt and Colson were founders of YAF.

Private practice, Washington, 1961-69; assistant to assistant secretary Department Navy, 1955-56; administrative assistant to Senator Leverett Saltonstall US Senate, 1956-61; senior partner Gadsby & Hannah, 1961-69; special counsel to President The White House, 1969-72; partner Colson & Shapiro, Washington, 1973-74; associate Fellowship House, 1975-76; founder Prison Fellowship Ministries, 1976—.

Source(s): 1988, Russ Bellant, 'The Coors connection', p. 49: "Joe Coors served on the ASCF board through the 1980s..."

With Adolph Coors Co., Golden, Colorado, vice president, from 1947, president, 1977-85, chief operating officer, 1982—1988, vice chairman, 1975, 1982—2000. Regent University Colorado, 1967-72. Founder, honorary trustee Heritage Foundation, 1972. Friend of Reagan. Governor Council on National Policy. Contra financier. Advisory board National Strategy Information Center.

March 24, 2003, Advertising Age, 'Obituary: Joseph Coors made his brand a household name; Exec known for conservative political agenda': "During his leadership of the brewery Mr. Coors was virulently anti-union and his conservative stances produced various union boycotts in the mid- '70s. He later began turning over management duties to others, among them his son, Peter, who remains chairman, to spend more time pushing conservative causes. ... In 1972, it was his $250,000 that helped found the conservative Heritage Foundation, which today remains influential in conservative politics. He was the founder and investor in the Committee for Survival of a Free Congress, another conservative group, and he also supported the arch conservative John Birch Society. Mr. Coors was also close to President Reagan, serving as a major backer of his early campaign and eventually as part of Mr. Reagan's informal kitchen cabinet. He lobbied for the appointment of James G. Watt as secretary of the interior."

November 8, 2000, New Straits Times (Malaysia), 'Group of shadowy power-players with mind set on one-world control': "In the 1970s, Weyrich and Coors made appointments and set up political contacts on Capitol Hill for Franz Joseph Strauss, Bavarian head of state who helped emigre Nazi collaborators."

January 10, 1989, AP, 'Former Congressman, Coors Added To Witness List': "Coors made the $$65,000 contribution to the Contras after meeting with North in 1985, less than three months before the letter to Barnes from the NSC. Coors has said he met in June 1985 with then-CIA Director William Casey, who referred Coors to North when Coors expressed an interest in giving money to the Contras at a time when U.S. military aid to them was banned by Congress. At a meeting in Casey's office in the old executive office building next to the White House, the CIA director "said Ollie North is the guy to see," Coors said in 1987 in congressional testimony on the Iran-Contra affair. Coors then walked over to see North, who said the Contras needed a Maule aircraft and gave Coors the number of a Swiss bank account where he could send his contribution. The account number was for Lake Resources Inc., part of the maze of companies which Richard Secord and Albert Hakim, who also are charged in the Iran-Contra case, used to funnel money to the Contras from the administration's arms sales to Iran as well as from a private fund-raising network. Coors arranged for $$65,000 to be sent to the Lake Resources account and then contacted North, saying he had made it clear he wanted to give humanitarian, non-military aid to the Contras. Coors said North "indicated that this plane would fit into that pattern.""

February 27, 2002, Associated Press State & Local Wire, 'Abortion, vouchers major issues for Simon donors': "Another major Simon contributor, brewing magnate Joseph Coors, helped create the Heritage Foundation, a conservative Washington, D.C., think tank that Simon and his father have supported financially. Both Simons have been Heritage board members."

Source(s): 1968, ASC National Strategy Committee list

1892-1977. Son of David Francis and Mary Louise (Holt) C.; student U. Ill., 1910-13; married Nellie Marie Truby, Mar. 15, 1924; children—Winston Charles, David Francis, Donald Holt. Elec. engr. Dolese & Shepard Co., 1913-15, Belden Mfg. Co., Chgo., 1915-18, chief insp., 1919, gen. foreman, 1920, plant supt., 1921, gen. foreman, 1922-23, asst. gen. supt., 1924-27, gen. supt., 1928-34, v.p., 1935-41, exec. v.p., 1942-48, pres., 1948-63, chmn. bd., chief exec. officer, 1963-65, hon. chmn., from 1965, dir. Dir. Greater Chgo. Safety Council from 1936, pres., 1939-42; dir. Jr. Achievement of Chgo., Inc., 1949-52, Chgo. Adv. Council, 1952-55; trustee Village of Hinsdale, Ill., 1949-52, president of the village, 1953-56. Served as 1st lieutenant, 331st F.A., 86th Div., U.S. Army, 1917-19; with A.E.F., 5 mos. Mem. Am. Mgmt. Assn. (v.p. 1933-34, dir. 1944-47, 1950-52) Ill. Mfrs. Assn. (dir. 1950-53, chmn. 1958, member of the advisory board from 1959), Associated Employers Ill. (dir., from 1939, v.p. 1939-45, pres. 1946-53; chmn. exec. com., 1953-57), Nat. Metal Trades Assn. (nat. pres. 1952-53, mem. adminstrv. council 1945-53), Employers Assn. (dir., from 1941, pres. 1944-45; adv. council, 1949-53, exec. council, 1954-56), N.A.M. (dir., 1956-58), Tau Kappa Epsilon. Republican. Conglist. Clubs: Executives (vice pres. 1939-41), Commercial, University (Chgo.); Hinsdale (Ill.) Golf (pres. 1942-44); Illinois Senior Golf (pres., 1955-56). Home: Hinsdale, Ill

Source(s): 1967, American Security Council national strategy committee report, 'The changing strategic military balance, U.S.A. vs. U.S.S.R.', a study prepared for the House Armed Services Committee, pp. 8-9: “[Introduction letter] Signed, General Bernard A. Schriever, USAF (Ret.), Chairman. General Paul D. Adams, USA (Ret.). Lt. General Edward M. Almond, USA (Ret.). Prof. James D. Atkinson. Admiral Robert L. Dennison, USN (Ret.). Vice Admiral Elton Watters Grenfell, USN (Ret.). Admiral Ben Moreell,CEC, USN (Ret.). Dr. Stefan T. Possony. General Thomas S. Power, USAF (Ret.). Brig. General Robert C. Richardson, USAF (Ret.). Vice Admiral W. A. Schoech, USN (Ret.). General Bernard A. Schriever, UAF (Ret.). Dr. Edward Teller. Rear Admiral Chester C. Ward, USN (Ret.). General Albert C. Wedemeyer, USA (Ret.). Major General W. A. Worton, USMC (Ret.)."

Dennison was born in Warren, Pennsylvania, and graduated from the United States Naval Academy in 1923. He later received a doctorate in engineering from Johns Hopkins University. Held numerous commands in the United States Navy, including submarines, destroyers, and the U.S.S. Missouri. Truman twice sailed on the Missouri while Dennison commanded it. Naval aide, when a Rear Admiral, to Harry S Truman from 1948 to 1953. As a naval aide, along with others, won Truman's support for Dennison's classmate, Arleigh Burke, later Chief of Naval Operations, whose views at the time had nearly ruined his career. He was the Commander in Chief of the United States Atlantic Fleet (CINCLANTFLT) and United States Atlantic Command (CINCLANT) from February 28, 1960 to April 30, 1963. While in charge of the Atlantic forces, he was given the duty of blockading Cuba during the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Source(s): July 11, 1986, PR Newswire, 'News Advisory': "WHAT: The "freedom fighters" will convene in the first "Contra Summit" as part of the Peace Through Strength Summit sponsored by the American Security Council Foundation as the educational secretariat of the Coalition of Peace Through Strength. ... WHERE: The Capital Hilton Hotel, 16th and K streets N.W. Among those attending the summit will be Adolfo Calero, senior directorate, United Nicaraguan Opposition; Maj. Gen. Pok Sam Anh, Khmer People's National Liberation Front, Cambodia; Jeremias Chitunda, foreign minister, National Union for the Total Independence of Angola; Yonas Deressa, Ethiopian People's Democratic Alliance; Eshan Jan Areef (Jamiat-i-Islami), Afghan Freedom Fighters; and Souksomboun Sayasithsena, International Union of Lao Organizations, Laos. The meeting will also feature addresses by Weinberger; U.S. Sens. E.J. (Jake) Garn, R-Utah, and Dennis DeConcini, D-Ariz.; U.S. Reps. Jack Kemp , R-N.Y., Samuel S. Stratton, D-N.Y., Robert H. Michel, R-Ill., and Bill Chappell Jr., D-Fla. In addition, Sen. Dole will be the recipient of the 1986 Eagle Award..."

Washington-based opponent of Marxist President Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethipoia. Supporter EDU and EPDA. Did not support the EPRDF and Eritrean independence. In May 1991, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) forces advanced on Addis Ababa from all sides, and Mengistu fled the country with 50 family and Derg members. He was granted asylum in Zimbabwe as an official guest of Zimbabwean (formerly Rhodesia) President Robert Mugabe.

May 17, 1989, Washington Post, ' Army Coup Attempted In Ethiopia; Official Radio Says Revolt Was Foiled': "Ethiopian military officers attempted to overthrow the government of Marxist President Mengistu Haile Mariam but failed, the state radio said early today. The report, monitored here, said that the military chief of staff and air force commander were killed Tuesday as they took part in the attempt, and that the other officers involved had surrendered. The Associated Press reported from Addis Abbaba that the capital was calm. But there was no independent confirmation that the mutiny had been put down. In what appears to have been the most serious challenge to Mengistu's rule since he assumed undisputed control of Ethiopia in 1977, senior officers reportedly deployed soldiers and tanks at key ministries in Addis Ababa on Tuesday, shortly after Mengistu left Ethiopia for a four-day state visit to East Germany. The state radio report said: "Some conspiring generals wanted to create great unrest and disturbance, to shed the blood of innocent people and generally destabilize the unity of our motherland, even though their treacherous aims did not succeed. They tried to use force but were killed." The report named the dead officers as Maj. Gen. Merid Negusie, chief of staff and Maj. Gen Amha Desta, commander of the air force. ... The army has suffered tens of thousands of casualties in the past two years in battles against well-organized rebels in the northern regions of Eritrea and Tigray. Mengistu again this week signaled his intention to continue to seek a military victory over the rebels. According to Yonas Deressa, the leader of a Washington-based Ethiopian refugee organization, the Ethiopian leader recently "imposed a quota of 50,000 youngsters [to be conscripted] in Addis Ababa alone. They have been taking young children . . . almost kidnapping 13 and 14-year-old boys. There have been the wailings of mothers and . . . a great deal of tension in the last month." Army desertions and mass refusal to fight have marked many of the rebel victories in the north. According to western diplomats, Mengistu traveled to Eritrea last year to investigate army loses. In one battle alone, at the town of Afabet, an estimated 18,000 Ethiopian soldiers were killed or captured. While in the north, diplomats say, Mengistu ordered one of his losing generals shot in front of his troops. Mengistu in 1977 gained undisputed control of the Dergue, the original inner circle of army officers that toppled emperor Haile Selassie three years earlier, after he organized the assassination of seven rival Marxist revolutionaries."

April 25, 1986, Washington Post, 'Ethiopian Security Police Seized, Tortured CIA Agent': "Two years ago, Ethiopian security police abducted and tortured a Central Intelligence Agency officer involved in a CIA covert propaganda campaign against the Marxist government in Addis Ababa, according to informed sources. The officer was held captive for more than a month, suffering a fractured skull, chipped vertebrae and dislocated shoulders during his captivity. He was freed in February 1984 when then ambassador-at-large Vernon A. Walters flew secretly to Addis Ababa, confronted Ethiopian leader Mengistu Haile-Mariam and obtained the officer's release, the sources said. ... According to informed sources, administration officials have engaged in preliminary discussions in recent months on how to escalate CIA support for Ethiopian dissident groups dedicated to overthrowing the Mengistu regime. One Ethiopian exile leader has met with Reagan. This leader, Yonas Deressa, said in an interview that he has been told by sources close to the White House that his cause will receive priority attention after Congress disposes with the president's request for additional aid to the contras fighting the Nicaraguan government. One difficulty for U.S. strategists has been trying to identify a resistance group with a reasonable chance of success that espouses neither Marxism nor secessionism, since the administration strongly opposes movements dedicated to fracturing Ethiopian territory. One group, the Ethiopian People's Democratic Alliance (EPDA) based in London, has received covert CIA support since 1981, according to informed sources. But this group has few guerrillas in the field and scant popular support inside Ethiopia, according to U.S. sources. Among the strongest dissident factions, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front has been fighting for years to split the northern province of Eritrea away from Ethiopia. The Tigrans, also a northern ethnic group, have their own liberation front which is partly Marxist."

July 16, 1986, IPS, 'Central America: Contra leader welcomes Contadora "death"': "The leader of the U.S.-backed Nicaraguan rebel force today pronounced with satisfaction that the Contadora peace process, which he termed "pacifist nonsense," is now dead. "People have realized," Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN) leader Adolfo Calero said, that "there is only so much you can do with communists in negotiations." ... While Calero and Savimbi were toasted for their successes in receiving U.S. aid, one rebel leader, Yonas Deressa of the Ethiopian Peoples Democratic Alliance (EPDA), was bitter. He complained of the administration's failure to swing its might behind efforts to unseat the Marxist government of Mengistu Haile-Mariam in Addis Ababa. "For six years we have waited for the Reagan Doctrine to apply to Ethiopia," Deressa told the audience, asking that anyone with "access" to President Reagan "please convey our message to him." Deressa, who heads the small, London-based group of former officials of the staunchly anti-communist Haile Selassie monarchy, overthrown in 1974, has himself met Reagan personally. Under pressure from right-wing groups here, the Reagan Administration is reportedly contemplating a covert paramilitary training program for rebels fighting Addis Ababa. In the meantime, EPDA has received about $500,000 a year since 1981 from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for propaganda and resistance tactics, according to the "Washington Post." The major regional armies fighting for independence for Tigre and Eritrea, however, have reportedly received no support from the administration."

September 28, 1988, www.heritage.org, 'Subsidizing Tragedy: The World Bank and the New Colonialism': "The Soviet client regime in Ethiopia has committed crimes beyond descript ion, worse even than those of the infamous Idi Amin. This is a dictatorship that during its Red Terror campaign of ten years ago murdered hundreds of schoolchildren and left their bodies stacked in the streets and hanging from lamp posts. Political murder s number in the thousands, and everyone in the cities lives in fear of the midnight knock on the door, of being taken away to disappear forever. Suspected democrats are tortured by suspending them from shackles and hanging concrete weights from their genit a ls. This regime has earned for itself the distinction of being the most cruel on the face of the earth. In its determination to construct a new Marxist-Leninist workers' paradise, it is destroying everything it touches, with no regard for the havoc and mi sery it leaves in its wake. In true Stalinist fashion, this dictatorship is engaged in a massive social engineering program that is wrecking the very structure of Ethiopian society, destroying the lives and families of millions, and ruining the country's a bility to feed itself. And, most ironic and tragic of all, Mengistu is using money from the West - from the World Bank - to do it. The World Bank has given over $659 million to a regime that is recognized as the most oppressive and inhuman in the world. W hy? Yonas Deressa is President of the Ethiopian Refugees Education and Relief Foundation. He spoke at The Heritage Foundation on July 28, 1988."

Source(s): February 5, 1987, The MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour, 'Contra Confrontation; Contras: The Money Trail' (executive member); February 8, 1991, CNN, Larry King Live (transcript; discussing the enfolding Gulf War with Secretary of State James Baker and Senator William Cohen)

Fighter Squadron Commander in Vietnam. Director Council for Inter-American Security. Executive director for inter-hemispheric affairs for the American Security Council (ASC). Washington defense and foreign affairs consultant. On CNN with administration officials during the time of the Gulf War.

February 8, 2007, Washington Times, 'Samuel T. Dickens, 80 Ret. Air Force colonel': "After graduating from high school in 1943, he became a clerk in the Foreign Service at the American Embassy in Buenos Aires, and in 1945 joined the U.S. Army. As a sergeant, he entered the U.S. Military Academy at West Point in 1947. Upon graduation in 1951 and pilot training in 1952, he reported to the 15th Tactical Reconnaissance Squadron in Korea, where he flew 12 combat missions. After the Korean War, Col. Dickens flew reconnaissance missions over the Soviet Union, China and North Korea. Col. Dickens served in a variety of positions, including flight commander for Royal Air Force Squadron 263 in Britain and assistant air attache in Spain. He was assigned to South Vietnam in 1968, where he became operations officer and then commander of the 615th Tactical Fighter Squadron. He flew 225 combat missions. Later, he was base commander of Torrejon Air Base in Spain, director of operations of the 401st Tactical Fighter Wing and coordinator of U.S.-Spanish negotiations on the U.S. military presence in Spain. After a brief tour at the Pentagon, he attended the Industrial College of the Armed Forces at Fort McNair. While there, he obtained a master's degree in administration from George Washington University. In 1974 he became chief of the Western Hemisphere Division of the Air Force Policy, Plans and Programs division, serving as a delegate to the Inter-American Defense Board and as co-chairman of NATO's Canada-U.S. Regional Planning Group. Among his decorations are the Legion of Merit, two Distinguished Flying Crosses and 12 Air Medals. After retiring in 1979, Col. Dickens was an adviser to the national commander of the American Legion and for 10 years served as director of Inter-American Affairs at the American Security Council Foundation. Col. Dickens served as an adviser to the 1984 Kissinger Commission on Central America and served as secretary of the James Monroe Memorial Foundation. In 2000, on the 50th anniversary of the outbreak of the Korean War, Col. Dickens was chosen to represent the Air Force to receive the newly authorized Korean War Service Medal."

April 22, 1985, San Diego Union-Tribune, 'The Nicaraguan connection': "Soviet-backed guerrillas in Central America have been paying attention to the dynamics of our economic system here in the United States. Officials in Cuba and Nicaragua have established a covert "joint venture" with organized crime in other Central American nations and the United States to supply/sell a greater number of illicit drugs. The effect has been devastating on anti-drug efforts in this country and on the social fabric of small-town America. In a recent State Department report and in testimony before Congress, government officials have outlined the motivation behind the increased flow of drugs like cocaine and heroin from communist-led nations and guerrilla groups in Central America. All of the experts on Central American affairs agreed. Cuban and Nicaraguan government officials working with communist guerrilla groups, mostly in Colombia, are accomplishing two important revolutionary goals by making drug exports to the United States a top priority. They are using cash generated by the narcotics sales to purchase arms for their forces and they are undermining the social structure of the dominant capitalist nation in the world, the United States. As the guerrillas opened the flood gates on drugs flowing into this country, organized crime in America faced a serious problem."

April 18, 1991, Col. Sam Dickens for Roll Call, 'Premature Hero Status': "The Feb. 16 assassination of former resistance leader Enrique Bermudez was just one of many such killings over the past year. At least 50 former members of the resistance (Contras) who laid down their arms to participate in the democratic process have been murdered by government security forces. ... The Nicaraguan government has, in short, willfully blocked an effective probe of the Bermudez murder. This implies knowledge of high-level Sandinista involvement in the killing. Sandinista-controlled death squads continue to operate with impunity in Nicaragua. Murders of former resistance people continue. The American Security Council sponsored a visit to Washington last week of the widow and son of Enrique Bermudez. They visited with several Members of Congress, met with Bush Administration officials, and testified before the Organization of American States to assess the tragic and pitiful situation in Nicaragua."

May 3, 1991, New York Times, 'A Man of Hate Meets His Violent Destiny': "To the Editor: In all the denunciations of the assassination in Managua in February of Col. Enrique Bermudez, I note that no one bothers to mention just who this contra leader really was. President Bush called it a heinous crime, and Samuel T. Dickens, the director of inter-American affairs at the American Security Council, accuses the Sandinistas of perpetrating the deed (Op-Ed, April 16). But Enrique Bermudez was so hated by so many that anyone could have done it. What's more, the United States press had well recorded his viciousness in the past. When Enrique Bermudez became the contras' top commander in 1988, you reported (May 6, 1988) that contra field chiefs petitioned the Central Intelligence Agency to get rid of him on the grounds that he was too brutal and personally corrupt. And when the C.I.A. refused, you reported that 7 of the 38 commanders quit (July 21, 1988). Newsweek informed (Aug. 1, 1988) of his boast that under his command the contras would use new methods, "such as assassination of Sandinista leaders," adding, "we could use even terrorism." But there were a lot of ordinary Nicaraguans who would have eagerly sought Enrique Bermudez for revenge. I met one such, a woman more than 70 years old, when I went to Nicaragua as a member of the international team of observers of the 1984 elections. They called her La Dulce, the soft one, because she never raised her voice and never raised her eyes. She walked with a slight shuffle as if lugging a sack of dead wood on her shoulders, and she clutched a walking stick as if it were a tomahawk. "My son was tortured to death in front of my eyes," she finally told me one day, "to force me to tell them where some students were hiding. I didn't tell them, you know why, because I didn't know, but they killed him anyway." Then, pulling out a crumpled newspaper picture and showing it to me, La Dulce, who never supported or joined the Sandinistas, added: "This man was the one who kept putting the picana" -- an electric rod attached to a portable generator -- "in my son's mouth. The others were holding him and holding me. But he was the one who burned out my son's eyes. Him." The picture was one of Enrique Bermudez, commander of the dictator Anastasio Somoza's National Guard. JOHN GERASSI Professor, Political Science Queens College, CUNY."

Reviewed and commented extensively on Robert McNamara's new book 'In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam'. "[The book] isn't a mea culpa. It's a justification of his actions as Secretary of Defense that led to such a disaster for the United States," said Dickens, who said that NcNamara's underlying thesis is that McNamara was right in his point of view but wrong in that he failed to convince LBJ of this position. The book, Dickens said, "is full of extraordinary statements," such as that there were no Far East experts in the U.S. government at that time, and, he said, the book repeatedly shows that LBJ, General Westmoreland and others wanted to win the war, but McNamara "squashed" their efforts. "We lost a lot of fighter pilots" because the bomb targeting strategy was decided by the Secretary of Defense and White House, Dickens said, concluding: "It's a very important book and it does show why Desert Storm was fought the way it was fought -- with a definite objective. I do recommend the book -- I hope people realize [because of it] the damage one man can do."

February 5, 1987, The MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour, 'Contra Confrontation; Contras: The Money Trail': "KRAUSE: According to the Senate Intelligence Committee in a preliminary report by Kerry's staff, three men played key roles as intermediaries between North, the private aid network and the contras themselves. They were: General John Singlaub, former chairman of the World Anti Communist League, who claims to have raised millions of dollars for the contras from private sources; General Richard Secord, a former deputy assistant secretary of defense, who was directly involved with Colonel North in the Iranian arms sales and providing weapons to the contras; and finally, Robert Owen, a paid consultant to North at the National Security Council whose photograph has never been published. ... Colonel Sam Dickens is an executive at the American Security Council, a conservative pro contra lobbying group in Washington. He says the notion that the private aid network was controlled by North or by the CIA is a figment of Sen. Kerry's imagination. Col. SAM DICKENS, American Security Council: The thought that the U. S. government controlled private sector operations is really ridiculous. It's various organizations that have their own membership, and so it's sort of an interlocking, interrelated, all with the same common purpose; but not a formal network where there's a leader giving instructions to people down the line to provide this. KRAUSE: Do you think your activities are viewed favorably by the White House? Col. DICKENS: Yes, absolutely, yes. Anyone that claimed a positive role and a strong role, encouraging the Reagan Administration's efforts to support the contra, of course is going to be viewed favorably."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1901-1966. Prod. Co-founder of the Walt Disney Corporation. Mem. Order De Molay.

Source(s): 1993, Peter Dale Scott, 'Deep Politics and the Death of JFK', p. 216: "Willoughby in particular was also part of the defense-industrial lobby, the American Security Council, along with politically active army reserve officers like Lieutenant Colonel Lev Dobriansky." (names apparently taken from the book Power on the Right); Who's Who

Member expert advisory board NBC, Washington, 1977-80. Ambassador to the Bahamas 1982-1986. Founded and chaired for many years the related National Captive Nations Committee. Helped create the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation and was its long-time chairman. Involved in the Ukrainian National Information Service, the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, U.S. Gobal Strategy Council, and the United States Council for World Freedom. Mourned by many across the globe, including Viktor Yushchenko, the president of Ukraine.

Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS) First Director[5]. OSS officer during WWII (OSS was the forerunner of the CIA). American Council for World Freedom (ACWF), board member. National Captive Nations Committee, Chairman. United States Council for World Freedom Director. Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation Chairman Emeritus. [6]

Paula Dobriansky, daughter of Lev: Board member Center for Security Policy.

Who's Who: Member faculty NYU, 1942—1948; from assistant professor econs. to professor Georgetown University, Washington, 1948—1986, professor emeritus, 1986—2008, chairman department, 1953—1954; executive member Institute Ethnic Studies, 1957—1965; director Institute Comparative Economic and Political Systems, 1970—1986; grad. faculty National War College, 1957—1958; US ambassador to Bahamas US Department State, Nassau, 1982—1986; president Global Economic Action Institute, 1987—1992; chairman Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, Inc., 1994—2003. Lecturer on Soviet Union, Communism, U.S. Foreign Policy; chairman National Captive Nations Committee, Inc., 1959-2008; president Ukrainian Congress Committee Am., 1949-82, Am. Council for World Freedom, 1976-79; member Economists National Committee on Monetary Policy; strategy staff Am. Security Council, 1962-70; econs. editor Washington Report; member Pres.'s Commission on Population, 1974-75; consultant Corpus Instrumentation, Kreber Foundation, Department State, 1971-75, US Information Agency, 1971-74; member Am. Committee to Aid Katanga Freedom Fighters, Emergency Committee Chinese Refugees; International member Pacific Rim Community Institute, 1992-96; hon. president Ukrainian Congress committee Am., 1992-2008. Planning member Freedom Studies Center, Boston; assistant secretary Republican National Convention, 1952; adviser Rep. National Committee, 1956; member Committee on Program and Progress of Rep. Party, 1959; assistant to chairman Rep. National Convention, 1964; vice chairman nationalities div. Rep. National Committee, 1964; senior adviser United Citizens for Nixon-Agnew, 1968; executive member ethnic div. Committee to Reelect the President, 1972; advisor to Governor Reagan, 1980; issues director Republican National Committee, 1980; chairman Ukrainian Catholic Studies Foundation, 1970-73; board governors Charles Edison Youth Fund, 1976-87; member expert adv. board NBC, Washington, 1977-80. chairman Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation Inc., chairman emeritus, 2003-08. Lieutenant colonel (res.) 352d Military Government Civil Affairs 1958; colonel U.S. Army Reserve, 1966. Member Free World Forum (executive committee), Citizens for Democracy, Academy Political Sci., National Academy Econs. and Political Sci., American Association of University Professors, Am. Academy Political and Social Sci., Am., Catholic economic associations, Am. Finance Association, National Society Study Education, Shevchenko Sci. Society, U.S. Global Strategy Council, Social List of Washington, Council Am. Ambassadors, NYU Alumni Association, Georgetown University Alumni Association (hon.), Reagan Alumni Association, International Cultural Society Korea (hon.), Am. Legion, Reserve Officers Association, National War College Alumni Association, University Club of Washington (hon.), Capitol Hill Club, International Club, Gold Key Society, Beta Gamma Sigma, Delta Sigma Pi.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; 1966, Senate hearing, 'State Department Security-1963-1965: The Otepka Case--XIV': "At this point I noted Senator Thomas J. Dodd, the vice chairman of the subcommittee, was listed as a member of the editorial staff of the American Security Council."

Established Nat. Youth Adminstrn. program in Conn., 1935; asst. chief civil rights sect. Dept. Justice, 1938-45; vice chmn. review bd., chief trial counsel Nuremberg Trials, Nazi war criminals, 1945-46; pvt. practice of law, Hartford, 1947-71; mem. Congress, 1st Dist. Conn., 1953-57; U.S. senator from Conn., 1959-67; mem. fgn. relations, judiciary, space coms.

1993, Peter Dale Scott, ' Deep Politics and the Death of JFK', p. 215: "Finally, the chief press contact of the Shickshinny Knights, Guy Richards of the New York Journal-American, published the claim (soon taken up by Frank Capell, by the John Birch Society, and by Willoughby's American Security Council) that Oswald, like another alleged KGB assassin (Bogdan Stashynsky), had been trained at a KGB assassination school in Minsk.18 A toned-down version of the story was subsequently published by Julien Sourwine's Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, with help supplied via Senator Thomas Dodd from within the CIA."

Source(s): November 1, 2005, (ASC founder) John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation'

Stephen L. Donchess, representing member company U.S. Steel Co.

Source(s): Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Guide to the Ernie Lazar FBI FOIA Files on Anti-Communism and Right Wing Movements TAM.576 (New York University website): "Senior Advisory Board: Bennett Archambault, John T. Beatty (JBS), Robert Donner (JBS), Robert W. Galvin, Hughston M. McBanin, Gen. Robert E. Wood."; June 30, 1962, The Nation, p. 592

Chairman of the Donner Corporation. Head of the Rhode Island John Birch Society.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

has 35 years experience in national security matters as a researcher, author, and frequent speaker. He is a recognized authority on U.S. and Soviet nuclear strategy, chemical and biological warfare, Communist decision-making, and Soviet strategic intelligence operations. Over the past twenty years his work has focused on the international narcotics trafficking and the war on drugs, the leading role of Russian intelligence in international terrorism and organized crime, chemical and biological warfare agents for use in political and intelligence operations, US defense policy, and on the fate of missing American POWs, which is the subject of his most recent book Betrayed. Dr. Douglass has worked in the AEC’s Sandia Laboratory, the Advanced Research Projects Agency at the Department of Defense and several national defense corporations. He has taught at Cornell University, the Naval Postgraduate School, and the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. He is a frequent speaker and author of over a hundred scholarly articles, op ed pieces and a dozen books, including Red Cocaine: The Drugging of America and, most recently, Betrayed: Missing American POWs. He is also the co-author of America The Vulnerable: The Threat of Chemical/Biological Warfare, Why the Soviet Union Violates Arms Control Treaties, CBW: The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb, and Soviet Strategy for Nuclear War

Wrote America The Vulnerable in 1987 with Neil Livingstone.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; 1975 document (national strategy committee)

Deputy Chief of Mission in Moscow in the late 1940s (under Walter Bedell Smith) and later the US ambassador to South Vietnam from March 1957 to April 1961. Chairman American Foreign Policy Institute. President of James Angleton's Security and Intelligence Fund.

Angleton today is the Chairman of the Security and Intelligence Fund whose President is former Ambassador Elbridge Durbrow (the Chairman of the American Foreign Policy Institute) and whose Secretary-Treasurer is Robert C. Richardson III. Until its move in late 1984 to 1010 Vermont Avenue, N.W. in Washington, D.C., it shared offices with the ASC and the CPTS. The letter heads of the three organizations show extensive membership overlaps.

January 15, 1975, New York Times, 'Private U.S. Group Begins A Tour of South Vietnam': "Elbridge Durbrow, United States Ambassador to Vietnam from 1957 to 1961, arrived here with seven other persons on a private fact-finaing tour today. The touring group is part of the conservative American Security Council, a private nonprofit organization..."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Born a Russian prince, he was forced by the Bolshevik revolution to emigrate in 1924 to the United States, where he eventually made his fortune manufacturing air- conditioning products. The entrepreneur began making contributions to anti-Communist and pro-defense groups. On November 15, 1984, he collapsed just as he was about to shake hands with President Ronald Reagan in a White House receiving line, days after the President’s reelection, and he died several days later.

Source(s): February 26, 1982, Associated Press, 'U.S. Official Alleges Nicaragua Killing Indians': "Fagoth said the American Security Council, a private organization known for its militant stand on defense and foreign policy issues, brought him to Washington."

Leader of Misura.

March 8, 1985, Facts on File World News Digest, 'Contra Atrocities Reported': "A report by a U.S. human rights group detailing rights abuses by the Nicaraguan contras was issued March 5. [See 1984, pp. 932E3, 791A2] The group, Americas Watch, charged that throughout 1984 and early 1985, the contras had raped, murdered, tortured, kidnapped and mutilated unarmed civilians, including women and children. The report said that the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN), the largest contra group, had systematically executed prisoners and participated in "the deliberate use of terror." The FDN and the Misura Indian group were the worst offenders, the report said. Americas Watch, a private nonpolitical organization, also charged that the Sandinista army was guilty of some abuses but that there had been a "sharp decline" in such violations since 1982."

December 29, 1981, UPI, 'Four dead in Honduras plane crash': "The crash of a Honduran Air Force plane killed four people and injured 30 others, including three rightist Nicaraguan exiles whose presence on board went unexplained by Honduran authorities. Stedman Fagoth, leader of a movement of blacks and Indians against the leftist government of Nicaragua, was hospitalized Monday with cuts and bruises in Tegucigalpa's Hospital Escuela, a hospital spokesman said. Also among the 30 people injured in the crash of a Honduran Air Force DC-3 in Puerto Lempira, 248 miles northeast of Tegucigalpa, were Fagoth's wife Dinah Rivera de Fagoth and Silvia Mercado, the spokesmen said. An Air Force spokesman declined to name the four dead but radio reports said the plane's captain died along with two other officers and a civilian. The three Nicaraguans belong to the right-wing exile community that began moving to Honduras when leftist Sandinista guerrillas toppled President Anastasio Somoza in July 1979. Fagoth, who was once a security agent for Somoza, fled to Honduras after his followers clashed in a bloody uprising with Sandinista troops in January. Many of the exiles, branded ''counterrevolutionaries'' by Nicaragua's Sandinista government, frequently stage guerrilla-style raids across the border and have killed scores of Sandinista soldiers in the past two years. The Sandinistas have repeatedly charged the rightist exiles operate with the close cooperation of the Honduran military, an allegation Honduras has denied. There was no immediate explanation by Honduran officials as to why the rightist Nicaraguans were on the flight."

February 26, 1982, Associated Press, 'U.S. Official Alleges Nicaragua Killing Indians': "A high-ranking State Department official has joined a Miskito Indian leader in accusing Nicaragua's government troops of killing members of the tribe. Elliott Abrams, assistant secretary of state for human rights, said Thursday that troops of Nicaragua's Sandinista regime have "viciously attacked these Indian tribes, killing many." "There are allegations that Sandinista soldiers buried alive badly injured Indians," Abrams told the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee on Western Hemisphere affairs. Meanwhile, Stedman Fagoth Muller, an elected official of the Miskitos in eastern Nicaragua, told a separate Senate panel that his tribesmen are "being murdered, burned, buried alive and forced to march to concentration camps without proper regard to women and children." But Dr. Willaim M. Leogrande, director of political science at The American University in Washington and an expert on Latin America, said there was not enough information to "either condemn or excuse" the action of the government troops in eastern Nicaragua. Miskito Indians were evacuated from their villages because "armed incursions from Honduras were rapidly converting the region into a war zone," said Leogrande, who spent 2 1/2 weeks in Nicaragua last month. Angela Saballos, press officer of the Nicaraguan Embassy in Washington, was not available in her office when called for comment. After Fagoth finished reading his prepared statement to the Senate Appropriations subcommittee, he answered questions in Spanish through an interpreter. Anti-government activity among the Miskitos, "started when the Sandinistas first took power, started precisely when they wanted to destroy our organization and culture," he said. Fagoth said the American Security Council, a private organization known for its militant stand on defense and foreign policy issues, brought him to Washington."

February 25, 1982, Associated Press, Washington Dateline: "Fagoth said he was brought to Washington by the American Security Council, a private organization that takes a militant stand on defense and foreign policy issues. Col. Sam Dickens [ASC], a retired Air Force officer who is a consultant to the council, served as Fagoth's interpreter."

June 29, 1984, Associated Press, 'Rebel Leader Disputes Charges of Killing, Kidnapping Children': "The leader of a Nicaraguan rebel group Friday disputed statements by three Miskito Indians that his commandos killed and kidnapped children during an April 17 raid on their village. Stedman Fagoth, leader of a CIA-backed rebel force of Indians fighting Nicaragua's leftist government, told reporters at a press briefing that the raid was staged as an attack on a garrison of Sandinista troops in the village of Sumubila. Fagoth, who said he planned the operation, claimed that 33 of 40 Sandinista soldiers in the village were killed and three others were wounded in a two-hour fight. Three other government troops were captured, he said. "The people in the village were starving but the military in the form of the Sandinistas were well fed. They also had a large cache of arms," Fagoth said through a translator. "Our target was to capture the weapons that they had ... and after that we distributed the food they had to the people in the village," said Fagoth, leader of a contra group known as the MISURA, short for the names of three Indian tribes, Miskito, Sumo and Rama. An aide to Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, D-Mass., who interviewed the three villagers last month, said Fagoth's account sharply conflicted on several points with the stories he heard about the raid. Fagoth appeared at a press briefing arranged by the National Forum Foundation, a group founded and chaired by Sen. Jeremiah Denton, R-Ala., a supporter of U.S. aid to Nicaraguan rebels. The contra leader said the three villagers who gave their accounts of the raid last month "came here under pressure by the Sandinistas." Irma Coleman tearfully told a May 25 forum sponsored by Kennedy how her 9-year-old son Fermin died of wounds suffered during the rebel attack. Awakened about 4:30 a.m. by the sound of gunfire, Mrs. Coleman said she looked out the window and saw the village medical center in flames. Another villager, Aristides Sanchez, said the contras kidnapped his 17-year-old son, who later escaped and returned home "very thin and very sick." "Nothing happened today that made me doubt the truthfulness of the three witnesses that testified on May 25th," Kennedy's national security adviser, Gregory Craig, said Friday. "Irma Coleman testified about the death of her son in the course of the fighting. I have no reason to doubt that her son was killed," Craig said. Mrs. Coleman and the third villager, Irma Hammer, said they did not know why the raid occurred. The three villagers made no mention of a Salvadoran military garrison in their town or a fight between government troops and contra fighters, Craig noted. "If it's true that there were 40 soldiers there, it's an unusual number to be killed in a fight as opposed to being wounded or taken prisoner," Craig said. Fagoth "didn't talk about civilian casualties ... and he does not deny the raid. He doesn't deny his organization conducted the raid," Craig said. "Where there is conflict in the testimony is whether these individuals were kidnapped or not or whether there was a Sandinista garrison there or not." "According to these three people, there was no exchange of fire, there was no return of fire coming that they knew about," Craig said. Fagoth said that 90 young people in Sumubila volunteered to become MISURA fighters, and all but seven were found fit for military service. He denied that anyone was taken against their will. The contra leader said Mrs. Coleman's statements were motivated by a fear of the Sandinista government, which had imprisoned 17 of her relatives. "The only fears she expressed to me were fears of Stedman Fagoth," Craig said. "It may well be she was under pressure." The State Department has expressed concern that the Nicaraguan government is violating the human rights of Miskito Indians. U.S. officials say 10,000 remain in detention camps and another 15,000 have fled to Costa Rica and Honduras. Officials said recently they continue to receive reports of Miskitos being tortured, killed or arbitrarily arrested by government forces. Denton criticized the Senate's recent vote to delay action on $21 million in emergency military aid for the Nicaraguan contras this year. "We're talking about $21 million to keep a nation from genocide, to keep a whole nation from rape by totalitarian communism," said Denton."

April 26, 1986, UPI, 'Contra accuses other rebels of corruption, drug trafficking': "A Contra guerrilla has accused the main U.S.-backed rebel group of beating and paralyzing him because he ''denounced corruption'' and drug trafficking in the force. Leonardo Zeledon Rodriguez left the Nicaraguan Democratic Force, or FDN, which operates out of base camps along the Honduran border, in 1982 to join a smaller Contra force. ''Although there was no food at the camps, here in Tegucigalpa the leaders, such as '380,' went around drinking rum in the bars,'' Zeledon said Friday. He identified FDN military chief Enrique Bermudez as 380. ''Who doesn't remember that Troilo Sanchez, brother of Aristides Sanchez who is a member of the FDN directorate, was caught in Costa Rica with pillows full of cocaine,'' he said. ''Troilo is a brother-in-law of Adolfo Calero,'' one of the top rebel leaders, Zeledon said. ''Troilo sold 200 pounds of cocaine and received $6.1 million for it.'' Zeledon also charged the FDN with ordering an assault against him. He said he was in a Tegucigalpa night club Jan. 21 when he met Leonardo Montalvan, who told him the Contras wanted to ''screw me over'' because he had taken local reporters to an FDN instruction school near the Honduran capital. ''Leonaro Montalvan told me I was on a (secret police) list and that they were going to kill me,'' he said. He said he left the club at about 1:30 a.m. and the next thing he remembered was waking up in a hospital, Zeledon said. ''It has left me immobile,'' Zeledon said of the beating that left him paralyzed from the chest down. He denied taking reporters to the training center. ''They did this to me because I denounced corruption, and I'm going to continue to denounce it while I'm still alive,'' Zeledon said from his bed in the Military Hospital School. Zeledon said that until last September he was private secretary to Stedman Fagoth, leader of a Nicaraguan rebel force made up of Misura Indians [who since 1983 was allied with the FDN]."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Born in Lithuania in 1888 immigrated to the United States in 1902. Died in 1980.

In 1973 a library was established. A newly constructed library building was to be named “Sol Feinstone Library for the Survival of Freedom”. Mr. Feinstone was a well known historian, philantropist, and collector of American primary source material from the Revolutionary War and the early years of the United States.

Source(s): 1988, Russ Bellant, 'The Coors connection', p. 49: "The ASCF also created a "Strategy Board" in the early 1980's that included a number of persons with covert operations backgrounds Major General John Singlaub; the late Edwin Black ... Ray Cline; and Ed Feulner."; American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Le Cercle. Center for Security Policy.

November 8, 2000, New Straits Times (Malaysia), 'Group of shadowy power-players with mind set on one-world control': "Recently, the Washington-based Heritage Foundation published a scathing attack on Malaysia, calling the country's economy "mostly unfree" in its 2001 Economic Freedom Index. Who or what is the Heritage Foundation? ... [Paul] Weyrich at one time was considered a powerful man in American politics. He co-founded Heritage in 1973 with funding from Joseph Coors of the Coors beer empire and Richard Mellon-Scaife, heir of the Carnegie-Mellon fortune. There were other financiers of Heritage, including oil company Amoco, General Motors, Chase Manhattan Bank (through David Rockefeller) and Olin and Bradley, a right-wing foundation. ... In the 1970s, Weyrich and Coors made appointments and set up political contacts on Capitol Hill for Franz Joseph Strauss, Bavarian head of state who helped emigre Nazi collaborators. Another fascist, Roger Pearson, writer and organiser for the Nazi Northern League of northern Europe, joined the editorial board of Policy Review, the monthly Heritage publication in 1977. ... Meanwhile, there was also a connection between Heritage and the Rev Sun Myung Moon (founder of the Moonies). This first appeared in a 1975 congressional investigation on the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) activities in the US. The report noted, "In 1975, Ed Feulner ... was introduced to KCIA station chief Kim Yung Hwan by Neil Salonen and Dan Feffernan of the Freedom Leadership foundation". Salonen was head of Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church in the United States. The Freedom Leadership Foundation (FLF), a political arm of Moon's Unification network, was linked to the World Anti-Communist League. In the early 1980s, the KCIA began making donations to Heritage Foundation. In turn, Heritage established an Asian Studies Centre. The Wall Street Journal in an edition of August 1995 made reference to the Korea Foundation, one of Heritage's largest donors and an affiliate of the South Korean government, though it did not mention Moon. "While Heritage has gotten most of its attention on domestic issues, it also has been an active proponent for an array of trade and other policies supported by South Korea and Taiwan." "Such efforts, it says, reflects "the growing importance of the Asia- Pacific community". "Heritage's Feulner himself has taken an active role in promoting South Korean issues in Congress through actions such as testifying before committees to promote the think-tank's pro-South Korea positions.""

November 10, 1977, Washington Post, 'Moon Sect Support of Nixon Detailed': "The subcommittee has recommended that Fefferman be cited for contempt of Congress for refusing to answer some of its questions. Fefferman testified that he had some social contacts with Korean embassy officials and once arranged for Minister Kim Yung Hwan to meet Ed Feulner Republican Home staff aide, about a possible trip to Korea for congressional aides. Kim at the time was the KCIA station chief at the embassy, Fefferman said he didn't know that."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

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Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

His great-grandfather was a Pilgrims Society member. Harvard. University of Virginia. Owner of the Chicago Sun-Times from 1956 to 1965. Two professorships at the University of Chicago were named after him.

Source(s): American Security Council website

Secretary and Treasurer of the North County Republican Club for over ten years. Has been on the Board of Directors for the Visiting Nurses Association as well as the Boys and Girls Club of Indian River County. Committeewoman on the Republican Executive Committee until 2008. Served on the ASC board since about 2005.

Source(s): January 8, 1979, Washington Post, 'Boston, Va., Estate Near Blue Ridge Is Home of American Security Council': "[American Security] Council president John M. Fisher... [Ian] Smith, who visited here, and Singlaub, who got a public speaking job here [at NSC headquarters], joined a parade of hundreds of congressional aides, retired military officers and corporate executives who each year come to this tiny, bucolic hamlet to talk about the Pentagon, Moscow, and ultimately, World War III."; Director Institute for American Strategy (later ASCF) on an August 12, 1960 IAS document; American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

The Religious Round Table of Pat Robertson and Jerry Fallwell described John M. Fisher and Joseph Coors as good friends (1988, Russ Bellant, 'The Coors connection', p. 50).

With Belden Manufacturing Co., Richmond, Ind., 1941; special agent FBI, 1947—1953; executive staff assistant to vice president personnel and employee relations Sears Roebuck & Co., Chicago, 1953—1957, chairman corp. security committee, 1957—1961; chairman, CEO, operating director American Security Council, 1956—2002, president, 1957—2002. President Am. Research Foundation, 1961-90; president, CEO Am. Security Council Foundation, 1962-87, CEO, 1987-2002, chairman, 1992-2002; president Communications Corp. Am., 1972-80, chairman, 1980—; president Am. Coalition Patriotic Societies, 1978-91; administrative chairman Coalition for Peace Through Strength, 1978-2002; director Center for International Security Studies, 1977-83; organizer, president Fidelifax, Inc., 1956-57; chairman mercantile division National Safety Council, 1959-60, 1st vice chairman trades and services section, 1961-62. President American Council for World Freedom, 1971-72; member executive committee National Captive Nations Committee, 1968-70; board visitors Freedoms Foundation, 1964-65; board directors Am. Foreign Policy Institute, 1976-84, Security and Intelligence Fund, 1976-84. Chairman National Security Caucus Foundation, 1997-2002. Member American Society Industrial Security (director 1959-62). Republican. Presbyterian.

January 6, 1981, New York Times, 'Lobbying body to': "The success of the American Security Council as a political action group since it established its voting index in 1970 can be measured by the 232 senators and representatives who have joined the Coalition for Peace through Strength, which was set up in Congress under the lobbying group's auspices. ... Before the election, the American Security Council issued a voting index that rated members of Congress by their votes on 10 security issues last year. Eight out of 10 senators given low ratings were defeated, and 26 representatives given an ''antidefense'' rating were unseated. Their replacements are generally strong supporters of expanded military spending to ''stop Soviet expansionism,'' as the text of the resolution proposes. The voting index kept by the American Security Council on the Senate and House will continue to single out ''antidefense'' incumbents in Congress. ... Mr. Fisher said that the lobbying group, which maintains an office near the Capitol; the security council foundation, and the modern communications center at Boston, Va., were maintained by 230,000 dues-paying members who provided $4 million a year. ... Opponents of those programs are described in Washington Report as ''the antidefense lobby.'' Among organizations so identified in the December 1978 issue were the American Friends Service Committee, the National Council of Churches, the Ford Foundation, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace."

November 2, 1982, AP, 'Dateline: Washington': "The resolution, which Fisher called "squarely in conflict with the freeze," says the United States has not been militarily or technologically superior to the Soviet Union since 1969 and should regain superiority."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Source(s): Website of Wackenhut Security International, board of directors, biography of John S. Foster, who is: director since 2002; chairman of the Compensation Committee, Audit & Finance Committee and the Government Security Committee. Also: member Advisory Board of the American Security Council.

Born in 1922. Dr. Foster began his career at the Radio Research Laboratory of Harvard University in 1942. He spent 1943 and 1944 as an advisor to the 15th Air Force on radar and radar countermeasures in the Mediterranean Theater of Operations, and the summers of 1946 and 1947 with the National Research Council of Chalk River, Ontario. Received his bachelor’s of science degree from McGill University, Montreal, in 1948. He received his doctorate in physics from the University of California, Berkeley in 1952. In 1952, Dr. Foster joined the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, and was promoted to Associate Director in 1958, and served as Director of the Livermore Laboratory and Associate Director of the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory from 1961 to 1965. Dr. Foster served on the Air Force Scientific Advisory Board until 1956. He then served on the Army Scientific Advisory Panel until 1958 and was a member of the Ballistic Missile Defense Advisory Committee, Advanced Research Projects Agency in 1965. He has served on and off as a panel consultant to the President’s Science Advisory Committee. From 1973 until 1990, he was a member of the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. Director of Defense Research and Engineering for the Department of Defense, serving for eight years (1965 – 1973) under both Democratic and Republican administrations. Retired from TRW as Vice President, Science & Technology, in 1988 and served on the Board of Directors of TRW from 1988 to 1994. Senior Fellow member of the Defense Science Board and served as Chairman of the DSB from January 1990 to June 1993. Chairman of the Board of GKN Aerospace Transparency Systems, Co-Chairman Nuclear Strategy Forum, member of the board of Wackenhut Services, Inc., and consultant to Northrop Grumman Corp., Sikorsky Aircraft Corp., Intellectual Ventures, and Defense Group Inc. Serves on the Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States and on the Advisory Committee to the Director of DARPA. Member of the American Defense Preparedness Association, National Advisory Board of the American Security Council, National Security Industrial Association and the American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics. Committee on the Present Danger.

Other Wackenhut directors anno 2010: Carol Boyd Hallett (served on the CIA director’s national security advisory panel from 1999 to 2005 and is co-chair of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) transnational threats task force. director Rolls-Royce North America.), vice-chair James L. Long III (director/manager U.S. Department of Energy’s Pantex Plant, a nuclear weapons manufacturing facility in Texas, and Protection Technology Idaho, responsible for securing the Energy Department's Idaho National Engineering Laboratory; director Space Gateway Support LLC, a joint venture between Northrop Grumman and Wackenhut Services, Incorporated responsible for facilities operation and maintenance at the Kennedy Space Center and Cape Canaveral Air Force Station), chairman Adm. David J. Jeremiah (vice chair Joint Chiefs of Staff; at the National Security Council; Commander in Chief of the Pacific Fleet, commanded a three carrier task force in combat operations off Libya, directed the capture of the Achille Lauro hijackers and earlier in his career commanded a battle group, destroyer squadron and guided missile destroyer; director In-Q-Tel).

Source(s): Who's Who

BA in Political Sci., Ohio State University, 1972. MA in Legis. Affairs, George Washington University, 1976. Republican. Political appointments under Reagan and Bush. Research assistant US Congress, Washington, 1973-74, legis. assistant, 1974-75; minority consultant US House Foreign Affairs Committee, 1975-83; deputy assistant secretary for legis. affairs US Department State, 1983-84, principal deputy assistant secretary for legis. affairs, 1985; special assistant to President for legis. affairs The White House, 1985-86; assistant secretary for legis. & intergovernmental affairs US Department State, 1986—1989; managing director governmental & international affairs group Mintz, Levin, Cohn, Ferris, Glovsky & Popeo, Professional Corporation, 1989—2000; founder, president Fox & Associates; vice president international affairs The Carmen Group; assistant administrator bureau legis. & pub. affairs US Agency International Devel. (USAID), Washington, 2001—2007; assistant secretary for pub. affairs US Department Homeland Security, 2007—2009; executive director American Security Council Foundation, 2009—; president, CEO Fox & Associates, 2009—.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; Who's Who (member of the Senior Advisory Board)

Great financial supporter of Nixon. In 1961 Alton Ochsner, with the financial help of Clint Murchison, established the Information Council of the Americas (INCA). Ed Butler (close to Clay Shaw and Guy Banister, for whom Oswald worked as a communist agitator; in close contact with Charles Cabell, Deputy Director of the CIA, and CIA/DOD covert operations specialist Edward Lansdale) was appointed as Executive Director of INCA. The main objective of the organization was to prevent communist revolutions in Latin America. It was Frawley who became INCA's largest financial contributor. The organization used some of this money to make a film about Fidel Castro entitled, Hitler in Havana. The New York Times reviewed the film calling it a "tasteless affront to minimum journalistic standards."

November 9, 1998, New York Times, 'Patrick Frawley Jr., 75, Ex-Owner of Schick': "In quick succession, he made a fortune as the creator of the leak-proof Paper Mate pen, expanded it with the introduction of stainless-steel blades for Schick razors and then, following the Communist takeover of a Schick plant in Cuba, was quickly transformed from an essentially apolitical businessman into a leading stalwart of the American right, financing an array of conservative organizations. Mr. Frawley was also not reluctant to use Schick's advertising bud get as a weapon in the cold war. When ABC News once broadcast a documentary in which Alger Hiss attacked Richard M. Nixon, Mr. Frawley tried to cancel $3 million worth of scheduled advertising. The network declined to let him out of the contract."

August 30, 1970, Washington Post, 'The Right Wing's Biggest Spender' (by William Turner, a former FBI agent): "Before 1960 he had only faint interest in politics. But that year, Frawley's Schick Safety Razor Co. properties in Cuba were expropriated by the Castro government. ... [on] the boards of directors [of his companies] ... Robert Morris ... Gen. Thomas S. Power ... and J. Fred Schlafy... The ASC roster of officers and advisers includes employees of J. Edgar Hoover."

President, chairman Frawley Corp., L.A., 1970—; chairman board Shadel Hospital, Seattle, 1964—, Schick-Shadel Hospital, Fort Worth, 1970—, Santa Barbara, California, 1979—; president, chairman Schick Laboratories, L.A., 1971—; chairman Schick Ctrs. for Control of Smoking and Weight, 1971—, Sunn Classic Pictures, L.A., 1972-80, Twin Circle Pub. Co. division Frawley Corp.; chairman board directors Technicolor, Inc., 1961-70, chairman fin. committee, 1968-70; chairman Eversharp, Inc., Schick Safety Razor Co., 1958-66; founder, owner Paper Mate Pen Co., 1949-55. Trustee Freedoms Foundation at Valley Forge. Chairman of American Businessmen for Barry Goldwater and TV for Goldwater-Miller in 1964.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; 1968 National Strategy Committee list (chairman)

With Motorola, Inc., Chicago, 1940—1948, executive vice president, 1948—1956, former president, 1956, chairman board, 1964—1990, CEO, 1964—1986, chairman executive committee, 1990—2001, also director; retired, 2003; chairman board Semantech Inc., Austin, Texas. Past member Pres.'s Commission on International Trade and Investment.; chairman industry policy adv. committee U.S. Trade Rep.; active Pres.'s Private Sector Survey; chairman Pres.'s Adv. Council on Private Sector Initiatives, Illinois Institute Tech., University Notre Dame; board directors Junior Achievement, Chicago. Became chairman of the National Strategy Committee of the ASC during the Cuban Missile Crisis.

On the board of Americares.

www.americares.org (Feb. 11, 1998): "Ambassador-at-Large Barbara Bush. Honorary Chairman Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski. Founder and Chairman Robert C. Macauley. ... Vice President and Chief Financial Officer A. James Forbes, Jr. ... Corporate Operations Secretary Leila Macauley. ... Advisory committee: Chairman (1982-1995) J. Peter Grace, Jr. Chairman, W. R. Grace & Co. (1948-1995). Louis F. Bantle, Chairman Emeritus, UST. Prescott S. Bush, Jr. Prescott Bush Resources, Ltd. Lawrence S. Eagleburger, Former Secretary of State. Thomas J. Flatley, President, The Flatley Company. Robert W. Galvin, Chairman, Executive Committee, Motorola. Gordon J. Humphrey, United States Senate (1979-1990). James Earl Jones, Horatio Productions. Virginia A. Kamsky, Founder and CEO, Kamsky Associates, Inc. Sol M. Linowitz, Academy for Educational Development. Peter S. Lynch, Vice Chairman, Fidelity Management Research Corporation. J. Richard Munro, Chairman, Executive Committee, Time Warner. Gen. Colin L. Powell USA (RET). Howard J. Rubenstein, President, Rubenstein & Associates. Teresa I. Tarnowski, AmeriCares Project Director (1982-1996). Elie Wiesel 1986 Nobel Peace Prize."

Paul Galvin, chairman of Motorola: Financier in early days.

Source(s): July 23, 1984, New York Times, 'The High Cost of Advising': "The American Security Council Foundation is soliciting funds by mail in behalf of the United States Congressional Advisory Board ... Co-chairmen of the board are two Republicans, Senator Jake Garn of Utah and Representative Jack F. Kemp of upstate New York, and two Democrats, Senator J. Bennett Johnston of Louisiana and Representative Bill Chappell Jr. of Florida."

Involved in a space flight. Upon his return, he co-authored a novel entitled Night Launch. The book centers around terrorists taking control of the Space Shuttle Discovery during the first NASA-USSR space shuttle flight. It was first published in 1989, with a paperback edition coming out in 1990.

Born: Richfield, Utah, October 12, 1932 Education BS, University Utah, 1955 Career City commissioner, Salt Lake City, 1968-72; mayor, 1972-74; U.S. Senator from Utah, 1974-93; vice chairman Huntsman Corp., Salt Lake City, 1993-99; managing director Summit Ventures LLC, 1999— Career Related Board directors Dean Witter InterCapital, New York City, Franklin Covey, Salt Lake City. Awards Recipient Tom McCoy award Utah League Cities and Towns, 1972, Wright Brothers Memorial trophy, 1992. Civic Served to lieutenant US Naval Reserve, 1956-60; brigadier general Utah Air National Guard, 1963-79; payload specialist, space shuttle mission 51D, 1985. Memberships Member Utah League Cities and Towns (president 1971-72, director 1968– ), National League Cities (1st vice president 1973-74, hon. president 1975), Sigma Chi. Religion Member LDS Church.

May 7, 1989, New York Times, 'Spies & Thrillers': "Senator Jake Garn of Utah was the first member of Congress to go into space. Now, with Stephen Paul Cohen, he has written a novel, NIGHT LAUNCH (Morrow, $18.95), about a joint American-Soviet launching of a space shuttle, which an East German astronaut attempts to hijack for a terrorist group."

Source(s): Who's Who: "Consultant to the ... American Security Council."

Visitor of Le Cercle.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

And Ellen Garwood.

Source(s): Bio mentioned in a paper of Giddens's November 1980 presentation at Hillsdale during the Center for Constructive Alternatives seminar, “The Media: Recorders or Makers of the News?”

1908-1993. Washington director Voice of America 1969-77. Assistant director of the U.S. Information Agency. President Alabama Broadcasters Assoc. President National Broadcasters Assoc. Board member Committee on the Present Danger. Member American Security Council. Senior advisor Young Americans for Freedom. Member of the Media Advisory Committee of the Ethics and Public Policy Center at Georgetown University.

Source(s): J. Murrey Atkins Library, UNC Charlotte, 'Benjamin Gitlow Papers, 1910-1968': "American Security Council 1962-66 ”

Papers. Prominent communist who became prominent anti-communist.

Source(s): 1983 National Strategy Committee list (Soviet specialist)

Protege of the ultra-hawkish Air Force General Curtis Lemay. Staff member, Rand Corporation 1951-69. Primary (and manipulative) pusher of the air war over Vietnam throughout the 1960s and key advisor to LBJ and McNamara on this issue. Director of Soviet studies, Center for Advanced International Studies, University of Miami 1969-1978. Associate director, Advanced International Studies Institute, Washington, D.C. 1978-1980. Director, Center for Soviet Studies, Science Applications International 1980-2004. Advisor to the Reagan presidential campaign. Speaker to the American Security Council in the late 1970s and on its national strategy committee in the 1980s. Visitor of the International Security Council.

In 1967, the New York Times (NYT 1967:1, 32) revealed that the FPRI had been funded directly by the CIA since the fifties.

April 9, 2007, Los Angeles Times, 'Leon Goure, 84': "Goure focused on civil defense at a time when the United States and the Soviet Union were taking civil defense measures, even though the Cold War doctrine of "mutual assured destruction" required that both populations be vulnerable to nuclear annihilation. Convinced that the Soviets had concluded they could limit the damage and casualties resulting from nuclear war, Goure reported in 1961 that the Soviet Union was quietly engaged in a massive civil defense buildup. Years later he told the Washington Post that Soviet civil defense was "extremely comprehensive" and that it included compulsory annual training for adults and children beginning in the second grade, as well as detailed evacuation, shelter and post-attack recovery plans. Civil defense, he said, was a key component of the Soviet Union's nuclear war doctrine. "They intend, if there is such a war, to win it," he said. Commenting on what he considered the relative lack of serious civil defense planning in the United States, he told The Times in 1986 that "the best you could do right now in case of nuclear attack would be to get away from the downtown area and hide in the basement of a supermarket." His reports prompted an expansion of U.S. civil defense efforts during the final years of the Cold War. ... Shortly after arriving in Hoboken, N.J., Goure enlisted in the Army. He returned to Germany as an infantryman and fought in the Battle of the Bulge. He later served in counterintelligence, using his fluency in German, French and Russian to interview Nazis and collaborators who were being held after the war. ... Goure became an analyst with the Rand Corp. in Washington, D.C., in 1954 and in 1959 transferred to Rand's Santa Monica branch, where he began to develop his ideas on civil defense. He also advised President Johnson's administration on military policy in Vietnam. ... In 1969, he moved to the University of Miami's Center for Advanced International Studies as director of Soviet studies. In 1980, he joined Science Applications International Corp., a consulting firm in McLean, Va., and was director of Russian and Central Eurasian studies until his retirement in 2004."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; comes up a lot as the public face of ASC; Who's Who (consultant Am. Security Council 1978—1981; also named a Director of Special Projects)

Republican Roman Catholic (rumors of being a Knight of Malta). Deputy CIA director to William Colby in 1972-1974; director DIA 1974-1976; consultant American Security Council 1978-1981; founding chair High Frontier, Inc. 1981-1995, an organization intended to promote Star Wars; member U.S. Global Strategy Council under Ray Cline; member advisory board CAUSA; member of the Moon-linked American Freedom Coalition; director National Religious Broadcasters, together with Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson. Vice chair WACL U.S. under Singlaub. Co-chairman Coalition for Peace Through Strength. Foreign Affairs Research Institute.

March 10, 2008, Heritage Foundation website, 'President Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative Proposal 25 Years Later: A Better Path Chosen': "In 1982, The Heritage Foundation sponsored the release of the High Frontier study.[2] The study proposed using the U.S. technological lead in space to field just the sort of missile defense proposed by President Reagan. As the study's primary author, the late Lt. Gen. Daniel O. Graham, put it, "In the fall of 1981, High Frontier became a project of The Heritage Foundation where it has profited from the strong support of Mr. Edwin Feulner, Jr., President.""

November 9, 1990, Conservative Leadership Conference, 'Strategic weapons in a changing world': "If we conservatives are not searching for the truth than we can just as well disband. And your up against a bunch of liars as far as technology and science goes. I mean, flat-out pseudo-scientific liars. Let me give you some cases. The environmentalists. They tell you that the world is getting hotter. That's bunk. That's bunk. It's not getting hotter. ... It's getting cooler. As a matter of fact, just before I left government a bunch of scientists out of CIA came and said, 'boy, we are really gonna have a problem, because the world is cooling down and the Soviet farmland is gonna shrink up and they are going to have to charge south to pick up some more farm land, okay. And time goes by, and now it is getting too hot. The sea is gonna rise and is gonna flood New York. ... My friends, that's not science. ... They're not worried scientifically. Their issues are falling apart. They've latched on the "big green" issue to be sort of the spine of left-wing globalism. So you need to know how to counter those. ... Acid rain, that's a lot of bunk too."

But in an interview with the New York Times, retired Lieut. General Daniel O. Graham, former head of the Defense Intelligence Agency, indicated that the military had unquestionably been involved in psychic research. While he considered McRae's $6 million budget figure an exaggeration, he said, "I wouldn't be surprised if the intelligence community were following this. They would be remiss if they didn't."

High Frontier, Inc. people:

George Washington Baughman (1911-1998): Petroleum geologist Phillips Petroleum Co., Wichita, Kansas, 1932-40; project engineer Cessna Aircraft Co., 1940-51; staff specialist Lockheed Aircraft Corp., Marietta, Georgia, 1951-54, operations research scientist, 1954-56, assistant project engineer, Monticello project, 1956-58; principal operations analyst Cornell Aeronautical Laboratory, Arlington, Virginia, 1958-67, head systems environmental group Bangkok, Thailand, 1967-70 (CAL did classified counter-insurgency research here for the DOD). Consultant SST program, Federal Aviation Agency, Washington, 1965-67. Consultant future aviation President Aviation Adv. Committee, Washington, 1971-72; tech. coordinator High Frontier Inc., Arlington, 1990-98; member task force senior scientists engineers American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington, 1991-98. Member American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics (chairman Atlanta chapter 1953-54, national counselman 1954), Sons of the American Revolution D.C. Society, Am. Association Petroleum Geologists, Kansas Geological Society, Tau Beta Pi.

Missilethreat.com, 'Brilliant Pebbles': "In the early 1980s, scientists Edward Teller, Lowell Wood, and Gregory Canavan began gaming out a new missile defense concept known as “Smart Rocks” at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in California. Smart Rocks involved deploying thousands of tiny rocket-propelled canisters in orbit, each capable of ramming itself into an incoming ballistic missile. ... Brilliant Pebbles made significant progress between 1988 and 1990, and received enthusiastic support from the Bush I Administration. Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney referred to Brilliant Pebbles as the White House’s “number one project,” and the program received generous funding even as other SDI initiatives were phased out. In March 1990, George Monahan, Director of SDI, announced that Brilliant Pebbles would be the first-deployed U.S. missile defense system. His successor, Henry F. Cooper, streamlined the Brilliant Pebbles contractor team to two companies, TRW-Hughes and Martin Marietta, and lobbied aggressively on Capitol Hill for more funding and support. ... Following the Middle East crisis, Brilliant Pebbles was enhanced to give its interceptors the ability to swoop down into the atmosphere, thus improving its overall effectiveness against Scuds and cruise missiles."

September 26, 2006, Defense Daily International, 'Russia Concerned U.S. May Deploy Space-Based Assets': "Russian leaders are concerned that the U.S. may deploy space-based missile defense assets, reports Defense Daily International. At a recent symposium hosted by the Henry L. Stimson Center, a Washington DC think tank, analysts noted that Russia could respond by detonating a nuclear weapon in space to create a radiation belt that would render U.S. space-based defenses useless. Such a move would also annihilate functioning of Russian satellites, although Russia has far less to lose. According to retired Russian General Vladimir Dworkin, now senior researcher with the Center for International Security at the Institute for World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Science, Russia’s concerns about lasers in space do not apply to existing components of the multi-layered U.S. missile defense system, such as the Airborne Laser. “We’ve gotten used to it,” Dworkin said. “But if you’re talking about reviving … Star Wars,” perhaps by resurrecting Brilliant Pebbles or developing a laser BMD system, then that “would be a shock” to Russians that they would not easily get used to. The more the U.S. pushes to develop a space-based BMD system, the more sharply Russia would be likely to respond, Dworkin warned."

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

U.S. air force general with intelligence experience. Consultant to Union Oil Co. of California and Shell Oil. President McDonnell Douglas, Japan, and vice president for the Far East 1973-77. Vice president McDonnell Douglas, Washington 1977-83.

1918-2008. Grad. Flying School, 1941; commissioned 2d lieutenant US Army Air Force, 1941; advanced through grades to lieutenant general US Air Force, 1968; Commander 354th Fighter Squadron, 1944-45, 361st Fighter Group, 1945; assistant chief staff operations 8th Fighter Command, 1945-46; deputy assistant chief staff operations 10th Air Force, Brooks AFB, Texas, 1946; Commander 182d Base Unit Reserve Training Detachment, Carswell AFB, 1946-47, 178th Base Unit Reserve Training, Brooks AFB, 1947; chief target analysis div. Office Director Intelligence Hdqrs. US Air Force, 1949-53; director targets, directorate intelligence Hdqrs. Far East Air Force, 1953-55; deputy Commander 31st Strategic Fighter Wing, Turner AFB, Georgia, 1955, Commander, 1955-59; chief tactical div., directorate operations Hdqrs. US Air Force, 1959-60, deputy director operational forces, 1961-62; Commander 4th Tactical Fighter Wing, Seymour Johnson AFB, North Carolina, 1962-63; vice Commander Hdqrs. 19th Air Force, 1963-64; deputy operations Hdqrs. Tactical Air Command, Langley AFB, Virginia, 1964-66; vice Commander 7th Air Force, Pacific Air Forces, 1966-67; Commander 9th Air Force, Shaw AFB, South Carolina, 1967-68; vice Commander Tactical Air Command, Langley AFB, Virginia, 1968-70; Commander U.S. Forces Japan, 5th Air Force, 1970-72, 6th Allied Tactical Air Force, 1972-73; corporate vice president Far East, McDonnell Douglas Corp.; also president McDonnell Douglas Japan, Ltd., Tokyo, 1973-77, corp. vice president Washington, from 1977. Member Am. Institute Mining, Metallurgical and Petroleum Engineers, Am. Fighter Aces Association, Air Force Association, Order Daedalians, National Rifle Association (life), Tau Beta Pi.

Source(s): 1967, American Security Council national strategy committee report, 'The changing strategic military balance, U.S.A. vs. U.S.S.R.', a study prepared for the House Armed Services Committee, pp. 8-9: “[Introduction letter] Signed, General Bernard A. Schriever, USAF (Ret.), Chairman. General Paul D. Adams, USA (Ret.). Lt. General Edward M. Almond, USA (Ret.). Prof. James D. Atkinson. Admiral Robert L. Dennison, USN (Ret.). Vice Admiral Elton Watters Grenfell, USN (Ret.). Admiral Ben Moreell,CEC, USN (Ret.). Dr. Stefan T. Possony. General Thomas S. Power, USAF (Ret.). Brig. General Robert C. Richardson, USAF (Ret.). Vice Admiral W. A. Schoech, USN (Ret.). General Bernard A. Schriever, UAF (Ret.). Dr. Edward Teller. Rear Admiral Chester C. Ward, USN (Ret.). General Albert C. Wedemeyer, USA (Ret.). Major General W. A. Worton, USMC (Ret.)."

From June 1953 until August 1953, he commanded Submarine Flotilla One, after which he had duty in the Bureau of Naval Personnel, Navy Department, where he served as a Special Deputy to the Chief of Naval Operations. On July 13, 1954 he became Deputy to the Assistant Chief of Naval Personnel in connection with Military Personnel Security with additional duty as Assistant Chief of Naval Operations (Military Personnel Security), and in June 1955 was designated Assistant Chief of Naval Personnel for Personnel Control, with additional duty as before. On August 31, 1956 he assumed duty as Commander Submarine Force, U.S. Pacific Fleet.

Source(s): 1960 IAS board list

Oversaw the construction of the Pentagon and directed the Manhattan Project that developed the atomic bomb during World War II. Vice president Remington Rand Division of Sperry Rand Corp.

Source(s): July 4, 1990, Washington Times, 'Making the machine mightier': "Jim Guirard Jr. is a Washington lawyer-lobbyist. Previously, he served as national affairs director of the American Security Council Foundation."

Global Warming skeptic.

American Security Council Fascist Jim Guirard's "TrueSpeak" Institute

Source(s): 1988, Russ Bellant, Old Nazis, the new right, and the Republican party', p. 84: "The ASC Task Force on Central America included a handful of retired generals, including John Singlaub, Daniel O. Graham, Richard Stillwell, Gordon Sumner, William P. Yarborough, and Alexander Haig."

Pilgrims Society.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; 1988, Russ Bellant, 'The Coors connection', p. 49 (board member in the 1980s).

Her husband, Lord Malcolm Douglas-Hamilton, died in 1964: Armed Services Commitee of the Shickshinny Knight of Malta.

Came to the United States around 1931. Founded the American-Scottish Foundation. Recently disclosed documents from MI5 show, that, on August 1, 1936, Lord Malcolm flew a de Havilland plane to Spain, that he delivered to pro-Franco nationalists. Another plane was flown the next day by Dick Seaman. Only two weeks earlier, General Franco was flown in a de Havilland from the Canary Islands to Morocco and onwards to Spain, helped by two other Britons, Hugh Pollard and Cecil Bebb. Ran his own charter flying company in the early 1960s, together with his son. His plane went missing over the heavy equatorial mountainous jungle of Cameroon. Following an exhaustive manhunt by Lord Malcolm's family, including assistance from United Fruit, his remains were located in the jungle. Neither his son nor the passengers were ever located.

Married twice: firstly in 1931 to the Hon. Pamela Bowes-Lyon (a granddaughter of the 13th Earl of Strathmore and Kinghorne) and cousin to Queen Elizabeth, the Queen Mother; secondly he wed in 1953 to Natalie Winslow.

Source(s): 1984 list

US Army. Deputy Chief of Staff to George S. Patton during WWII. The first Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV) commander from 1962 to 1964. Director U.S. Strategic Institute. Wrote a book in 1969 on General George S. Patton Jr. and Third Army titled When the Third Cracked Europe: The Story of Patton's Incredible Army. Harkins also is credited as a technical consultant for the 1970 film Patton.

About the use of napalm on villages in Vietnam, Harkins happily replied: "It really puts the fear of God into the Viet Cong. And that is what counts."

Patton: Supported Henry Ford and Charles Lindbergh in the America First political comittee. Became head of the military government in Bavaria after WWII. Notorious for keeping Nazi elements in power and primarily focusing on anti-communism (September 23, 1945, New York Times, 'Patton Belittles Denazification; Holds Rebuilding More Important'). Rebuilding a number of SS units

Source(s): 1968, associate editor ASC Washington Report (according to one of its papers); 1974, Science Associates/International, inc., Readers advisory service: Selected topical booklists, Volume 1, Numbers 1-35, page xlviii: "WASHINGTON REPORT (American Security Council). 1969-Date. ... Its weekly publication [is]the WASHINGTON REPORT ... Among the writers preparing material for WASHINGTON REPORT are Anthony Harrigan, Richard Ichord, John F. Lewis, William D. Pawley, and Stefan T. Possony" John Fisher's history of the ASC: "Fisher established a Washington Bureau headed by Lee R. Pennington retired FBI Inspector and retired head of the American Legion Americanism Committee. He added just-retired Judge Advocate General of the U.S. Navy, Rear Admiral Chester C. Ward, as editor of the ASC Washington Report newsletter."

June 9, 2010, Post and the Courier, 'Anthony Harrigan dies in Va. at 84': "He began his journalism career in 1948 as a reporter with The News and Courier. ... Harrigan became a columnist and member of the editorial board. He left the newspaper as an associate editor after nearly 20 years with the company. ... After retiring from the newspaper business, Harrigan enjoyed success as a columnist, author and contributing editor to the National Review. He wrote several books and dozens of essays on military affairs, foreign policy and domestic issues, particularly economics. Harrigan's column was published in more than 250 newspapers. Harrigan also appeared on numerous television and radio programs. Born Oct. 27, 1925, in New York, Harrigan was the son of the late Anthony H. Harrigan and Elise E. Hutson Harrigan, and a former president of the U.S. Business and Industrial Council, a position he held from 1970 to 1990. Harrigan sat on professional boards and lectured across the country. He was the executive vice president of Southern States Industrial Council and was a member of the Institute of Strategic Studies. He was also a research associate for the Center for Strategic and International Studies and a trustee of the National Humanities Institute. In the early 1980s, Harrigan was president of the U.S. Industrial Council Educational Foundation and was a research committee member of the South Carolina Commission on Higher Education. While living in Charleston, Harrigan sat on the boards of the Gibbes Art Gallery and the South Carolina Historical Society. He was a World War II Marine Corps veteran and was twice awarded the Military Review Award of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in Fort Leavenworth, Kan. Harrigan served as vice chairman of the Philadelphia Society and was a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. He was a member of the National Press Club, the Carolina Yacht Club, the Reform Club, the Society of Colonial Wars in South Carolina and the Piping and Marching Society."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Pilgrims.

Source(s): 1964, ASC Press, 'Peace and Freedom through Cold War Victory' (national strategy committee), Liebman, Possony, Braden, Fisher)

Ludwig von Mises. Promoted Hayek. The novelist Ayn Rand was a friend of both Hazlitt and his wife, Francis, and it was Hazlitt who introduced Mises to Rand, the two figures who would become most associated with the defense of pure laissez-faire capitalism.

Member staff Wall St. Journal, 1913-16; fin. staff New York Evening Post, 1916-18; writer monthly fin. Letter of Mechanics and Metals, National Bank, New York City, 1919-20; fin. editor New York Evening Mail, 1921-23; editorial writer New York Herald, 1923-24, The Sun, 1924-25, lit. editor, 1925-29, The Nation, 1930-33; editor Am. Mercury, 1933-34; editorial staff New York Times, 1934-46; asso. Newsweek; writer column Business Tides, 1946-66; internationally syndicated columnist, 1966-69; co-editor The Freeman, 1950-52, editor-in-chief, 1953. Author: Thinking as a Science, 1916, 69, The Anatomy of Criticism, 1933, A New Constitution Now, 1942, rev. edition, 1974, Economics in One Lesson, 1946, rev. edition, 1979 (10 translations), Will Dollars Save The World?, 1947, Condensed in Reader's Digest, 1948, The Great Idea, 1951, rev. as Time Will Run Back, 1966, The Free Man's Library, 1956, The Failure of the New Economics; An Analysis of the Keynesian Fallacies, 1959, 73, What You Should Know About Inflation, 1960, 65, The Foundations of Morality, 1964, 73, Man versus The Welfare State, 1969, The Conquest of Poverty, 1973, The Inflation Crisis and How to Resolve It, 1978, From Bretton Woods to World Inflation, 1983; editor: A Practical Program for America, 1932, The Critics of Keynesian Economics, 1960, new edition, 1977, Failure of the New Economics, 1984. Awards Recipient Honor medal Freedoms Foundation, 1950, 60, 62. Member Mont Pelerin Society Clubs: Authors (London, England); Century, Dutch Treat, Overseas Press (New York City). Family.

Source(s): American Security Council, Benefactors page, Corporate Circle (December 2010)

In 1985, she married Sean Healey, a multi-millionaire businessman worth over $100 million. The 70th Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts. She served from 2003 to 2007 with Governor Mitt Romney. She was the 2006 Republican nominee for Governor of Massachusetts, losing to Democrat Deval Patrick in November 2006. She currently serves as a TV Host on New England Sports Network.

Source(s): American Security Council, Benefactors page, Executive Associates (December 2010)

Associated with various conservative and neoconservative think tanks and publications. Chairman emeritus of the Manhattan Institute and board member of the American Enterprise Institute and the Club for Growth. He also helped found the Shalem Center in Israel (a "think tank known as the A.E.I. of Israel.). In December 2005, Hertog was the Center's president. According to William Kristol, who also serves on the board, the Center was "founded as Israel's first 'neoconservative think-tank,' ... in an effort to give the Israeli right a better foundation in history, economics, archaeology and other topics." He was a part-owner of now-defunct New York Sun, was a part-owner of The New Republic, and is a board member of Commentary magazine. In February 2003, the Sun's "most memorable contribution to American letters [was] its statement that Iraq War protesters were guilty of 'treason'." Director and vice chairman of the board of Alliance Captial Management Corporation, "which was valued in 2002 at about $100 billion", and formerly president and CEO of Sanford C. Bernstein & Company. Hertog was described by Mark Gerson, "president of the investor-relations company the Gerson Lehrman Group and editor of The Neoconservative Reader", as the "one man who has, far more than anyone else, financially enabled this movement to exist", "this movement" being the "intertwined world of the neoconservatives". Hertog and Kovner "also chipped in to join" neoliberal Martin Peretz as co-owners of The New Republic (TNR), which was completely bought out in February 2007 by CanWest. In 2002, "ex-Canadian media mogel" Hertog , New York moneyman Bruce Kovner, chairman of the Caxton Corporation, and Conrad Black, "helped fund a new newspaper, The New York Sun, now [2003] fighting its anti-liberal battle with its New York Times–counterprogrammed slogan, 'A Different Point of View.'" July 21, 2010, The Star, 'Conrad Black out of jail': "Roger Hertog, a conservative New York philanthropist, put up the unsecured bond on Black’s behalf — a gesture that demonstrated Black still has friends with deep pockets yet simultaneously raised doubts about what remains of the Canadian-born British peer’s own fortune." Hertog is an executive committee member at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, a member of the U.S. board of trustees of The Israel Center for Social & Economic Progress (ICSEP), a member of the board of trustees at the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy, and a member of the board of directors of The Jerusalem Post's America's Voices in Israel. The Post was owned by New York Sun partner Conrad Black. Hertog also funds the Hertog Global Strategy Initiative, a research program Columbia University that uses historical analysis to confront problems in world politics. Participants include high-ranking government officials, scholars, and graduate students. Council on Foreign Relations.

Securities analyst Oppenheimer & Co.; executive vice president Sanford C. Bernstein & Co., Inc., 1973—1993, president, CEO, 1993—2000; vice chairman Alliance Capital Management Corp. (merged with Bernstein), 2000—. Board member Am. Enterprise Institute Public Policy Research, Washington; member New York Society Security Analysts; chairman, part owner New York Sun; board member Commentary magazine. Chairman emeritus Manhattan Institute; chairman New York Hist. Society; board member New York Pub. Libr., Metropolitan Museum Art, New York Philharmonic. Jewish.

Source(s): November 11, 1989, National Journal, 'In from the cold': "... Gregg Hilton, executive director of the ASC..."

Director of Public Affairs for the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC). Executive Director of the National Security Foundation and the American Security Council.

Gregg Hilton is a relatively obscure figure in the Jack Abramoff scandal but Hilton's ties to Abramoff probably date back to the early '80s. In or around 2001, Jack Abramoff was on the Board of Directors of Hilton's National Security Caucus Foundation (NSCF).

Claims the New Deal made things worse.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1906-1986. a Washington, D.C. public relations counselor and a veteran newspaperman, with an extensive military career and a reputation as a lecturer on Arlington National Cemetery as well as other historical subjects.

Source(s): 1968, ASC, National Strategy Committee

Born 1894. Son of Edward Everett and Ida Florence (Firoved) H.; B.S., U. of Ill., 1915; LL.D., Thiel Coll., 1952, Monmouth Coll., 1954; E.D., Case Inst of Technology, 1953, Northeastern U., 1954; Youngstown University, 1958; H.H.D., Bethany College, 1958; married Emilie R. Tener, Dec. 8, 1917 (deceased); children—Randall F., Richard.; married 2d, Mary Ellen Tolerton, May 6, 1943. Began as technical apprentice with Packard Elec. Co., 1915; sales engr. Packard Elec. Co., Warren, O., 1915-17; with Am. Steel & Wire Co., 1917-49 (except during military service, World War I), as clerk, May-June 1917, foreman, 1919-25, asst. supt. South Works, 1925-27, supt., 1927-28, asst. mgr., later mgr. Worcester Dist., 1928-35, v.p. in charge operations, 1935-37, exec. v.p., Jan.-Dec. 1937, pres., 1938-40; pres. Carnegie-Ill. Steel Corp., 1950; executive vice pres. U.S. Steel Co., 1951-52; pres. U.S. Steel Corp., 1953-59, now mem. exec. com., dir. Served as 1st lt. with coast arty., A.U.S., with A.E.F., 1917-19. Mem. Am. Iron and Steel Inst., Chi Phi. Republican. Baptist. Mason. Clubs: Duquesne (Pitts.); The Links (N.Y.C.). Home: Pittsburgh, PA. Deceased

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1892-1963. Son of Theodore and Carrie (Wolfe) H.; B.E.E., Ia. State Coll., 1915, D.Sc., honorary; LL.D., Loyola U., Chgo.; married Lovera Lundin, June 5, 1915 (dec.); children—Elizabeth (Mrs. James Hennessy), Mary K. (Mrs. Larry Lewis); married 2d, Pauline Means, Oct. 7, 1944. With Sears, Roebuck & Co., 1928-58, v.p. in charge merchandising, 1939-52, vice chmn. bd. dirs., 1952-54, chmn., 1954-58; chmn. executive com., director Bell & Howell Company, 1961—; dir. Sears Roebuck Co., Quaker Oats Co., Am. Hosp. Supply, One William St. Fund. Chmn. Com. for Econ. Devel. Mem. corp. of Mass. Inst. Tech.; trustee Northwestern U., George Williams Coll., YMCA (bd. mgrs.); bd. mgrs. Am. Nat. Red Cross; pres. Chgo. YMCA. Clubs: Commercial, Chicago; Metropolitan (Washington). Home: Moss Neck Manor, Fredericksburg, Va.

Member of the inner circle that formed the American Security Council (ASC) in 1938?

Source(s): Associate. Not a known member.

1001 Club. President of the Council for National Policy.

June 27, 1987, Associated Press, 'Paper Says Administration Kept Up With Private MIA-POW Fund-Raising': "Administration officials were regularly informed of private efforts to raise funds to search for Americans missing in Southeast Asia, despite policy statements discouraging the practice, a published report says. ... John Fisher, executive director of the American Security Council Foundation, a Virginia clearinghouse for anti-communist information, told the papers the NSC regularly was informed about private efforts in Southeast Asia. "This was something that had more than the casual blessing of the White House," said Fisher, whose group contributed $8,500 to private POW-MIA efforts. ... The paper said the contributors to the POW-MIA groups included Nelson Bunker Hunt of Dallas, who donated $30,000, and Ellen St. John Garwood of Austin, Texas, who chipped in $3,500. Hunt later gave about $250,000 to aid the contras, and Mrs. Garwood donated $2.2 million."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "History Milestones" (One of 18 members of the ASC's Industrial Relations Committee)

Born in 1927. Son of George R., Sr. who was the son of William Randolph Hearst. Private business, 1946-48; staff LA Examiner, 1948-50, San Francisco Examiner, 1954-56; with LA Evening Herald-Express, from 1956, business manager, 1957, pub., from 1960, LA Herald-Examiner, from 1962; grp. head Hearst Real Estate; vice president Hearst Corp., 1977—, chairman, 1996—. President Hearst Foundation; director Randolph William Hearst Foundation. Named one of Forbes 400: Richest Americans, 2006—. Member VFW Clubs: Burlingame Country, Jonathan, California, Riviera. Son of George and Blanche (Wilbur) Hearst; Married Mary Thompson, April 23, 1951 (deceased December 1969); children: Mary, George Randolph III, Stephen T., Erin; Married Patricia Ann Bell, November 30, 1969 (div. November 1985).

Newspapers, magazines (Cosmopolitan, Bazaar, Good Housekeeping, Esquire, Popular Mechanics), television, radio, A&E, History Channel, ESPN, iVillage. 12 daily newspapers, 14 weekly newspapers, 17 US consumer magazines

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Jonathan Institute. Co-founder Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs in 1973.

The Jackson family created the Henry M. Jackson Foundation to give grants to nonprofits and educational institutions. Board members have included Richard Perle, Tom Foley, and Jeane Kirkpatrick. Perle is patron Henry Jackson Society.

From 1969 to 1980, Perle worked as a staffer for Democratic Senator Henry M. Jackson of Washington. Wolfowitz was another aide of Jackson in the 1970s.

The Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs, with the cooperation of the Jackson family, awards a Henry M. "Scoop" Jackson Distinguished Service Award to individuals for their career dedication to U.S. national security.

Senator

Frank Gaffney, founder of the Center for Security Policy: professional staff member on the Senate Armed Services Committee under the chairmanship of the late Sen. John Tower, and a national security legislative aide to the late Senator Henry M. Jackson.

1912-1983. Son of Peter and Marine (Anderson) J.; married Helen E. Hardin, Dec. 16, 1961; children—Anna Marie, Peter Hardin. LL.B., U. Wash., 1935. Bar: Wash. bar 1935. Asso. with Black & Rucker, 1935-38; pros. atty. Snohomish County, 1938-40; mem. 77th-82d Congresses from 2d Wash. Dist., U.S. senator from, Wash., 1953-83; ranking minority mem. com. on energy and natural resources, mem. Armed Services Com., chmn. strategic arms control subcom. Chmn. Democratic Nat. Com., 1960-61; bd. regents Smithsonian Inst.; bd. overseers Whitman Coll.; bd. advisors John F. Kennedy Inst. Politics, Harvard U. Mem. Wash. Bar Assn., Phi Delta Phi, Delta Chi. Presbyterian. Home: Everett, Wash.

Co-founder America-Israel Friendship League in 1971. August 31, 2003, New York Times, 'How to Talk About Israel': "This confidence is what Podhoretz and other neoconservatives sought to save from the wreckage of Vietnam. One of their most powerful political allies in this enterprise was Senator Henry (Scoop) Jackson, mentor of Richard Perle, among others. Jackson, a gentile, a Democrat and a staunch cold warrior, was the perfect bridge on which former leftists could cross over to the right, without actually joining the Republican Party. Henry Jackson was a founder of the America-Israel Friendship League. Israel, to him, was not a sentimental issue but an essential part of his vision of the United States as a nation destined to free the world from tyranny."

American-Israel Friendship League: "A remarkably distinguished group of American leaders founded the AIFL in 1971. Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey, Senators Henry "Scoop" Jackson and Nelson A. Rockefeller, civil rights leader A. Philip Randolph, Raymond M. Patt, Herman Z. Quittman and Congressman Herbert Tenzer all served among the League's founders."

1976, Pike Report, pp. 112-113: "Upon hearing testimony from Helms in February 1973, Senator Church's Multinational Corporations Subcommittee informed the CIA on 21 February 1973 that it had found “significant discrepancies” between Helms’s testimony and data ITT had supplied. On that same day, Theodore Shackley (Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, DP) took the first step to limit damage to the Agency. He recommended to DCI Schlesinger that the Agency should work [through Senators Stennis or Symington who "could be persuaded" to agree to a "controlled appearance" for the DCI before the Multinational Corporations Subcommitte] …  Two days later, on 23 February 1973, Agency officers began quiet efforts with the help of Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson, a close friend of the CIA, to blunt Senator Church's scrutiny of CIA, Chile, and Richard Helms. Jackson offered his protective assistance in a remarkable backstage meeting he had with Ted Shackley and CIA Congressional liaison chief John Maury the next day. … [Jackson made several suggestions on how to protect the CIA, as written down by Shackley] … Jackson pledged to work with CIA "to see that we got this protection." Shackley noted that Senator Jackson, who had been "extremely helpful," believed that it was "essential" to prevent the establishing of any procedure that could call upon CIA to testify before a wide variety of Congressional committees. Following that meeting, Shackley and Maury at once briefed Colby, who was then CIA's Executive Director, and Tom Keramessines, the DDP. DCI Schlesinger then asked Senator Jackson to set the wheels in motion for Senator McClellan to call a special meeting of his Oversight Committee. Three weeks later, on 13 March, CIA’s senatorial friends arranged to shield the Agency from unwanted scrutiny… McClellan, Symington, Jackson, John Pastore (D-RI), Strom Thurmond (R-SC, and Roman Hruska R-NE). Colby, Shackley, and Maury accompanied DCI Schlesinger.” p. 173: “[CIA legal counsel Mitchell] Rogovin … accused Pike’s staff of having stolen a copy of the [Ted Shackley] memorandum outlining the sensitive meeting of CIA officers with Senator "Scoop" Jackson in May 1973…"

Source(s): 1983 list

Air Force. Retired Senior Editor, Fortune.

Source(s): July 23, 1984, New York Times, 'The High Cost of Advising': "The American Security Council Foundation is soliciting funds by mail in behalf of the United States Congressional Advisory Board ... Co-chairmen of the board are two Republicans, Senator Jake Garn of Utah and Representative Jack F. Kemp of upstate New York, and two Democrats, Senator J. Bennett Johnston of Louisiana and Representative Bill Chappell Jr. of Florida."

Senator.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; 1968 ASC National Strategy Committee list

President, Illinois Central Railroad. Early member Senior Advisory Board of the ASC.

Born: Urbana, Illinois, Nov. 19, 1897. Son of Harry W. and DeEtta Bird (Boomer) J.; B.S., U. of Illinois, 1917; LL.D., Middlebury Coll., La. State U., 1959; married Blanche Lawson, June 17, 1922; children—Wayne Andrew, Bette Jane (Mrs. B. Boothby). Began as accountant in office of div. supt., Ill. Central R.R., Champaign, Ill., Oct. 1919, chief clk. to supt., 1920; chief clk. to gen. supt., northern lines, Chicago, Oct. 1921, corr. clk. office of v.p. and gen. mgr., Sept. 1925, gen. agt. traffic dept., Apr. 1934, office mgr., v.p., traffic dept., Feb. 1935, gen. traffic agent in charge of mail, baggage, express and merchandise traffic, Sept. 1937, asst. to v.p. and gen. mgr., operating dept., Jan. 1938, acting supt. Ky. Div., Paducah, Ky., Nov. 1940, asst. to v.p. and gen. mgr., operating dept., Chicago, June 1941, asst. gen. mgr., Mar. 1942, asst. v.p., April 1944, gen. mgr., Sept. 1944; pres., 1945-66, chmn. bd., 1966—; chmn. bd. and dir. Madison Coal Corp., Peoria & Pekin Union Ry.; pres., dir. Chicago & Ill. Western R.R., Paducah & Ill. R.R. Dir. Terminal R.R. Assn. of St. Louis., Ry. Express Agency, Harris Trust & Savings Bank. Mem. board of national council, member national executive board, pres. Chgo. Council Boy Scouts of Am., mem. exec. bd. YMCA, and mem. Foundn. Bd. and Adv. Council, U. Ill.; trustee DePauw U., U. Ill.; pres. Old Peoples Home, Chgo.; trustee Sunday Evening Club. Mem. Chgo. Assn. Commerce and Industry, Assn. Am. R.R.’s (dir.), Newcomen Soc. Eng., Alpha Phi Omega, Beta Gamma Sigma, Phi Gamma Delta. Rep. Mason (33°). Clubs: Chicago, Chicago Athletic, Traffic, Western Railway Illini, Economic, Commercial, South Shore Country, Old Elm Country (Chgo.); Flossmoor (Ill.) Country; Metropolitan, Links (N.Y.); Boston, New Orleans Country (New Orleans). Home: 2509 Brae Burn Road, Flossmoor, Ill. Office: 135 E. 11th Pl., Chgo. 5 Death Died Dec. 5, 1967.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

American politician best known for his battle in Congress (1943–63) to define the conservative position on China as all-out support for the Nationalists under Chiang Kai-sheck and opposition to the Communists under Mao. After the Nationalists fled to Formosa (Taiwan) in 1949 Judd redoubled his support. After training with the ROTC for the United States Army near the end of World War I, he earned his medical degree at the University of Nebraska in 1923, then was Traveling Secretary for the Student Volunteer Movement. He was a medical missionary in China, 1925–31 and 1934–1938, with a stint at the Mayo Clinic in between. He came back to the United States to urge Americans not to be isolationists but to support China against Japanese aggression. Elected to the U.S. Congress from Minnesota in 1942, where he became a powerful voice in support of China. He served for 20 years from 1943 until 1963 in the 78th, 79th, 80th, 81st, 82nd, 83rd, 84th, 85th, 86th, and 87th congresses. In the early 1950s Judd helped organize the Committee of One Million, a citizens' group dedicated to keeping the People's Republic of China out of the United Nations.

Source(s): Good question

American Vigilance Intelligence Federation. The first major US distributor of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion).

Source(s): May 3, 1993, Washington Post, 'Article: Appointments': "The Boards of the American Security Council and the American Security Council Foundation in Washington elected Daniel J. Kalinger executive vice president."

Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs in 1991.

Source(s): APPARENTLY NO SOURCE

International Security Council.

USAF. Co-chairman Coalition for Peace Through Strength. Worked for the CIA from 1963-1966. Council of 56 of the Religious Roundtable'

February 7-9, 1986, speech of Col. Bo Hi Pak, CAUSA International Military Association Conference: "I am still very far away from perfection, but I want to serve the country with honor and, furthermore, serve humanity with honor. Save our civilization with honor. This came from this movement. CAUSA International, CIMA work, is merely one aspect of our effort. We have the International Security Council. Gen. George Keegan is a member of that council, and he testified to you, I am sure, about a recent meeting in Tel Aviv on state-sponsored terrorism."

CAUSA Foundation official history, 'Give and Forget - Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI)': "In 1984 the International Security Council (ISC) was founded under the CAUSA umbrella to conduct research and develop studies aimed at more accurately assessing the military and geopolitical threat posed by the Soviet Union and its ideological and military allies. Led by the late Dr. Joseph Churba who had served as a member of the National Security Council (NSC) under President Reagan, the ISC gathered top scholars on international security, including Eugene Rostow and Ambassador Charles Lichenstein."

In November of 1975 - large amounts of hydrogen gas with traces of tritium were detected at Semipalatinsk by U.S. Air Force TRW reconnaissance satellites. General George Keegan had been paying special attention to this facility ever since one of his men warned him of something "fishy" there in 1972. This was evidence confirming his suspicions of Soviet particle beam research.

1921-1993. Commissioned 2d lieutenant US Air Force, advanced through grades to major general; chief Air Force Intelligence, 7th Air Force, Vietnam, 1967-69; deputy chief plans and operations Hdqrs. Air Force Logistics Command, 1970-71; chief Air Force Intelligence, Hdqrs. US Air Force, Washington, 1971-77; retired, 1977; executive vice president U.S. Strategic Institute, Washington, editor Strategic Rev., 1977-78; founder, president Institute Strategic Affairs; vice chairman Coalition for Peace through Strength, 1980-93. Board directors International Security, Washington, 1987-93.

Dale G. Stonehouse, 'FIRE FROM THE SKY: Battle of Harvest Moon & True Story of Space Shuttles': "Keegan revealed his findings on Soviet particle beam developments to CIA head William Colby in 1975. Colby convened the Nuclear Intelligence Panel which determined that, since the US could not build such a weapon, it was impossible that the Soviets were doing it. Colby never passed the information from the Air Force intelligence on to the President or Secretary of Defense. Keegan retired and started making the information public, through the American Security Council (of which I am a member of the National Advisory Board) and other groups. His story was greeted with high-level official sneering, the most acrimonious sneers coming from the self-styled "nuclear engineer" President Jimmy Carter and Defense Secretary Harold Brown (formerly from Lawrence Livermore Lab). "But despite the official denials, the Soviets continued their work, carrying at least eight electron-beam experiments into space on board Cosmos, Soyuz and Salyut spacecraft..." (AW & ST) and conducting tests at Semipalatinsk and Sarova. "At the same time, younger U.S. physicists, uninhibited by the ego problems of their elders, also were making progress on the key techniques required for beam weapons development. ... The Soviets have already successfully tested particle beam weapons (as has France!). "U.S. particle beam weapons experts who have access to U.S. intelligence information and personal contacts with Russian physicists involved in magnetic and plasma physics programs believe the Soviets will field a ground-based proton beam weapon between 1980-1983." ... Whoever puts satellites with particle beam weapons into orbit first (property controlled by complex sensors and computers) can control the world. ANY GUIDED MISSILE OR AIRCRAFT CAN THEN BE ZAPPED OUT OF EXISTENCE IN A FRACTION OF A SECOND AFTER LAUNCH. Under those conditions, we will still have nuclear bombs, but it would be impossible to deliver them against an enemy who is protected by particle beams."

April 28, 1996, Miami Herald, 'Herald staff': "Churba, Joseph, 62, who was the Air Force's top Middle East intelligence expert in 1976 when he publicly criticized comments by the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. George Brown, about Israel's being a military burden for the United States; in New York of a heart attack. Churba was president of the International Security Council, a Washington- based research institute. He was a presidential campaign adviser to Ronald Reagan in 1980 and an adviser to the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in 1981 and 1982. On Oct. 19, 1976, Churba told a reporter that Brown's comments had been "dangerously irresponsible," because they encouraged the Arabs and Russians to think U.S. backing for Israel had diminished. He said the comments indicated a growing "tilt against Israel in the defense department." Later Churba's superior, Maj. Gen. George Keegan, told him that because he had talked to the reporter, his special security clearances for signal and satellite intelligence had been suspended and that he was no longer of any value to the Air Force as an intelligence estimator."

April 28, 1996, New York Times, 'Joseph Churba, Intelligence Aide Who Criticized General, Is Dead': "Mr. Churba made his unusually blunt criticism of the top service officer in telephone conversations with a reporter on Oct. 19, 1976. Mr. Churba said that General Brown's comments had been "dangerously irresponsible" because they encouraged the Arabs and Russians to think American backing for Israel had diminished. He said the comments were indicative of a growing "tilt against Israel in the Defense Department.""

April 21, 1996, Washington Times, 'Joseph Churba, 62, foreign policy expert': "He was a protege and close associate of Maj. Gen. George J. Keegan, former chief of Air Force intelligence."

October 19, 1989, Xinhua General News Service, 'Chinese vice-president meets u.s. visitor': "Chinese vice-president Wang Zhen met dr. Joseph Churba, president of the United States International Security Council (ISC), here today. "

Source(s): July 23, 1984, New York Times, 'The High Cost of Advising': "The American Security Council Foundation is soliciting funds by mail in behalf of the United States Congressional Advisory Board ... Co-chairmen of the board are two Republicans, Senator Jake Garn of Utah and Representative Jack F. Kemp of upstate New York..."

1935-2009. Quarterback Pittsburgh Steelers, 1957, San Diego Chargers (formerly L.A. Chargers), 1960—1962, Buffalo Bills, 1963—1969; special assistant to Governor State of California, 1967; special assistant to chairman Republican National Committee, 1969; member US Congress from 39th New York District, 1971—1973, US Congress from 38st New York District, 1973—1983, US Congress from 31st New York District, 1983—1989; secretary US Department Housing & Urban Devel., Washington, 1989-92; co-dir. Empower America, 1993—2005; visiting fellow Hoover Institute; co-dir. Empower America, 1993—2004; weekly columnist Copley News Service, 2000—2009; founder Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, 2001; chairman Kemp Partners, from 2002; co-chmn. FreedomWorks Empower America, 2004—2005. Chairman, US House Republican Conference, 1981-87; pub. relations officer Marine Midland Bank, Buffalo; candidate for Rep. Presidential nomination, 1987-88; Rep. nominee for vice president, 1996; co-founder, NFL Players Association; board directors Oracle Corp., 1995-96, 1996-2009, Hawk Corp., IDT Corp., CNL Hotels & Resorts Inc., Six Flags Inc., 2005-09, InPhonic Inc. Member Pres.'s Council on Physical Fitness & Sports; member executive committee player pension board NFL; member advisory board Toyota’s Diversity Initiative, Thomas Weisel Partners, Thayer Capital. Member National Association Broadcasters, Engineers and Technicians, Buffalo Area C. of C., Sierra Club, Am. Football League Players Association (co-founder, president 1965-70). Republican. Advisory board Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; November 1, 2005, (ASC founder) John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (appointed co-chair of an ASCF Strategy Board in or around 1983)

1915-1997. Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army, 1940, advanced through grades to colonel, 1956; infantry battalion co., Korean War; member senior staff CIA, 1950-52; member planning staff National Security Council, 1954; member staff special assistant to President, 1955; consultant Pres.'s Committee to study U.S. Assistance Program (Draper Committee), 1959; chief long-range plans strategic analysis section Coordination Group, Chief of Staff, U.S. Army, 1959-61; retired, 1961; professor emeritus political sci. Wharton School, University Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1961-85; deputy director Foreign Policy Research Institute, 1961-69, director, 1969-73, president, 1976; Am. ambassador to Thailand, 1973-75. Consultant Department Defense, National Security Council, Stanford Research Institute; fellow Hudson Institute; senior adviser Operations Research Office, Johns Hopkins University, 1956-57; member academy board Inter-Am. Defense College, 1967-72; member Board Foreign Scholarships, 1970-73; civilian faculty adv. committee National War College, 1970-72; member adv. board Naval War College, 1985; board member U.S. Peace Institute, 1986–. Trustee Freedom House, New York City; member board General Church of New Jerusalem, Bryn Athyn, Pennsylvania; member adv. committee World Affairs Council, Philadelphia Memberships Member Council Foreign Relations, Am. Political Sci. Association, Pennsylvania Society, Council Am. Ambassadors, U.S. Institute Peace (board directors).

Spring 1982, David Stoll, Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 9, No. 2, Minorities in the Americas, 'The Summer Institute of Linguistics and Indigenous Movements', p. 93: "SIL's [Summer Institute of Linguistics'] advances into the Philippines (1953) and South Vietnam (1956) were personally expedited by Presidents Ramon Magsaysay and Ngo Dinh Diem, each under the tutelage of the CIA's Edward Lansdale. According to a document released by the U.S. State Department, in 1961 one of Lansdale's superiors ten years earlier at the CIA, Colonel William R. Kintner, was about to help SIL enlist the Kennedy White House in a scheme to eradicate illiteracy and fight communism all over Latin America. That same month Townsend suddenly prevailed over a decade of stiff Catholic resistance in Colombia and secured a contract from the Lleras Camargo govern- ment. As a public authority on the Cold War, Kintner (1962: 282-89) advocated total mobilization of private U.S. private organizations for the anticommunist cause. In 1960"

Source(s): Who's Who

Leading neocon until her death. Le Cercle participant.

2nd Committee on the Present Danger. Advisory board Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs. Etc.

Source(s): American Security Council, Benefactors page, President's Circle (December 2010)

Pilgrim. Ultra-connected.

December 10, 2010, New York Times, 'In Tapes, Nixon Rails About Jews and Blacks': "“The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy,” Mr. Kissinger said. “And if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern. Maybe a humanitarian concern.” “I know,” Nixon responded. “We can’t blow up the world because of it.” ... “What it is, is it’s the insecurity,” he said. “It’s the latent insecurity. Most Jewish people are insecure. And that’s why they have to prove things.” Nixon also strongly hinted that his reluctance to even consider amnesty for young Americans who went to Canada to avoid being drafted during the Vietnam War was because, he told Mr. Colson, so many of them were Jewish. “I didn’t notice many Jewish names coming back from Vietnam on any of those lists; I don’t know how the hell they avoid it,” he said, adding: “If you look at the Canadian-Swedish contingent, they were very disproportionately Jewish. The deserters.”"

May 2007, vanity Fair, 'The Kissinger Presidency' (Excerpted from Nixon and Kissinger: Partners in Power, by Robert Dallek): "Nixon is dead, but Henry Kissinger remains very much a man in public life. In recent years, President George W. Bush has consulted him for advice on the Iraq war, which Kissinger has supported. Since 2001, Kissinger has, according to Bob Woodward's State of Denial, met with the president every other month, and with Vice President Dick Cheney every month, and he has advised President Bush that "victory … is the only meaningful exit strategy" for Iraq. ... Nixon did not anticipate the extent to which Kissinger, whom he barely knew when he appointed him national-security adviser, in 1969, would be envious and high-strung—a maintenance project of the first order. Nixon had a running conversation with Haldeman about "the K problem," as Haldeman noted in his diaries. Nixon complained in one taped conversation with the chief of staff: "Henry's personality problem is just too goddamn difficult for us to deal [with].… Goddamn it, Bob, he's psychopathic about trying to screw [Secretary of State William] Rogers." Haldeman feared that if Kissinger "wins the battle with Rogers" he might not be "livable with afterwards." Nixon agreed that he would "be a dictator." "Did you know that Henry worries every time I talk on the phone with anybody?" he told Haldeman and domestic counselor John Ehrlichman in another taped conversation. "His feeling is that he must be present every time I see anybody important." ... Using language that has a painfully contemporary echo, Kissinger and Nixon very quickly came to private conclusions about Vietnam that they never revealed publicly and denied entertaining. "In Saigon the tendency is to fight the war to victory," Nixon told Kissinger, according to the transcript of a 1969 phone conversation. "But you and I know it won't happen—it is impossible." Even so, according to Haldeman's unpublished diaries, Nixon later urged that Democratic critics making this same point should be labeled "the party of surrender." When someone told Kissinger that Nixon could not be re-elected, because of Vietnam, he disputed it and added, according to a memo of a conversation, that "anytime we want to get out of Vietnam we can," and that "we will get out of Vietnam before the [1972] election." Nixon wanted to plan the removal of all U.S. troops by the end of 1971, but Kissinger cautioned that, if North Vietnam then de-stabilized Saigon during the following year, events could have an adverse effect on the president's campaign. According to Haldeman's diaries, Kissinger advocated a pullout in the fall of 1972, "so that if any bad results follow they will be too late to affect the election." He apparently had nothing to say about the American lives that would be lost by deliberately prolonging the war. ... Kissinger was deeply unsettled by the revelation, in June of 1971, that the Pentagon's secret history of the Vietnam War had been given to The New York Times by a former adviser to Kissinger on Vietnam, Daniel Ellsberg. Would Kissinger be tarred by association? When he saw Nixon, according to a taped conversation, Kissinger said of Ellsberg, "That son-of-a-bitch. I know him well. He is completely nuts.… He always seemed a little bit unbalanced." As for The New York Times, Nixon and Kissinger were determined to come down hard. "Goddamn newspapers—they're a bunch of sluts," Nixon said. In another taped conversation, two weeks later, he said, "I don't give a goddamn about repression, do you?" "No," Kissinger replied. ... Nixon confided to Haldeman, according to the unpublished diaries, that he was "quite shocked" at how Kissinger had "ranted and raved" at Alexander Haig during a 1971 phone conversation, telling Haig that he "had handled everything wrong," and calling U.N. ambassador George H. W. Bush "an idiot." Nixon believed that something more serious was going on, and it is known that he once mused to Ehrlichman that Kissinger might need psychiatric help. The subject of Kissinger's stability came up again in 1972. Having read The Will to Live, by Dr. Arnold Hutschnecker, his former psychotherapist, Nixon recommended it to Haldeman as providing a road map to what Nixon, according to Haldeman's unpublished diary notes, called "K's suicidal complex." Haldeman went on: "He also wants to be sure I make extensive memoranda about K's mental processes and so on, for his file." ... Nixon's deep antipathy toward Jews is well known, and he took a strange satisfaction in having Kissinger in his inner circle, where he could periodically taunt him. Nixon told Haldeman and Ehrlichman, according to the transcript of a conversation, that "anybody who is Jewish cannot handle" Middle Eastern policy. Henry might be "as fair as he can possibly be, [but] he can't help but be affected by it. Put yourself in his position. Good God … his people were crucified over there. Jesus Christ! Five—five million of them popped into big ovens! How the hell's he feel about all this?" Kissinger acquiesced in Nixon's anti-Semitism, and more. He took care not to bring too many Jewish N.S.C. staff members to meetings with the president. On one occasion, speaking with Leonard Garment, a special consultant to the president on such issues as Israel and Jewish affairs, Kissinger asked, according to a transcript of the telephone conversation, "Is there a more self-serving group of people than the Jewish community? … You can't even tell the bastards anything in confidence because they'll leak it." ... In April of 1971, after months of secret exchanges facilitated by Pakistan, the government of Communist China indicated its willingness to receive a special envoy from the United States. Soon after getting this message, Nixon and Kissinger agreed on a positive response. They now went back and forth over which administration official should make the first trip to Beijing. Kissinger badly wanted the assignment, but Nixon wasn't ready to offer it, and seemed to take perverse pleasure in toying with him, raising the names of other people as possible envoys. According to a transcript of an April telephone conversation, Nixon said he was considering David Bruce, a longtime senior diplomat, but was concerned that his involvement in the Paris peace talks might make the Chinese uncomfortable. "How about Nelson [Rockefeller]?," Nixon asked. "Mr. President, he wouldn't be disciplined enough," Kissinger objected, hoping to scuttle the chances of the man who had been his crucial patron for many years. "How about Bush?," Nixon suggested. "Absolutely not," Kissinger replied. "He is too soft and not sophisticated enough." Nixon responded, "I thought of that myself," and returned to the notion of Rockefeller, telling Kissinger to keep Nelson "in the back of your head." Kissinger then made an indirect case for himself by implying that no one was more conversant with Nixon's thinking about international affairs than he was. He described distinctions between the Chinese and the Russians in a way he knew would appeal to Nixon: "The difference between them and the Russians is that if [you] drop some loose change, when you go to pick it up the Russians will step on your fingers and the Chinese won't." When the subject of the China visit came up again the next day, Kissinger made the case for himself more directly. He told the president, according to a taped conversation, "I don't want to toot my own horn, but I happen to be the only one who knows all the negotiations." Nixon now relented: "Oh hell fire, I know that. Nobody else can really handle it." Nixon dismissed Rockefeller as an amateur. "Jesus Christ, I could wrap Rockefeller around my finger and he'll never know it." Again, Kissinger made no attempt to stand up for his former mentor. He simply replied, "That's right." On the morning of July 1, as Kissinger was about to leave for China, Nixon spent more than an hour with him, giving final instructions on what he should say to the Chinese premier, Chou En-lai. Nixon counseled against any lengthy "philosophical talk," according to a recorded conversation. His own success in dealing with Communist leaders was due to the fact that "I don't fart around I'm very nice to them—then I come right in with the cold steel." Nixon had to be talked into letting Kissinger give a background press briefing after the trip. He was sure "the press will try to give K the credit in order to screw the P," Haldeman recorded in his unpublished diaries. ... Kissinger's demands for influence and attention incensed Nixon, who occasionally talked about firing him. Watergate made this impossible. Nixon's need to use Kissinger and foreign policy to counter threats of impeachment made Kissinger an indispensable figure in a collapsing administration. The balance of power shifted massively and irrevocably. ... From the outset Kissinger, who was now secretary of state as well as national-security adviser, centered control of the crisis [Yom Kippur War] in his own hands. The Israelis had informed him of the attacks at six a.m. that Saturday, but three and a half hours would pass before he felt the need to consult Nixon, who had escaped Washington for his retreat in Key Biscayne, Florida. At 8:35 a.m., Kissinger called Haig, who was with the president, to report on developments. He said, according to a phone transcript, "I want you to know … that we are on top of it here." To ensure that the media not see Nixon as out of the loop, Kissinger urged Haig to say "that the President was kept informed from 6:00 a.m. on." When Kissinger finally called Nixon, at 9:25 a.m., the president left matters in Kissinger's hands. But he asked, according to a transcript, that Kissinger "indicate you talked to me." At 10:35 a.m., Kissinger again called Haig. They discussed how to work with the Soviets to bring the fighting to a halt. When Haig reported that Nixon was considering returning to Washington, Kissinger discouraged it—part of a recurring pattern to keep Nixon out of the process. Over the next three days, Kissinger oversaw the diplomatic exchanges with the Israelis and Soviets about the war. Israeli prime minister Golda Meir's requests for military supplies, which were beginning to run low, came not to Nixon but to Kissinger. Although he consistently described himself as representing the president's wishes, Kissinger was seen by outsiders as the principal U.S. official through whom business should be conducted. On October 7, for example, a Brezhnev letter to Nixon was a response to "the messages you transmitted to us through Dr. Kissinger." On October 9, a telegram to King Hussein of Jordan urging continued non-involvement in the conflict came not from Nixon but from Kissinger. Although Kissinger spoke to Nixon frequently during these four days, it was usually Kissinger who initiated the calls, kept track of the fighting, and parceled out information as he saw fit. On the night of October 7, according to a telephone transcript, Nixon asked Kissinger if there had been any message from Brezhnev. "Oh, yes, we heard from him," Kissinger replied, volunteering no more. Nixon had to press, asking lamely, "What did he say?" At 7:55 on the night of October 11, Brent Scowcroft, Haig's replacement as Kissinger's deputy at the N.S.C., called Kissinger to report that the British prime minister, Edward Heath, wanted to speak to the president in the next 30 minutes. According to a telephone transcript, Kissinger replied, "Can we tell them no? When I talked to the President he was loaded." Scowcroft suggested that they describe Nixon as unavailable, but say that the prime minister could speak to Kissinger. "In fact, I would welcome it," Kissinger told Scowcroft. What is striking is how matter-of-fact Kissinger and Scowcroft were about Nixon's condition, as if it had been nothing out of the ordinary—as if Nixon's drinking to excess was just part of the routine. They showed no concern at having to keep the prime minister of America's principal ally away from the president. ... Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger were symbiotic rivals—men who shared many similarities, including cynicism and insecurity, and who desperately needed each other despite their often poisonous antagonism and mutual suspicion. Nixon distrusted Kissinger, doubting his professions of admiration. Kissinger's eagerness for the spotlight and his self-serving ambition put Nixon on edge. Nixon rightly believed that Kissinger saw himself as a superior intellect manipulating a malleable president. Nixon called him "my Jew boy" behind his back and occasionally to his face as a way to humiliate him and keep him in his place. Kissinger reciprocated, according to a raft of transcripts and other documents. He despised Nixon's top aides. "I have never met such a gang of self-seeking bastards in my life," Kissinger told the British ambassador in 1970, in a remark preserved in an ambassadorial memo in the National Archives in London. "I used to find the Kennedy group unattractively narcissistic, but they were idealists. These people are real heels." The president himself fared little better. Kissinger privately referred to Nixon as "that madman," "our drunken friend," and "the meatball mind." By the spring of 1974, public attitudes toward Nixon and Kissinger were heading in opposite directions. The president's political survival seemed more uncertain with every passing day, while Kissinger's public standing reached new heights. Kissinger remained publicly supportive of Nixon, but in his own mind he viewed America's well-being as inextricably linked to his own. After returning from the Middle East in June of 1974, Kissinger spoke by phone with Jacob Javits and told the New York senator, "You know, what really worries me, Jack, [is that,] with the President facing impeachment, what's been holding things together is my moral authority abroad and to some extent at home. If that's lost we may be really in trouble.""

Source(s):

Brig. General Albion W. Knight: CNP Board of Governors (1982). Chairman of the CNP National Defense Committee, contributor to Front Line, Inc. of Missouri, and a member of the Council of 56 of the Religious Roundtable.

Rt. Rev. Albion W. Knight, Jr, missionary bishop, United Episcopal Church of America and member of the American Security Council. Advisory Board of United States Council for World Freedom (1986) which is the U.S. branch of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), home for many fascists and neo-Nazis. The U.S. branch brought these elements to the U.S. for WACL's annual meetings in 1984 and 1985. Included was a delegate [Yves Gignac] who served five years in prison for attempting to assassinate Charles DeGaulle, persons who led Nazi SS units or corraborationist puppet governments during World War II, and architects of mass murder in Latin America. Those meetings served to build support for the FDN Contras as well as UNITA and RENAMO, both allies of South Africa. The U.S. branch, led by Major General John Singlaub, also has had racists, anti-Semites and at least one member of a Nazi collaborationist organization on its board. [Bellant (CC); Anderson 256-7, 270;

Jr.: Episcopal bishop. Missionary bishop, United Episcopal Church of America and member of the American Security Council. Advisory Board of United States Council for World Freedom (1986) which is the U.S. branch of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), CNP governor.

Source(s): American Foreign Policy Council, New and Events, September 1, 1991, Questions in Moscow: "Sven Kraemer, Director of Policy at the American Security Council..."

Son of Fritz Kraemer. Fritz Kraemer was born in Essen, in the Rhineland, then technically part of Prussia. His father was a state prosecutor, and his mother was the daughter of a prominent industrialist. He had a brilliant academic career. He was educated at the Arndt gymnasium in Berlin, then at the London School of Economics and the universities of Geneva and Berlin. He subsequently earned doctorates both from the Goethe University in Frankfurt and from the University of Rome. In 1933, he left Germany to work as a legal adviser for the League of Nations in Rome, and he wrote eight books on international law. Having observed fascism in both Italy and Germany, he fled to the United States in 1939 on the eve of war. Once in the American Army, he cut an eccentric figure, habitually wearing a monocle and carrying a riding crop while speaking loudly in a strong German accent. At Camp Claiborne in Louisiana, his demeanor attracted the attention of Maj. Gen. Alexander R. Bolling (Commd. 2d lt., U.S. Army, 1917, advanced through grades to lt. gen., 1952, comdr. 3d Army, Ft. McPherson, Atlanta; ret., 1955), the commanding officer of the 84th Division, who assigned him to his headquarters. When the US 84th division, the "Railsplitters", arrived in Germany in early 1945, after the battle of the Ardennes, Kraemer was able to arrange for the young Kissinger to become General Bolling's German-speaking driver. The appointment launched Kissinger into the counter- intelligence corps, and a series of responsible jobs in the postwar US military government of Germany that were to be the making of his career. In truth, the two men's relationship was not without its disagreements. In the years of Richard Nixon's presidency, when Kissinger was at his most powerful, the inflexible Kraemer could not accept his former protege's policy of detente, and they did not speak for 28 years. Last year, however, Kissinger telephoned Kraemer to make it up. He went on to give the address at Kraemer's funeral, and has written that Kraemer "will remain to me a beacon".

Pentagon Fritz Kraemer shares offices with former Defense Intelligence Agency chief Daniel Graham. November 9, 1990, Conservative Leadership Conference, 'Strategic weapons in a changing world' (CSPAN video): "Speakers Gaffney, [Daniel] Graham, and [Fritz] Kraemer spoke of various strategic issues and forces and of the importance of the Strategic Defense Initiative. All three expressed their opposition to arms reduction and discussed the need to remain vigilant despite the end of the Cold War."

From 1951 until his retirement in 1978, he worked in the Pentagon as a senior civilian counselor to defense secretaries and top military commanders. His son, Sven, a Pentagon official, said that Mr. Kraemer's title often changed but that he occupied the same map-covered office from which he would be called on to prepare briefings, often on short notice, on such diverse subjects as political developments in Southeast Asia, economic prospects in China and French views on nuclear weapons. He also developed close and mentoring relationships with many officers who either occupied or would rise to powerful positions, among them, Gen. Creighton Abrams; Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr.; Gen. Vernon A. Walters, who later served as ambassador to the United Nations; and Maj. Gen. Edward G. Lansdale, the theoretician of counterinsurgency. Also influenced James Schlesinger and Rumsfeld.

January 5, 1987, Mae Brussel, World Watchers International, Broadcast 787: "In light of Reagan's life and the conservative policies, by having Fritz Kraemer continue in the National Security Council — until this point I knew he was of tremendous influence sharing offices with Daniel Graham of Star Wars and Fred Ikle, Deputy of the Defense Department..."

Sven Kraemer: Staff member Senator John Tower. Office Secretary of Defense 1963-67. Staff NSC 1967-76. Advisory council National Strategy Information Center anno 1978. Director of arms control at the NSC 1981-87. Member Republican Policy Committee. In charge of the defense planning staff at the National Security Council under Reagan. Member unofficial Madison Group (with Perle and others). Director of Policy at the American Security Council in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Policy advisor to Douglas J. Feith, the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy 2001-05. Guest lecturer at the Institute of World Politics. Advisory council Center for Security Policy (anno 2011).

Source(s): 1993, Peter Dale Scott, 'Deep Politics and the Death of JFK', p. 292

Protege of Robert Morris. 1963 author of How the Far East Was Lost.

Anthony Kubek was born in 1920. After a year as a scholarship student at Geneva College, he served during World War II in the US Navy in the Pacific theater and the Far East. He earned three degrees from Georgetown University: B.A. in Foreign Service (1948), M.A. (1950), and Ph.D. in American Diplomatic History (1956). During his academic career, he served as the Academic Dean of Frisco College, in Frisco, Texas, and as a professor at the University of Dallas, where he was chairman of the Department of History and Political Science. He was widely known as a lecturer and a consultant on American foreign policy. He was active in the national honor society Phil Alpha Theta, the Political Science Association, and the American Historical Association. Roman Catholic.

Singlaub and another leader of his U.S. WACL chapter (Anthony Kubek) joined the advisory board of Western Goals. Though Singlaub left Western Goals in 1984, the organization is controlled today by Carl Spitz Channell, who in 1986 met with Oliver North “five or ten times” about his TV advertising campaigns against political candidates opposed to contra aid.

United States Council for World Freedom: Possony; Milnor; Singlaub; Graham; Dobriansky; Kubek; Robert Morris; Raymond Sleeper; Lewis Walt; Ray Cline. Roger Fontaine (son-in-law of Ray Cline; Washington Times ).

1995, Sara Diamond, 'Roads to dominion', p. 349: "The letterhead of Liebman's American Chilean Council includes the following, listed as "founding member": ... Lev Dobriansky ... Anthony Kubeck ... Stefan Possony."

Dean and chief academic officer at the University of Plano (of Robert J. Morris) for a year before teaching for 10 years at Troy State University in Troy, Ala. Taught part time at St. John's University in New York before retiring from teaching in 1993.

Devout Catholic and was a member of St. Luke Catholic Church and had been a member of Holy Family Catholic Church, both in Irving.

Professor University of Dallas 1959-74 (chairman of the department of history and political science). Wrote How The Far East Was Lost [to communism] in 1963 (Henry Regnery Co.). Professor at Fu-Jen Catholic University in Taiwan in 1966. In 1970, he met with Chiang Kai-shek, leader of Taiwan's Nationalist Party. Consultant to the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Co-founder American-Chilean Council. Advisory board Western Goals Foundation and WACL U.S.

October 25, 1995, South Bend Tribune (Indiana), 'JAPANESE WANTED TO END WAR LONG BEFORE BOMBS DROPPED * MICHIANA POINT OF VIEW': "Prevailing wisdom concerning the August 1945 atomic bombings of the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki holds that those twin horrors were undertaken to force Japan to sue for peace. Had the bombs not been employed, this belief holds, an enormous number of American troops would have perished in an inevitable amphibious operation against the Japanese mainland. Such a concept is a myth. My studies have led me to believe that the Japanese began sending out peace feelers as early as 1942, after the Battle of Midway. In August 1942, the interned British ambassador, Sir Robert Craig, was given a peace communique, according to the 1950 book "Journey to the Missouri," by Toshikasu Case. Also according to Case, on June 26, 1944, Baron Kido, a close adviser to the emperor, sent for Foreign Minister Shigemitsu and asked him if he would work out some plan looking toward an eventual diplomatic settlement. In the fall of 1944, Emperor Hirohito attempted to make peace with China, as documented in the 1950 book "I Was There" by Admiral William D. Leahy. The Japanese explored the possibility of peace through the Vatican in November 1944. A Japanese communique was sent to Gen. Douglas MacArthur in January 1945, indicating a willingness to surrender with the same terms as those after the bombing of Nagasaki. This is according to 1945 reports in the Chicago Tribune and the Washington Times Herald. Please remember that 65,000 Americans were either wounded or killed at Iwo Jima and Okinawa - a total wasteof lives. The Japanese made efforts for peace through Soviet mediation on June 1, 1945, to "secure peace at any price." ("No Wonder We Are Losing," by Robert Morris, 1966) and also made efforts for peace through Prince Carl Bernodotte of Sweden on July 6, 1945. ("How the Far East was Lost" by Professor Anthony Kubek, 1963). Gen. MacArthur's communique was rejected by President Roosevelt and later by Gen. Marshall and President Truman, according to the 1966 book "The Death of James Forrestal" by Cornell Simpson. The purpose of Roosevelt, Truman and Marshall was to wait for Russia's entry into the war against Japan to secure Manchuria, Sakhalin and the Kurile Islands for Josef Stalin, as well as his aid to Mao Tse-Tung to achieve victory for communism in China. In addition, the world's people were horrified into accepting the embryonic concept of world government through the United Nations, due to the potential of nuclear holocaust. Since the Japanese peace overtures were rejected by the United States, they fought to the death, thus the use of kamikaze pilots. This column is in no way attempting to justify Japanese treachery and atrocities committed during the war. But I do believe that Roosevelt, Marshall and Truman were political criminals. James Engan is a Middlebury resident."

Source(s): 1962, Irwin Suall, 'The American Ultras: The extreme right and the military-industrial complex', p. 9

Lecturer for the American Security Council. Spoke at a 1961 meeting of We the People.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1894-1956. U.S. Minister to Nicaragua (1933–1936); Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania (1936–1937); Kingdom of Yugoslavia, (1937–1941); and Costa Rica (1941–1942). U.S. Ambassador to Colombia (1942–1944); Poland (1944–1947). Wrote the book I Saw Poland Betrayed. Active in investigating the Katyn Massacre (of Soviet secret police on Polish civilians) and in several anti-Communist organizations (National Committee for a Free Europe).

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; 1991, Russ Bellant, 'Old Nazis', p. 37: " Edward Lansdale became administrative director of IAS [later ASCF] in the mid-1960's, serving the American Security Council."

1908-1983. OSS during WWII. Rose to become General in the Air Force, which was largely a cover for his CIA operations. Ran the election campaign of the in 1953 elected Philippine president Colonel Ramon Magsaysay (died in 1957 in a plane crash). Advisor on special counter-guerrilla operations to French forces against the Viet Minh in French Indo-China (the region of present-day: Vietnam; Laos; Cambodia; Thailand; etc.) in 1953. Head of the Saigon Military Mission (SMM) 1954-1957. Active in training and bolstering the Vietnamese National Army (VNA) and a campaign to drive Catholic refugees from the north down to the Saigon region. Friend and advisor to the corrupt first president of South-Vietnam (1955-1963), a Catholic. At the DOD from 1957 to 1963: Deputy Assistant Secretary for Special Operations, Staff Member of the President's Committee on Military Assistance, and Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations. Together with Gen. William H. Craig, Landsdale drew up the plans of Operation Northwoods. Gen. Lemnitzer, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, supported the plans and provided them to the Kennedy administration. First to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and three days later to Kennedy. A JCS/Pentagon document (Ed Lansdale memo) dated March 16, 1962 titled 'Meeting with the president', 16 March 1962 reads: "General Lemnitzer commented that the military had contingency plans for US intervention [in Cuba]. Also it had plans for creating plausible pretexts to use force, with the pretext either attacks on US aircraft or a Cuban action in Latin America for which we could retaliate [Operation Northwoods]. The President [Kennedy] said bluntly that we were not discussing the use of military force..." Following presentation of the Northwoods plan, Kennedy removed Lemnitzer as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Lansdale headed Operation Mongoose/Cuban Project after the failed Bay of Pigs incident in 1961, an invasion Lansdale had opposed from the beginning because he did not think it would lead to a popular uprising. Claimed to have been fired by McNamara after declining Kennedy's offer to play a role in the overthrow of the Catholic Diem regime. L. Fletcher Prouty's March 1990 letter to Jim Garrison: "For example: the most important part of my book, "The Secret Team", is not something that I wrote. It is Appendix III under the title, "Training Under The Mutual Security Program". ... This material was the work of Lansdale and his crony General Dick Stillwell. ... Lansdale and Stillwell were long-time "Asia hands" as were Gen Erskine, Adm Radford, Cardinal Spellman, Henry Luce and so many others." 1980, Richard Drinnon, 'Facing west:', p. 365: "For that union of covert operations of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the special operations of the U.S. Army, one has to go back to a seminal document circulated within the Eisenhower administration. Titled "Training under the Mutual Security Program" and dated May 15, 1959, it came primarily from the pen of Brigadier General Richard Giles Stilwell, ... who was said by David Halberstam to be "a former CIA man". ... It incorporated a good deal of material written by other cold warriors and in particular a "Confidential memorandum prepared by Colonel E. G. Lansdale." Online Archive of California, Edward G. Lansdale Papers: "Box 43: ... "Training Under the Mutual Security Program," by R. G. Stilwell, May 15, 1959." July 24, 2005, Washington Times, 'How the Kennedys hoped to take down Castro': "What appalled veterans such as Halpern, Helms, and officers such as Ted Shackley, who eventually ran CIA's vast Miami station, JMWAVE, was that Lansdale insisted on planning covert operations without first doing the essential first step of gathering intelligence on what could likely be done inside Cuba. Consequently, writes Mr. Bohning, although some of the schemes were "creative, others [were] obviously unrealistic, unachievable, and even idiotic.""

Became administrative director of the Institute for American Strategy in the mid 1960s. In the late 1950s and early 1960s ASC gained some notoriety when it was revealed that one of its affiliates, the Institute for American Strategy (IAS), had been used by the National Security Council as the vehicle for training military personnel on national security issues, with help from the right-wing Richardson Foundation. Lansdale recruited John Deutsch in 1961, a later CIA director.

Michael Hand was one of the 5 top aids of General Edward Landsale.

Source(s): 1983 ASC national strategy committee list

MG Larkin was a native of Omaha, NE and after graduating from West Point in 1952, immediately entered into the Korean War as a platoon leader and then company commander. MG Larkin later served as commander of the 3rd Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Infantry Division in Vietnam in 1968-1969, and as commander of the 2nd Brigade and Assistant Division Commander of the 4th Infantry Division (Mechanized) at Fort Carson, Colorado. MG Larkin also served as the Defense Attaché to the U.S. Ambassador to Russia from 1977 to 1979, followed by assignment as the Deputy Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, the position he held until retiring from active duty in 1981. MG Larkin held masters degrees in Russian from Columbia University and in Industrial Engineering from George Washington University. He also graduated from the U.S. Army War College in 1971. Following his military career, he held several positions with defense contractors before starting his own defense consulting company, where he continued his life’s work of protecting our nation. During his second career, he remained active in national security, including serving as President of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers (AFIO), and as an expert witness in espionage cases. He also served as his West Point class President for 20 years. Died in 2010.

Source(s): Who's Who (regular member)

1931-2002. In US Air Force 1950-1954. Research engineer Econs. Laboratory, Inc., St. Paul, 1957—1959; senior devel. engineer Philco Western Devel. Laboratory, 1959—1960; supervisor Lockheed Missiles and Space Co.; group manager Honeywell, 1968; director programs Textron, Inc., Dalmo Victor Co., Belmont, California, 1968—1969; president, CEO, chairman board EOCOM Corp., Irvine, 1969—1979; vice president, general manager Electro-Optics div. Honeywell, Inc., 1979—1984; president to CEO RECON/Optical, Inc., Barrington, Illinois, from 1984. Achievements include appointed by President Carter to serve UN Day Chmn; appointed by President Carter to serve Illinois Ambassador by Governor Thompson.

Source(s): Mentioned by various sources; His daughter, Michelle: American Security Council, Benefactors page, President's Circle (December 2010)

A hawkish Republican, Paul Laxalt is one of the bigger names in Nevada politics, having served as governor, from 1967 to 1971, and later as a US senator, from 1974 to 1987. Co-chairman of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength, founded in 1978. He was a close friend confidant of Ronald Reagan (National Chairman of all of Ronald Reagan's campaigns in 1976, 1980, and 1984), a strong supporter of the MX nuclear missile program, and a liaison between the Senate and the White House during the Iran-Contra scandal. An Army veteran, he was also, according to the New York Times, a good friend of late CIA director William Casey. General Chairman of the Republican Party from 1983 to 1987. Present at the second Jonathan Conference on international terrorism, organized in 1984. Founder of the Paul Laxalt Group, a lobby firm for major corporations, among them Philip Morris and Lockheed Martin.

Born in 1922. Practice in, Carson City; partner firm Laxalt, Ross & Laxalt, 1954-62; district attorney Ormsby County, 1951-54; city attorney Carson City, 1954-55; lieutenant governor Nevada, 1962-66; governor, 1966-70; senior partner Laxalt, Berry & Allison, Carson City, 1970-74; US Senator from Nevada, 1974-86; attorney Finley, Kumble, Wagner, Heine, Underberg, Manley, Myerson & Casey, Washington, 1987-88, Laxalt, Washington, Perito & Dubuc, Washington, 1988-90; founder, president The Paul Laxalt Group, 1990—. President, general manager Ormsby House Hotel and Casino, Carson City, 1972-75. General chairman National Rep. Party, 1983-87; chairman Ronald Reagan for President, 1976, 80, 84; co-chmn. George Bush for President, 1988, 92. Republican. Roman Catholic.

Source(s): American Security Council, Benefactors page, President's Circle (December 2010)

Daugther of Senator Paul Laxalt from Nevada. Owner of the Laxalt Corporation. President of the Paul Laxalt Group, a lobby firm for major corporations, among them Philip Morris and Lockheed Martin.

Research director National Rep. Senatorial Committee; deputy fin. director Committee to Re-elect Senator James L. Buckley; legis. assistant to assistant minority leader Senator Ted Stevens; policy assistant Senate Rep. Conference; director surrogate program Rep. National Committee, 1974-80; director legis. affairs Agency for International Development; legis. director for military assistance, sci. and tech. Department State, Washington, 1980-84; president The Laxalt Corp., 1984—.

Source(s): 1968 ASC National Strategy Committee list; American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

1906-1990. Flying cadet Air Corps, U.S. Army, 1928, commissioned 2d lieutenant, 1930; advanced through grades major general US Army Air Force, 1943; temporary general US Air Force, 1951; chief staff Army of the United States Stategic Air Forces, 1945; deputy chief Air Staff for Research and Development, Washington, 1945; comdg. general US Air Force in Europe, 1947. Commander Strategic Air Command 1948-1957. Vastly improved the efficiency of SAC in these years and built it into the most powerful military force in the world. Vice chief staff Hdqrs. US Air Force, Washington, 1957-61, chief staff, 1961-65; chairman board Networks Electronic Corp., after 1965. Trustee National Geog. Society. Member Masons (33d degree), Sigma Tau, Tau Beta Pi, Theta Tau.

On 20th January 1945 he appointed as head of 21st Bomb Group based on Guam. By this time the Royal Air Force and the United States Army Air Force had devised the strategy of creation firestorms. This was achieved by dropping incendiary bombs, filled with highly combustible chemicals such as magnesium, phosphorus or petroleum jelly (napalm), in clusters over a specific target. After the area caught fire, the air above the bombed area, become extremely hot and rose rapidly. Cold air then rushed in at ground level from the outside and people were sucked into the fire. This strategy was used successfully by LeMay in Japan. During 1945 some 100,000 tons of incendiaries were dropped on 66 cities killing over 260,000 people and destroying an estimated 2,210,000 buildings. The large number of Japanese buildings made of wood made it easy for the bombers to create firestorms. On the 9th and 10th March 1945, a raid on Tokyo devastated the city. Robert McNamara, who served with LeMay during the war, later claimed that they would have been prosecuted as war criminals if the United States had lost the war. Curtis LeMay was involved in the discussions concerning the use of the B-29 Stratafortress bomber to drop the atom bomb on Japan. He helped select the targets of Hiroshima (6th August) and Nagasaki (9th August).

Rude, crude and a bully. Apparently had grown immune to the horror of killing. He had directed the gasoline-jelled fire bombing of Japan -- estimated to have killed "more persons in a six-hour period than at any time in the history of man." He said of war: "You've got to kill people, and when you've killed enough they stop fighting." He once said, "We killed off -- what -- twenty percent of the population of North Korea." More than two million civilians died in LeMay's campaign from napalm bombing and destruction of massive dams to flood waterways. An advocate of preventive nuclear war against the Soviet Union. His very first war plan drawn up in 1949, proposed delivering, "the entire stockpile of atomic bombs in a single massive attack." That meant dropping 133 A-bombs on 70 cities within 30 days. He argued that, "if you are going to use military force, then you ought to use overwhelming military force. Use too much and deliberately use too much.. you’ll save lives, not only your own, but the enemy's too."

He battled with Admiral Arleigh Burke over the control of the nuclear Polaris submarines. LeMay wanted them under his command and actually achieved some control in the Pacific theater. But Burke successfully fought the Air Force every way he knew -- in the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in Congress, and in the press -- any way to prevent LeMay's power grab.

As chief of staff, LeMay clashed repeatedly with Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, Air Force Secretary Eugene Zuckert, and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Army general Maxwell Taylor. During the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, LeMay clashed again with U.S. President John F. Kennedy and Defense Secretary McNamara, arguing that he should be allowed to bomb nuclear missile sites in Cuba. He opposed the naval blockade and, after the end of the crisis, suggested that Cuba be invaded anyway, even after the Russians agreed to withdraw. LeMay called the peaceful resolution of the crisis "the greatest defeat in our history". Unknown to the U.S., the Soviet field commanders in Cuba had been given authority to launch—the only time such authority was delegated by higher command. They had twenty nuclear warheads for medium-range R-12 ballistic missiles capable of reaching U.S. cities (including Washington) and nine tactical nuclear missiles. If Soviet officers had launched them, many millions of U.S. citizens would have been killed. The ensuing SAC retaliatory thermonuclear strike would have killed roughly one hundred million Soviet citizens, and brought nuclear winter to much of the Northern Hemisphere. Kennedy refused LeMay's requests, however, and the naval blockade was successful. Initially supported Nixon. However, LeMay gradually became convinced that Nixon planned to pursue a conciliatory policy with the Soviets and accept nuclear parity rather than retain America's first-strike supremacy. Consequently LeMay, being fully aware of George Wallace's segregationist platform and undeterred by his racist intentions, decided to throw his support to Wallace and eventually became Wallace's running mate. The general was dismayed, however, to find himself attacked in the press as a racial segregationist because he was running with Wallace; he had never considered himself a bigot. During the 1968 campaign, LeMay became widely associated with the "Stone Age" comment, especially because he had suggested use of nuclear weapons as a strategy to quickly resolve a deeply protracted conventional war which eventually claimed over 50,000 American plus millions of Vietnamese lives.

Lemay was doing aggressive SAC spy overflights over the east of the Soviet Union. When Truman forbid him to continue these practices he found ways around this by using Churchill and the British Air Force. Under Ike he continued with the agressive overflights. He was convinced that the U.S. could easily win a war against the Soviet Union at this point and did not seem to have been bothered by a confrontation, not even nuclear. Lemay tried to wrestle control of the U.S. nuclear arms arsenal, but was heavily opposed by Admiral Burke (Pilgrims). He even wanted to introduce weapons into the Korean conflict. (1996, Ike Jeanes, 'Forecast and solution: grappling with the nuclear, a trilogy for everyone', pp. 308-309)

In this case in support with Gen. Maxwell Taylor, Lemay urged LBJ to use force against North Vietnam after the questionable Gulf of Tonkin incident in August 1964. LBJ did not want to go to war before the elections. He easily won the elections, because the republicans backed Sen. Goldwater who was very pro-intervention. Most people hoped LBJ would be the anti-war candidate. After the election LeMay was disappointed that Lyndon B. Johnson did not order a sustained bombing campaign like the one he organized against Germany and Japan during the Second World War. Once again LeMay clashed with Robert McNamara. According to Daniel Ellsberg McNamara was the main person responsible from stopping LeMay "from firebombing or nuking Vietnam".

Lemnitzer and Lemay were supporters of the first Single Integrated Operational Plan that called for a massive retaliation of the entire U.S. nuclear weapons arsenal on Russia, China and all Soviet-allied states in case of a Soviet-only nuclear attack. Kennedy resented the plan and McNamara ordered it revised in 1963.

October 8, 1996, Guardian, 'Portrait: The real doctor Strangelove: General Curtis LeMay twice pushed the world to the edge of nuclear oblivion. Paul Lashmar recalls the life of a cold war warrior': "GRANITE faced, taciturn, and with a cigar perpetually stuck in the side of his mouth, General Curtis E LeMay was the epitome of the fifties nuclear general. He was reputedly the model for the mad military chief in Stanley Kubrick's cold war masterpiece, Dr Strangelove. And, as I discovered while researching a television documentary on his life, he at least twice pushed the world close to nuclear oblivion. LeMay had finshed the second world war a hero. In early 1945, as the youngest major general ever appointed to the US air force, he was sent to the Pacific to invigorate the bombing campaign against Japan. He had witnessed Bomber Harris's campaign in Europe. Like Harris, he was an engineer by training and treated every problem as a logistics puzzle. In Japan, he turned B-29s from industrial and strategic centres to fire-raids on whole cities. He started with a night raid on Tokyo on March 9, 1945. Using incendiaries and napalm, LeMay's airforce created a massive firestorm, which produced the most destructive six hours in the history of warfare. One hundred and forty thousand civilians were killed, more than at Dresden, Hiroshima or Nagasaki. LeMay began a systematic campaign to bomb the heart out of urban Japan, burning up 62 cities in four months. Then the dropping of the A-bombs (the planes were nominally under LeMay's command) brought the war to an end. In autumn 1948, after brillantly organising the US side of the Berlin Airlift, LeMay took over the newly-formed, but demoralised, Strategic Air Command. Through inspired leadership he rapidly turned SAC into an elite unit, whose long-range bombers became the most powerful nuclear offensive force the world has ever seen. By 1953 they were capable of delivering a major strike against the communist world - LeMay's famous "Sunday punch". These were the years when much of the American military believed that Stalin was about to launch a full-scale attack on the West. In Washington, the idea of a pre-emptive strike on the Soviet Union before it had an atomic stockpile - a concept euphemistically dubbed "preventive war" - was being discussed. LeMay proposed a variation on preventive war. In the early 1950s, the US Air War College drew up a plan called Project Control, designed to roll back the Soviet Union. Under stage one, the US would issue an ultimatum; if the Soviets did not capitulate within six months, Project Control would move to a series of air attacks, including the use of nuclear weapons. Central to Project Control were overflights by LeMay's spyplanes to police Soviet airspace. Even before the plan had been shown to the politicians, LeMay ordered a test run of this central tenet. On May 8, 1954, a converted B-47 bomber took off from RAF Fairford in Oxfordshire. It flew round the coast of Norway to Murmansk. There, it suddenly turned south and flew deep into the Soviet Union, photographing airfields and military installations. The Soviets were furious. The pilot of this provocative mission, Colonel Hal Austin, had been personally briefed by the general. "LeMay said, 'Well, maybe if we do this overflight right, we can get world war three started.' I think that was just a loose comment for his staff guys, because General (Thomas) Power was his hatchet man in those days, and he chuckled. General Power never laughed very much, so I always figured that was kind of a joke between them." If Austin thought LeMay's remark might be a joke, an encounter between the two men 30 years later showed it was not. "His (LeMay's) comment there again was, 'Well, we'd have been a hell of a lot better off if we'd got world war three started in those days."' By late 1954, Project Control had received a major political knockback when the State Department rejected it. Then followed another blow. The Air War College war-gamed the idea for many months into 1955 and a letter to LeMay tells of the result: the Red Team (acting as the USSR) launched a preventive nuclear strike on the Blue Team (acting as the US). "Blues large-scale overflights of Red territory triggered off the conflict." Despite this, in 1956, LeMay undertook a major series of spyflights over the Soviet Union. In April alone there were three sets of nine simultaneous penetrations of the USSR's northern borders. There are believed to have been many more such flights that year, though no record of President Eisenhower being informed has ever been found. Eisenhower's aide, General Andrew Goodpaster, has told BBC-2's Timewatch programme: "I simply remember no incident where such flights were authorised and I would be astounded a) that it happened, and b) that I don't now remember if it did happen. I think I would have known because that was my job; I was the defence liaison officer in Eisenhower's office. President Eisenhower said that he was not going to have members of the armed forces flying over the Soviet Union. That actually was an act of war." There is evidence that the Soviet leader Nikita Krushchev was infuriated by LeMay's flights but decided that the USSR should not respond. However, they did produce a further tension to the cold war. In 1981, LeMay was interviewed in retirement by Professor Michael Sherry, of Northwestern University. At one point, LeMay told Sherry to turn off his tape recorder. "LeMay did tell some stories in his boastful manner of how SAC deliberately sent American bombers into Russian airspace in the 1950s. There was a hint that he wouldn't have minded if such over-flights had provoked an escalating series of incidents between the US and Russia that would allow that kind of preventative attack to take place." LeMay was again to bring the world close to nuclear war during the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. As Chief of the US Air Force he took the most bellicose stance of the American crisis team. The joint chiefs of staff held daily meetings and most advocated military action - bombing the missile sites and possibly invading to wipe them out. If Krushchev had misjudged the US and provoked a crisis, LeMay was prepared to face him down. The CIA analyst, Dino Brugioni, says LeMay argued at one Pentagon briefing that "the Russian bear has always been eager to stick his paw in Latin American waters. Now we have got him in a trap, let's take his leg off right up to his testicles. On second thoughts, let's take off his testicles, too." LeMay was pushing Kennedy into attacking Cuba. If necessary, he would launch a strategic nuclear attack on the Soviet Union and China if they showed any sign of retaliation. Fortunately, President Kennedy and Krushchev negotiated a deal and the Soviets took their missiles home. LEMAY took the view that the US had lost. "The Kennedy administration thought that being strong, as we were, was provocative and likely to start a war," he said later, with obvious contempt. "We in the Air Force, and I personally, believed the exact opposite . . . We could have gotten not only the missiles out of Cuba, we could have gotten the communists out of Cuba at the same time . . . During that very critical time, in my mind there wasn't a chance that we would have gone to war with Russia because we had overwhelming strategic capability and the Russians knew it." What LeMay did not know, and no one in the US government knew until 1989, was that, contrary to CIA estimates, the Soviet forces in Cuba possessed one to three megaton hydrogen warheads for some 20 medium-range ballistic missiles targetable on US cities as far north as Washington. In addition, there were tactical nuclear weapons under local Soviet commanders in Cuba. There were also 43,000 - not 10,000 - Soviet military personnel on the island. If the Soviet field commanders had launched their missiles, millions of Americans would have been killed. After the Cuban crisis, LeMay found it increasingly difficult to work with Kennedy. He fell out with the Defence Secretary, Robert McNamara, over his refusal to authorise production of a new bomber, the B-70, though after JFK's assassination, Lyndon Johnson kept both men on. LeMay retired in 1965 and died in 1990. Paul Lashmar is producer of Baiting the Bear, to be shown on Timewatch, BBC-2, tonight at 9pm. His book, Spyflights of the Cold War, is published this week by Sutton."

October 9, 1996, The Times, 'How to make a conspiracy out of a mystery': "Timewatch: Baiting the Bear (BBC2) went better still. Not only did it have the former head of Soviet air intelligence on hand to describe the day world war three almost broke out, it had Nikita Khrushchev's son to explain that his father was a much misunderstood man, who spent half his career as Soviet leader pretending that the Kremlin had far more military resources than it actually had and the other half actually having them. But I may have got my bomber gaps and missile gaps mixed up, so please don't take my word for it. This was the story of General Curtis E. LeMay, whose career of astonishing aggression began with the fire-bombing of Tokyo and ended shortly after what was for him a very disappointing Cuban missile crisis. His mission statement: "My job is to kill the enemy and when I've killed enough of them, they'll stop fighting." Together with his side-kick and eventual successor at Strategic Air Command, General Thomas Power, LeMay was a man who thought that nuclear war was so winnable he set out to start one. Quietly, without telling President Eisenhower, he started sending U2 spy-planes over the Soviet Union in the hope of provoking a response. Project Control it was called, but Project Out of Control might have been more accurate. Paul Lashmar's film contained an impressive amount of first-hand testimony but took too long to get to the extraordinary goings- on of the late 1950s and early 1960s, by which time it was difficult to tell who was the madder, LeMay or Power. Thank goodness, somebody invented rock and roll to take our minds off it all."

LEMAY ON UFO'S:

1965, Curtis LeMay and MacKinlay Kantor, 'Mission with LeMay: My Story', pp. 541-543: "Here, for what they are worth, are my own comments on the subject. Naturally I am not quoting any Classified information. I am giving the straightest answers I can give... The bulk of the [flying saucer] reports could be run down. Some natural phenomenon might usually account for those sightings which had been seen and reported, and thus explain them. However, we had a number of reports from reputable people (well-educated, serious-minded folks - scientists and flyers) who surely saw something. There is no question about it: these were things which we could not tie in with any natural phenomena known to our investigators. Many of the mysteries might be explained away as weather balloons, stars, reflected lights, all sorts of odds and ends. I don't mean to say that, in the unclosed and unexplained or unexplainable instances, those were actually flying objects. All I can say is that no natural phenomena could be found to account for them. ... Unfortunately there is a current belief, on the part of the public as a whole - the intelligent public - that the United States Air Force has made and is still making a deliberate effort to discount all reported sightings. Furthermore, if they couldn't actually discount a certain case by referring to hallucination, inexperience, or mass hysteria - to disregard it completely. It is alleged also that there have been attempts, by word of mouth or by directive to newspapers from the Air Force, to hush the whole thing up. To muzzle the press...People who believe these rumors are clinging to a falsehood. It is absolutely untrue that any such directive was ever put forth. I never heard of it in 1947, when the first saucer accounts were published; I never heard of it after I came to command SAC; never heard of it when I was in the Pentagon...We must have had a bad public relations program in this particular area, to let such an impression get out. ... Let me repeat: to my knowledge, there's never been any directive or effort from the top, in the Air Force, to control the public attitude toward UFOs. And repeat again: there were some cases we could not explain. Never could."

The author with LeMay had himself seen a UFO. January 1966, Popular Science, 'Why I Believe - MacKinlay Kantor - Pulitzer Prize winning author of "Andersonville"': "The noted writer--co-author with Gen. Curtis E. Lemay of "Mission with LeMay. My Story"--tells of the strange personal sighting that convinced him that UFOs are real. Well, to begin with, I saw one. But for some years previously. I had believed that Unidentified Flying Objects must exist. I'd heard the calm testimony of too many experienced pilots and other observers, not to believe. Let's say that you are a skeptic--the same sort of grimly determined Doubting Thomas that I used to be. Would your skepticism still prevail if you could hear the dry steady voice of Gen. Curtis E. LeMay saying-- as indeed I've heard him say: "Repeat again: There were some cases we could not explain. Never could." When I first spotted the UFO it was hanging motionless in the sky. I looked at my wristwatch. 6:07 p.m. The date was January 4, 1954, a Monday. The place: My own beach on the Gulf of Mexico about five miles from downtown Sarasota, Fla., on an island called Siesta Key. On viewing the UFO, I felt a great wave of thankfulness. By golly, I thought, at last it's here. Now I don't just have to believe. Now I know. It looked like the top third of an apricot. The sun had fallen below the horizon a few minutes before, and earth and Gulf were now in shadow. But that object in the sky still gleamed brightly. I assumed that the orange coloration came from the sun's reflection on a curved surface of metal or some similar substance, rather than from any light radiating from the critter's interior. Also, there seemed to be some sort of rim around the bottom. It was at too great a distance: I couldn't tell whether there were any windows or ports. And, both on the right and left sides of the curved body, dark shadows came up to claim the surface and accentuate a brilliant sheen on that portion of the curve nearest me. ... As for true altitude and size, there was nothing to do but guess and wonder. The UFO had to be somewhere out over the Gulf of Mexico. Since I didn't know its size I couldn't establish any true altitude. Nor could I do more than guess at its distance from me. ... The thing was motionless. It moved neither to right nor left, for a matter of minutes. ... On the next property an old man stepped onto the beach, Dr. Gillespie who had rented the place for the season. I headed for him as fast as I could move. "Doctor! Doctor! Look!" I pointed as I ran. He stared, turned, gazed toward the sea. When I reached him he was looking a little too far to the west, and I put my arm around his shoulders and turned him more toward the south. "Above the trees! Don't you see it?" "I see it," he said, "but I can't make out just what it is. Doesn't that look like--? Isn't it two airplanes refueling in midair?" "If it's two airplanes refueling in midair, aren't they headed in opposite directions?" The doctor chuckled. "Guess they are." "But, Doctor, that thing's absolutely motionless. It doesn't move to right or left." "I guess you're right." At that moment the object took off. It started with unbelievable speed, moving on a diagonal line, ascending as it receded into the southwest. I didn't take my eyes off the thing. It was really traveling. I had never seen anything hurtle so rapidly except a meteorite. I have messed around with the Air Force for a good long generation and have poked my nose into two wars. I know of no aircraft which might move with such terrific speed through our atmosphere. Then it was gone. ... Next morning I drove to MacDill Air Force base at Tampa to report the incident to Col. Michael McCoy, who was then commanding the bomb wing. At MacDill, I found Mike McCoy in his office, and proceeded to sit down and tell him the whole story. I drew some sketches, too. When I was through, Mike sat tugging at his red-gray moustache. Well, what do we do, Mack? Send a report to Project Blue Book at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base?" "No," I said, "I guess not." "You saw it, didn't you?" "Yes. But if we send in this report some character will come along and tell me patiently that what I saw was the planet Venus or the planet Mars or the star so-and-so, or a Navy balloon, or a conventional aircraft; or that maybe I was the victim of an illusion induced by hysteria." "Exactly," said Colonel McCoy. "That's what they're always saying. Let's just forget it." "I won't forget it," I told him. "I'll remember it." Recently Curt LeMay and I were discussing UFOs while I worked with him on his autobiography (Mission with LeMay--My story, by General Curtis E. LeMay with Mackinlay Kantor, Doubleday, 1965). Let me quote a few lines from what General LeMay had to say about UFOs. [see above]"

April 25, 1988, The New Yorker, p. 70: "I used to receive a hundred calls a year from people who wanted me to get into the Green Room at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, because that's where the Air Force stored all the material gathered on UFOs. I once asked Curtis LeMay if I could get in that room, and he just gave me holy hell. He said, "Not only can't you get into it but don't you ever mention it to me again." Now, with the millions of planets that we know are up there, it's hard for me to believe that ours is the only goddam one that has things that can think walking around on it. So when people tell me they've seen UFOs, I don't say they haven't. In fifteen thousand hours of flying, I've never seen one, but I've talked to pilots who have. I talked to an airline crew that swore up and down that an object came alongside of them one night, and before they could do anything it vanished. We lost a military pilot who went up to intercept strange lights and never came back. His airplane disappeared, too. I won't argue for or against." Goldwater can be seen making similar statements on Youtube. Goldwater was a USAF reserve general.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; Strategy Board 1983

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff 1960-1962. Supported and signed the planning of Operation Northwoods under Gen. Edward Lansdale and Gen. William H. Craig. Presented Northwoods first to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and three days later to Kennedy. A JCS/Pentagon document (Ed Lansdale memo) dated March 16, 1962 titled 'Meeting with the president', 16 March 1962 reads: "General Lemnitzer commented that the military had contingency plans for US intervention [in Cuba]. Also it had plans for creating plausible pretexts to use force, with the pretext either attacks on US aircraft or a Cuban action in Latin America for which we could retaliate [Operation Northwoods]. The President [Kennedy] said bluntly that we were not discussing the use of military force..." Following presentation of the Northwoods plan, Kennedy removed Lemnitzer as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Supreme Allied Commander of NATO 1963-. Co-chairman Coalition for Peace Through Strength.

Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army, 1920, advanced through grades to general, 1955, instructor U.S. Military Academy, 1926-30, 34-35, instructor tactics C.A. School, 1936-39, member General Staff Corps, 1941-42; with war plans div. War Department, assistant G-3, Hdqrs. and chief plans div. Army Ground Forces; comdg. general 34th A.A. Brigadier Norfolk (Virginia) and England, 1942; assistant chief of staff, G-3 to General Eisenhower Allied Force Hdqrs., London and Algiers, 1942; deputy chief of staff to General M.W. Clark 5th Army, 1943; comdg. general 34th A.A. Brigadier, Tunisian campaign, 1943; deputy chief general staff to General Sir Harold Alexander 15th Army Group, Sicily and Italy, 1943-44; deputy chief of staff Allied Force Hdqrs. to Field Marshal Alexander, 1945; Army member Joint Strategic Survey Committee, Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1946-47; deputy commandant National War College, 1947-49; director foreign military assistance Department Defense, 1949-50; comdg. general 11th Airborne Div., 1951, 7th Infantry Div., Korea, 1951-52; deputy chief of staff plans and research Department Army, 1952-55; comdg. general Army Forces Far East and 8th U.S. Army in Japan and Korea, 1955; Commander in chief Far East Command; Commander in chief UN Command, governor Ryukyu Islands, 1955-57; army vice chief of staff, 1957-59; army chief of staff, 1959-60; chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1960-62; Commander in chief European Command, 1962-69; supreme allied Commander Europe, 1963-69. Member Masons (33 degree), Knight Templar, Shriners.

Source(s): 1968, associate editor ASC Washington Report (according to one of its papers); 1974, Science Associates/International, inc., Readers advisory service: Selected topical booklists, Volume 1, Numbers 1-35, page xlviii: "WASHINGTON REPORT (American Security Council). 1969-Date. ... Its weekly publication [is]the WASHINGTON REPORT ... Among the writers preparing material for WASHINGTON REPORT are Anthony Harrigan, Richard Ichord, John F. Lewis, William D. Pawley, and Stefan T. Possony" John Fisher's history of the ASC: "Fisher established a Washington Bureau headed by Lee R. Pennington retired FBI Inspector and retired head of the American Legion Americanism Committee. He added just-retired Judge Advocate General of the U.S. Navy, Rear Admiral Chester C. Ward, as editor of the ASC Washington Report newsletter."

Associate editor ASC Washington Report 1960s and 1970s. Coordinating editor Committee on Internal Security in the 1970s. His son was probably a senior FBI agent:

John F. Lewis, Jr.: FBI director of intelligence and counter-intelligence. Head of national security at the FBI. Director of Global Security for Goldman, Sachs & Co., New York. Chairman of the International Association of Chiefs of Police Committee on Terrorism. Biographical information from: June 5, 2000, Report of the National Commission on Terrorism, Countering the Changing Threat of International Terrorism: "L. Paul Bremer III... Maurice Sonnenberg... Richard K. Betts... [General] Wayne A. Downing [Commander in chief, US Special Operations Command. Appointed to assess the 1996 attack on the Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia]... Fred Ikle... John F. Lewis, Jr. ... R. James Woolsey..."

January 24, 2002, Washington Times, 'CIA rethinks rules that limit recruits': "The CIA is reviewing whether to abandon 1995 restrictions that limit the recruitment of agents with unsavory backgrounds. "The matter is under review," said a U.S. intelligence official, who noted that "the guidelines have already been relaxed." The 1995 rules require all CIA officers in the field to obtain approval from CIA headquarters before recruiting foreign agents with histories of human rights abuses. They were passed by Congress under pressure from Democrats. CIA clandestine service officers opposed the rules, saying they would hamper efforts to recruit agents and have a chilling effect on their spying activities. CIA spokesmen have said there hasn't been a negative effect on recruitment. Following the September 11 terrorist attacks, the rules were modified to permit CIA officers to again recruit foreigners with questionable pasts without first checking with Langley headquarters. But they are still required to report the recruitment efforts. "The decision to use an individual with an unsavory background, because that individual committed serious crimes or human rights abuses, can be made in the field if that individual has insights about terrorist activities and threats," the official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity. However, CIA headquarters must be informed within several days of the recruitment attempt or information-collection effort, "and a formal decision with respect to continued use rests with the deputy director for operations," the official said. The deputy director for operations is the CIA's senior official in charge of espionage operations. "The restrictions have not been rescinded, but modified in a way that will speed our ability to obtain information that might be useful in the fight against terrorism," said a U.S. official. The October decision was made by CIA Director George J. Tenet due to "the urgency of the situation." A section of the fiscal 2002 Intelligence Authorization Act, signed into law by President Bush on Dec. 28, calls on Mr. Tenet to "rescind the existing 1995 CIA guidelines for handling cases involving foreign assets or sources with human rights concerns." The law states new guidelines are needed that will "allow for indications and warnings of plans and intentions of hostile actions or events, and ensure that such information is shared in a broad and expeditious fashion so, that to the extent possible, actions to protect American lives can be taken." In 1995, the restrictions were instituted after a Guatemalan army colonel on the CIA payroll was linked to the murder of an American. The CIA then fired about 1,000 of its agents and imposed the recruitment restriction. The fired agents included Middle Eastern sources who could have provided information about terrorist operations. L. Paul Bremer, head of a blue-ribbon commission that investigated terrorism policies in 2000, said the commission heard testimony from several CIA officers who said the restrictions hampered efforts to recruit terrorists and other intelligence sources. The commission's report made public in June 2000 stated that "complex bureaucratic procedures now in place send an unmistakable message to Central Intelligence Agency officers in the field that recruiting clandestine sources of terrorist information is encouraged in theory but discouraged in practice." The panel included 10 national security specialists, including former CIA Director R. James Woolsey and former FBI Assistant Director John F. Lewis Jr. "

Source(s): November 18, 1978, Washington Post, 'Bessie H. Ley, 72, Ex-Secretary At Agriculture Bessie Hughes Ley, 72, a retired secretary with the Department of Agriculture, died of cancer Tuesday at her Washington home'

Washington Post: Mrs. Ley was born in Wabash Valley, Va. In 1934, after attending business college in Roanoke, Va., she joined the Department of Agriculture as a private secretary. She retired in 1968.She was active in several organizations here, including the Black Silent Majority Committee and the American Security Council.She also was active in Republican politics...

Source(s): Some of Liebman's papers at the Online Archive of California read "American Security Council, 1963-1968"; 1964, ASC Press, 'Peace and Freedom through Cold War Victory' (lists Frawley, Teller, Adm. Ward, Gen. Wedemeyer, Gen. Wood, Hazlitt, Liebman, Possony, Braden, Fisher)

Fired from the army for his homosexuality. Later Irgun agent. Fundraiser United Jewish Appeal. Co-founder and secretary Committee of One Million 1953-1969. Co-founder WACL in 1958 and secretary of its first steering committee. Co-founder American Emergency Committee for Tibetan Refugees in 1959. Co-founder Young Americans for Freedom in 1960. Worked on the Barry Goldwater campaign of 1964. Co-founder in 1964 of the American Conservative Union with his friend William F. Buckley. Managing director Sedgemoor Productions in London 1969-1975. His firm Marvin Liebman Inc. had clients as Friends of Free China, American-Chilean Council and Covenant House. Worked on Reagan’s 1980 campaign.

June 1, 1979, Washington Post, 'American-Chilean Council Held Illegal Agent of Chile Dictator': "A federal court judge ruled here yesterday that the American-Chilean Council, nominally a group promoting friendship between Chileans and Americans, has illegally engaged in political activities in the United States on behalf of the Chilean military dictator, Gen. Augusto Pinochet. ... [Judge] Pratt said that registration papers filed by the council and Liebman do not list Pinochet as "their foreign principal" and that Liebman "willfully failed to register his public relations film, Liebman Inc.," with the Justice Department and to disclose that it has been "acting in the United States as an agent of the government of Chile."" December 19, 1978, Washington Post, 'Justice Dept. Says Group Illegally Lobbies for Chile': "In addition, Justice included documents with the suit allegedly showing that the [American-Chilean] council, through Liebman and a Washington public affairs consultant, L. Francis Bouchey, helped plant material favorable to Chile with conservative columnists Lee Edwards and Ralph de Toledano. ... "I am very upset over the hostile treatment that a firm ally and staunch anticommunist nation is currently receiving from our government," Bauman said in his letter."

Marvin Liebman Associates.

General secretary of the first steering committee of the WACL. Organizer Committee of One Million. In close contact with Taiwanese government. YAF

but I did owe the book a debt of gratitude for having drawn my attention to the American-Chilean Council. The founder of that group, Marvin Liebman, turned out to be a crucial missing link, connecting Young Americans for Freedom, the World Anti-Communist League, and the direct-mail fundraising scams of the New Right.

Marvin Liebman (1923-97) was a former Communist turned fervent anti-Communist. In the early 1950's, he was a leader of the so-called "China Lobby," serving as secretary of the Committee of One Million Against the Admission of Red China to the United Nations. Founded in 1953, this organization would survive until 1971 (the year that China was finallly admitted to the UN), with Lee Edwards taking over as secretary from Liebman in 1969. A number of its former members would join Liebman in the American-Chilean Council. Liebman's activism was not limited to the United States. In 1947, he was working with Irgun, a right-wing terrorist organization which was attempting to secure Israeli independence through a campaign of bombings aimed at the Arabs and British. And in 1958, Liebman became general secretary of a steering committee announced in Mexico City to explore the possibility of combining the Asian People's Anti-Communist League with its own Latin American offshoot to form what would eventually become the World Anti-Communist League. But Liebman's most enduring connection was with William Buckley, going back at least to Buckley's founding of National Review in 1955. It was Buckley who persuaded Liebman to convert from Judaism to Catholicism and then served as his godfather. And when Buckley started Young Americans for Freedom in 1960, the organization was represented by Liebman's public relations firm and made use of Liebman's office space. Liebman's PR work for YAF, the most important aspect of which consisted of developing and maintaining a mailing list of contributors, would establish the pattern for direct-mail fundraising subsequently followed by Richard Viguerie, who was YAF's executive secretary in the 1960's. Alan Crawford says in Thunder on the Right that "[George] Wallace's fundraiser [in 1968] was Viguerie, who had been tutored in the art by Leibman [sic] when Viguerie was running Young Americans for Freedom's fundraising operation out of Leibman's New York office."

While a student Douglas Caddy developed right-wing opinions and as a teenager became a strong supporter of Barry Goldwater. In 1960 Caddy established the "Youth for Goldwater" organization. Caddy came under the influence of Marvin Liebman, a former member of the American Communist Party who had been dishonorably discharged from the United States Army for homosexuality. In September, 1960, Caddy, Liebman and William F. Buckley established the far right group, Young Americans for Freedom (YAF). The first meeting was held at Buckley's home in Sharon, Connecticut. Caddy became YAF's first president. Its first national council included eleven members of the John Birch Society. The main mission of the YAF was to “prepare young people for the struggle ahead with Liberalism, Socialism and Communism”.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1912-1988. Grad., Hotchkiss School, 1930. AB, Williams College, 1934. Advertising salesman Time magazine, 1934-37. Advertising salesman Life magazine, Detroit, 1937-38, advertising manager New York City, 1938-42. With Office of War Information, 1942-45. Pub. Time magazine 1945-60, president, 1960-69; president, also board directors Time, Inc., 1960-69, chairman executive committee, 1969-1973. Past national fund chairman American Red Cross; past president United Community Funds and Councils Am., Inc.; hon. trustee The Hotchkiss School, Alephi University; trustee Williams College, Asian Institute Tech.; chairman council of the trustees Rockefeller University; chairman board executive committee Athens (Greece) College; vice-chmn. Iran-U.S. Business Council; member adv. council Japan-U.S. Economic Relations; member Emergency Committee Am. Trade; member adv. committee Japan Foundation, U.S. Japan Commission, U.S. Japan Conference on Cultural and Educational Interchange. Member Business Council, Council Foreign Relations, International C. of C. (senior trustee U.S. council), National Urban League (past president), Blind Brook Club (New York City, Round Hill Country Club (Greenwich, Connecticut), Mid-Ocean (Bermuda), Seminole Club (West Palm Beach, Florida, Stanwich Club.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Founder and CEO of the GlobalOptions Group in 1998, which he was part of until 2008. Chairman and CEO of ExecutiveAction LLC 2007-. Both firms had former CIA director James Woolsey, former FBI director William Sessions and Sir Richard Needham in common.

globaloptions.com/ advisory_board.htm (accessed: June 10, 2004): "Admiral William J. Crowe, Chairman. ... R. James Woolsey, Vice Chairman. Ambassador Frances D. Cook ... Robert L. (Bob) Livingston. Sir Richard Needham. ... William S. Sessions ... William H. Webster..."

executiveaction.com/advisoryboard (accessed: Feb. 13, 2008; same make up until the company ceased to exist in 2012): "R. James Woolsey – Chairman. William Sessions – Vice Chairman. Maria Cattaui. Sir Richard Needham. Celia Sandys. Rear Admiral James Stark(ret.)." executiveaction.com/executives (accessed: Feb. 13, 2008): "Neil C. Livingstone, Chairman and CEO."

CIA history:

2005, Joseph Trento, 'Prelude to Terror', pp. 147-150: "Neil C. Livingstone is a Washington enigma. His wife, Susan, is the political force in the family; she would later hold prominent jobs in the Reagan and both Bush administrations. … [Livingstone] lived on the edge of the intelligence community until his late twenties, when he became involved with Israeli Intelligence. According to Mike Pilgrim [a security operative at J. J. Capucci, where Livingstone worked], Livingstone and the legendary James Angleton came from the same hometown, and Livingstone had traded on that relationship with the Israelis, who loved Angleton. "He told me he had hired Angleton's old CIA secretary, who also worked for Wilson.," Pilgrim said. "Neil worked for the Israelis and had been recruited by Angleton," which if true would surprise very few people in the intelligence community. Livingstone does not deny the assertion. … Air Panama was every inch a badly run CIA proprietary that had outlived its usefulness. Livingstone and his partner took it over in the hopes of turning a profit. Frequently Colonel Noriega would use an Air Panama plane. While Noriega would be billed, Livingstone had learned enough about Panama not to press him for payment. Livingstone had come to Panama via an arrest in Libya in 1976. Libyan authorities released him only after he signed a "confession" that he was "a Zionist spy." That same afternoon, according to Livingstone, the U.S. Embassy invited him to a National Day celebration. In fact, the man Livingstone met was Michael Harari, the Israeli adventurer, who had business interests in Panama. Livingstone said he was constantly scrambling for deals, and the Air Panama deal was one that "looked good". Intelligence work was sporadic, at best, and this guy had an interesting deal." Livingstone confirms that he was present in Panama when OPERATION WATCHTOWER was beginning, in late 1976 and early 1977. "Drugs were not yet a big part of the smuggling," Livingstone said. "Sure, endangered animals, weapons, but not drugs. Then with WATCHTOWER, Noriega was in the thick of it from then on." Livingstone acknowledges that Wilson was not involved in WATCHTOWER: "He was in Lybia most of the time and never in Panama." Asked if Clines' involvement in WATCHTOWER was part of his intelligence role, Livingstone laughed. "Are you serious? He did it for the money, and I can tell you who his partner was - Michael Harari." Mike Harari was much like Ed Wilson, a front man used by the Mossad who had a deep interest in personal profit.
In 1977, after Noriega arranged for the assassination of one of Livingstone's business partners, Livingstone was looking for a new way to make a living. The well-known "businessmen" with long ties to U.S. Intelligence urged him to go see Don Lowers at Wilson's townhouse in Washington. One of those businessmen was the late James Cunningham, who had managed Air America for the CIA and had worked closely with Wilson. Livingstone was quickly put to work in the J. J. Capucci operation, despite Wilson's claims that Livingstone never worked for him. … Livingstone rarely saw Wilson, but said, "Shackley and Clines were there all the time. I mainly worked with Schlachter and Lowers. Lowers ran the operations." To Livingstone [Joe] Capucci was "nearly senile and didn't seem to know what was going on." As a security expert, Livingstone was assigned to organize the training program for Sadat's praetorian guard. That is how Livingstone met Felix Rodriguez, who was hired for the training program by Clines. According to Livingstone, Shackley and Clines had complete access to all the security planning for Sadat through the office files. "A lot went on in the office I was not privy to… Shackley came down to the townhouse all the time to see Clines. Shackley was still at the CIA when he came by." But even when Shackley left the CIA, he remained in a position to supply Israel with critical intelligence through the companies set up by Wilson and ostensibly controlled by Clines. The information Shackley was able to give the Israelis on Sadat's security operation was invaluable. Never had the Israelis had detailed access to the entire security plan for an enemy president."

By doing favors for the CIA and hiring self-styled, freelance spooks like Neil Livingstone, [Robert Keith] Gray was even able to extend his influence into Washington's Dark Side.

Together with Terrell E. Arnold, Livingstone wrote the 1985 book 'Fighting Back: Winning the War Against Terrorism'. The foreword was written by Robert McFarlane. "At that black tie party at the Palm Restaurant on the 4th of December in 1985, I was specifically invited by Neil Livingston and to come in and meet Ollie North, and it was a party to promote Neil Livingston’s(sic) book, called "Fighting Back", and the subtitle was "The War on Terrorism". He and a State Department/CIA spook by the name of Terry Arnold wrote that book together and this was the coming-out party for the book, and all the covert operations community, the real snake eaters, were going to be there with black ties. Ollie North was there and Bud McFarland and I don’t know, 75 or 100 people in black ties, having drinks and dinner and hobnobbing and they felt like ... the atmosphere at that party was one of ‘We are the shadow government running the United States.’ It was almost like a diplomatic party or a State Department coming out party for a regime. These guys were in charge, and that was how they presented it."

Terrell E. Arnold: columnist for Rense since 2002. Focuses on Israel's prominent role in US policy. Intelligence Officers for 9/11 Truth. Supporter of the work of David Ray Griffin.

Rense bio: "Terrell E. Arnold is a retired Senior Foreign Service Officer and former Deputy Director of the U.S. State Department Office of Counterterrorism."

Also with Arnold: 'Beyond the Iran-Contra Crisis' in 1988.

globaloptionsgroup.com, GlobalOptions Group Advisory Board, (accessed October 12, 2012): "Our Advisory Board is a "Who's Who" of world-renowned experts from government, the military, and businesses. Senior Advisory Board: Ambassador Frances D. Cook, Former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State [CIA/MI6/SAS-linked]; ... Honorable William S. Sessions, Former Director of the FBI; Honorable William H. Webster, Former FBI Director and Director of the CIA; ... General Wesley K. Clark, Former NATO Supreme Allied Commander."

November 2, 2001, Austin Chronicle, 'Naked City Nailing Down Neil': "If the name Neil Livingstone sounds familiar, it's probably because he has been a ubiquitous media presence since Sept. 11. When the subject is terrorism, Livingstone -- who will deliver a free lecture at the Texas Union on Nov. 6 -- is one of the first people the networks and newspapers call. He's appeared on Nightline, Crossfire, Meet the Press, and Dateline, among many other shows, serves as a consultant to corporations and the government, and in 1982 wrote a book titled The War Against Terrorism. As described in the Texas Union's press release, he is "one of the country's most visible anti-terrorism experts." Not everyone is so enamored of Livingstone's expertise, however. In the July/August 1995 issue of its magazine Extra!, the left-wing media criticism group Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (F.A.I.R.) published a report on the most-quoted terrorism "experts" in the wake of the Oklahoma City bombing -- as well as those experts' frequent errors. F.A.I.R. cited Livingstone as one of four whose credentials were most questionable (along with Steve Emerson, Vincent Cannistraro, and Daniel Pipes). F.A.I.R. ridiculed terrorism advice Livingstone gave to a Washington Post reporter ("If you don't want to look like an American, wear tinted glasses") and stressed how quickly he had blamed the Middle East for Oklahoma City (which, of course, was wrong). When OKC turned out to be the work of a right-wing American extremist, Livingstone told Meet the Press, "We didn't think they were that severe a threat until these events. We don't see these people as terrorists, but there are some troublemakers." Wharton University Professor Edward S. Herman devoted three highly critical pages to Livingstone in his 1989 book The "Terrorism" Industry: The Experts and Institutions That Shape Our View of Terror. In particular, he blasts Livingstone for having a "talent for disinformation" and for conveniently becoming more right-wing as the Reagan doctrine took hold. Herman also slams Livingstone for an unsubstantiated theory that the Iranian civilian airliner IAF-655 (blown out of the air by the U.S. Navy in 1988) was on a suicide mission against the USS Vincennes. Livingstone speculated that bodies fished out of the water were corpses planted in the plane by the Iranians to arouse world opinion against the U.S. Fiercely anti-communist while soft on American-supported terrorism, Livingstone once said of Latin American death squads, we "should not wring our hands over this problem." And if that weren't enough, Herman notes, Livingstone is a staunch ally of Iran-Contra criminal Oliver North. Iran-Contra plotters attempted to use Livingstone's Institute on Terrorism and Subnational Conflict as a conduit for contra funding, according to the Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair."

"In The Boston Globe, on May 16, 1995, another CIA Iran-contra figure, anti-terrorism "expert" Neil Livingstone, also claimed that Middle Eastern terrorists engineered the Oklahoma blast. A veteran of Air America, the notorious CIA opium courier in Southeast Asia, Livingstone once publicly defended the Agency's assassination manual. He was recruited to Air America by James Cunningham, its founder - later a central participant in CIA "renegade" Edwin Wilsonís arms sales to Ghaddafi. Livingstone has long-standing ties to Israeli intelligence and the fascist Popular Alliance Party of Spain. He was also an executive at Robert Keith Gray's public relations firm Gray & Co. in the District of Columbia. He was brought into the firm by Charles Crawford, who ran the International Division that served as a branch office of Oliver Northís civilian supply network."

Livingstone worked with Ed Wilson, Air Panama, and as a front man for business activities sponsored by the CIA and Israeli intelligence. Owen and Livingstone traveled frequently to Central America to meet with the Contras in 1984. An interesting footnote to Iran-Contra is that in 1986, Saudi Arabian arms broker Adnan Khashoggi hired Hill and Knowlton and Gray and Co. to milk maximum publicity out of his major donation to a $20.5 million sports center, named after him, at a American University.

"To push the terrorism charge, the White House used Neil Livingstone, a self-proclaimed "expert on terrorism" and senior vice president with the public relations firm of Gray & Company. In fact, considerable circumstantial evidence suggests that Gray & Company was itself connected to secret arms and money shipments connected with the Iran/Contra affair."

The model most frequently cited for counterterror in the 1980s was Israel, although even counterterror advocates were not wholly convinced that the Israeli policies of reprisal, retaliation, and preemptive strikes did not do more to nurture than to neutralize future threats to Israel’s survival.77 Neil Livingstone, who favored the Israeli approach, dates its wholehearted adoption of aggressive counterterrorism to the Black September group’s murder of eleven members of Israel’s Olympic team in Munich in 1972, and the subsequent decision to devise a new approach to the terrorist threat.”78 The outcome was, by his account, the creation of a new division within Israel’s secret intelligence service, the Mossad, known as “Mivtzah Elohim” or “Wrath of God,” described by Livingstone as a new organization committed to fight fire with fire... [that] relentlessly struck back at the Black September terrorists, conducting daring raids into Beirut to kill the top leadership of the organization, tracking down Palestinian operatives in Europe and other locations and assassinating them.79 The Israeli approach, in Livingstone’s view, was to “wage a war in the shadows... sending out hit teams to terminate the architects and executioners of terrorism” as a threat and a warning to others.80 Livingstone’s thesis in brief is that under certain circumstances, in order to defend national interest in a dangerous world, “systematic murder must be sanctioned and legitimized as an instrument of national policy.”81

Livingstone, The War Against Terrorism [Oct. 1984], p. 175, terms this “executive action.” He adds that ideally “the targets of such terminations should not be nationals of the country on whose soil the hit is made so as to diminish the concern of that government over the incident and to relieve it of the need to retaliate against the offending nation out of a sense of obligation to its own citizens.”

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Pilgrims Society.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Co-founder Communist Party of America in 1919. To the Comintern Congress in 1928. Sympathetic to Bukharin instead of Stalin. When Stalin purged Bukharin from the Soviet Politburo in 1929, Lovestone suffered the consequences. Went to Stalin to make his case that he should stay on, but still was forced out as the party's secretary. Set up his own parallel communist parties. Director of the AFL-CIO's International Affairs Department 1963-1973. During this time he was providing intelligence to James Angleton.

This close American interest in Socialism on the other side of the Atlantic was nothing new. During the war the American trade unions had raised large sums to rescue European labour leaders from the Nazis, and this had brought them closely in touch with American military intelligence and, in particular, with the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), whose chief in Switzerland and Germany from 1942 to 1945 was Allen W. Dulles, later, of course, to become famous as head of the CIA in its heyday. The principal union official in these secret commando operations had been Jay Lovestone, a remarkable operator who had switched from being the leader of the American Communist Party to working secretly for the US Government. And as the Allied armies advanced, Lovestone's men followed the soldiers as political commissars, trying to make sure that the liberated workers were provided with trade union and political leaders acceptable to Washington - many of these leaders being the ~migr~s of the Socialist Commentary group. In France, Germany, Italy and Austria the commissars provided lavish financial and material support for moderate Socialists who would draw the sting from Left-wing political movements, and the beneficiaries from this assistance survive in European politics to this day - though that is another story.

September 13, 1975: Award to Jay Lovestone from the Council Against Communist Agression.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

1903-1987. Wife of Henry R. Luce. Dame of Malta. Outspokenly anti-communist. Campaigned on behalf of Dwight Eisenhower in 1952. Ambassador to Italy 1953-1956. Supporter of the Barry Goldwater campaign in 1964. Member 2nd Committee on the Present Danger. Director American Security Council. Member President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board 1973-77 and 82-87. President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board 1981-1983. Association of Former Intelligence Officers. National Committee U.S.-China Relations. U.S. Strategic Institute. Board member Accuracy in Media. Republican.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1898-1967. His mother was Elizabeth Root, from a family that had earlier intermarried with the Spencers and Pomeroys. Born in Shantung Province, China, in Presbyterian mission house. Attended Chefoo School, Chefoo [Yantai], China from 1908-1912. Attended St. Alban's School north of London, England 1912-1913. Attended Hotchkiss School, Lakeville, Conn. 1913-1916. B.A., Yale University in 1920 where he was introduced into Skull & Bones. Student at Oxford University in England 1920-1921. Reporter for the Chicago Daily News and Baltimore Sun 1921-1922. Co-founded Time with Briton Hadden (Skull & Bones 1920) in 1923 with the help of J.P. Morgan partners Thomas Lamont and Dwight Morrow (both Pilgrims). Harvey Firestone, E. Roland Harriman, and various members of the Harkness family were other funders of his early media empire. Married to Lila Holz 1923-1935. Founded Fortune in 1930. Editor-in-chief, Time Publications 1930-1938. First “March of Time” radio program in 1931. First “March of Time” newsreel in 1935. Married Clare Boothe Luce, a Dame of Malta, in 1935. Founded Life in 1936. Editorial director, Time, inc. 1938. Organizer of United China Relief in 1940. Initiated the Commission on Freedom of the Press in 1944. Awarded the Order of Auspicious Star (China) in 1947. Founded House and Home in 1952. Founded Sports Illustrated in 1954. Influential member of the Republican Party. Member of the Atlantic Union. Luce was a strong opponent of Fidel Castro and his revolutionary government in Cuba. This included the funding of Alpha 66 (which was guided by the CIA). In 1962 and 1963 Alpha 66 launched several raids on Cuba which included attacks on port installations and foreign shipping. When Kennedy was assassinated in November 1963, Luce's Life Magazine purchased the Zapruder Film for $150,000. Soon after the assassination they also successfully negotiated with Marina Oswald the exclusive rights to her story. This story never appeared in print, but in an interview she gave to the Ladies Home Journal in September 1988 she argued: "I believe he worked for the American government... He was taught the Russian language when he was in the military. Do you think that is usual, that an ordinary soldier is taught Russian? Also, he got in and out of Russia quite easily, and he got me out quite easily." Luce published individual frames of Zapruder's film but did not allow the film to be screened in its entirety. It was shown to the public in March 1975 which convinced many that the fatal head shot come from the Grassy Knoll (because of Kennedy's violent backward and leftward movement while the bullet is supposed to have come from the back). Retired from Time/Life in 1964. Important member of the American Security Council. Member Pilgrims Society. His son later became a president of the Pilgrims of the United States.

These [Alpha 66] anti-Soviet raids also had the blessing and financial backing of Henry Luce and his Time-Life empire, which allegedly “spent close to a quarter of a million dollars during 1963-1964 on the renegade Cuban exile commandos.”[18] Life magazine dispatched a correspondent, Andrew St. George, to take part in the March 27 attack on the Soviet freighter Baku.[19] (Such arrangements usually meant that Life helped underwrite the costs of the raid.)

Source(s): 1983 National Strategy Board

Richard Perle and Edward Luttwak were roommates at the London School of Economics. Both later went to work for Senator Henry Jackson's campaign in favor of additional ballistic missiles. November 11, 1985, Los Angeles Times, 'Perle Wages Behind-the-Scenes Crusade Against Kremlin : Soviets' Mortal Foe Lurks at Pentagon': "Perle interrupted his studies at USC to spend the 1962-63 academic year at the London School of Economics. His roommate was Edward N. Luttwak..." October 15, 2002, The Nation, 'Perle's Passion Is Served': "It was not far from there to the London School of Economics, where Edward N. Luttwak, now at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, recalls Perle defending President Kennedy's bold embargo of Soviet missiles in Cuba in a university debate, almost single-handedly turning anti-American audience opinion." 2008, Justin Vaisse, 'Neoconservatism: the biography of a movement', p. 119: "In 1963 [Perle] attended the London School of Economics (where one of his classmates was Edward Luttwak…) … Wohlstetter, Nitze and Acheson wanted to help Jackson defeat Symington and were in need of research assistance. In addition to Perle, they hired… Paul Wolfowitz, the son of celebrated mathematician Jacob Wolfowitz, with whom Wohlstetter himself had studied. (Two other researchers would later be added to the staff: Peter Wilson and Edward Luttwak.)" B.Sc. with honors, London School Econs., 1964. Wrote the 1968 book 'Coup d'Etat: A Practical Handbook'. Came to U.S., 1972, naturalized, 1981. PhD (Univ. fellow), Johns Hopkins University, 1975. Doctor (hon.), University Bath, England, 2004. Visiting professor political sci., Johns Hopkins University, 1973-78. Research professor international security affairs, Georgetown University Center Strategic and International Studies, 1978-82. Senior fellow, Georgetown University Center Strategic and International Studies, 1978-87. May 31, 1984, Associated Press, 'Pentagon Warned Against Escalating Salvador War': "A panel of counter-insurgency experts [SOPAG], headed by retired Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub, has warned the Pentagon against escalating and Americanizing the war in El Salvador, sources familiar with their report say. In a classified report submitted last week, the eight-member advisory group opposed sending sophisticated military hardware, aerial bombs, napalm or American combat troops, according to several sources who insisted on anonymity. The group also said the U.S. government should avoid setting timetables for victory, recognizing that an "unconventional" war against a guerrilla army can last for decades. And the panel advised against use of covert operations that circumvent the law or could prove embarrassing if discovered, according to the sources. ... Pentagon officials declined to release the report or discuss its contents but confirmed they had talked with Singlaub and others recently about U.S. military aid to Central America. "The suggestions made by these individuals are being considered," said Col. Richard Lake, a Pentagon spokesman. ... Singlaub, the panel's chairman ... Also on the panel, selected by the Defense Department, was retired Maj. Gen. Edward G. Lansdale ... Other panelists were Col. John Waghelstein, chief of the U.S. military advisory group in El Salvador in 1982-83; retired Brig. Gen. Harry C. Aderholt, who directed covert air operations during the Vietnam War; Edward N. Luttwak, a Pentagon consultant and senior fellow at the Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies; Seale Doss, a philosophy professor at Ripon College in Wisconsin; and F. Andrew Messing Jr., executive director of the Conservative Caucus and a former Special Forces officer. Specifically, the group criticized the Pentagon's supplying the Salvadoran army with sophisticated artillery. The panel advocated instead greater use of mortars, which, it argued, are less expensive and easier to maintain. The group also advocated supplying attack helicopters armed with machine guns instead of fixed-wing aircraft using bombs, which have been accused increasingly of inflicting civilian casualties in El Salvador. ... While opposing military escalation, the panel recommended that Congress permit the United States to train Salvadoran police to improve the professionalism of the security forces that have been accused of human rights abuses. The panel also complained that in general, the Defense Department devotes too much money to conventional warfare while spending too little on so-called "unconventional" or guerrilla warfare. It said these low-level conflicts account for more 30 wars currently occurring in the world." Burke chair in strategy, Georgetown University Center Strategic and International Studies, 1987—, Director geo-econs., Georgetown University Center Strategic and International Studies, 1991-94. Senior fellow in preventive diplomacy, Office of Secretary of Defense, National Security Council and Department State. Senior fellow, Georgetown University Center Strategic and International Studies, 1994—. Consultant Office of Secretary of Defense, National Security Council, Department of Defense Army, Navy and U.S. Air Force, Foreign (allied) Governors and U.S., overseas business entities. Supporter of death squads tactics. Member SOPAG at Pentagon. Member of the National Security Study Group of the Department of Defence at the Pentagon. Member advisory board Washington Institute for Near East Policy. September 16, 2008, Farnesina: Ministero degli Affari Esteri e della Cooperazione Internazionale, 'Press release detail': "At 9:15 tomorrow morning Minister for Foreign Affairs Franco Frattini will open the sessions of the conference "Italy, Europe and Israel: how to build a privileged partnership" arranged by the Aspen Institute and held in the International Conference Room of the foreign ministry in Rome. ... In addition to Israeli Minister of Welfare Isaac Herzog, who will also hold a meeting with Minister Frattini, other participants are to include ... Minister for Economic and Financial Affairs Tremonti and former Minister for Foreign Affairs Massimo D'Alema, business world such as Carlo De Benedetti [protege of the Agnellis], Piero Gnudi, Giancarlo Elia Valori, and journalism, including Renato Mannheimer, Edward Luttwak, Arrigo Levi, as well as major representatives of the Jewish community such as Chief Rabbi Di Segni and President of the Union of Italian Jewish Communities Gattegna." Luttwak and Valori (Le Cercle, P2, and major behind-the-scenes player in Italy) both have also been involved in the company Italintesa. Political affiliation: independent. Jewish.

In May 2008 the New York Times published an opinion piece by Luttwak in which he argued that then-presidential candidate Barack Obama "was born a Muslim under Muslim law as it is universally understood" and would be considered an "apostate" by the world's Muslims if he were to become president (see Apostasy in Islam).[3] Luttwak was widely criticized by those authors who consider this analysis a misrepresentation of sharia, or Islamic law, including by the public editor of the New York Times, Clark Hoyt.

July/August 1999, Edward Luttwak for Foreign Affairs, 'Give War a Chance': "An unpleasant truth often overlooked is that although war is a great evil, it does have a great virtue: it can resolve political conflicts and lead to peace. This can happen when all belligerents become exhausted or when one wins decisively. Either way the key is that the fighting must continue until a resolution is reached. War brings peace only after passing a culminating phase of violence. Hopes of military success must fade for accommodation to become more attractive than further combat. Since the establishment of the United Nations and the enshrinement of great-power politics in its Security Council, however, wars among lesser powers have rarely been allowed to run their natural course. Instead, they have typically been interrupted early on, before they could burn themselves out and establish the preconditions for a lasting settlement. Cease-fires and armistices have frequently been imposed under the aegis of the Security Council in order to halt fighting. NATO's intervention in the Kosovo crisis follows this pattern. But a cease-fire tends to arrest war-induced exhaustion and lets belligerents reconstitute and rearm their forces. It intensifies and prolongs the struggle once the cease-fire ends -- and it does usually end. This was true of the Arab-Israeli war of 1948-49, which might have come to closure in a matter of weeks if two cease-fires ordained by the Security Council had not let the combatants recuperate. It has recently been true in the Balkans. Imposed cease-fires frequently interrupted the fighting between Serbs and Croats in Krajina, between the forces of the rump Yugoslav federation and the Croat army, and between the Serbs, Croats, and Muslims in Bosnia. Each time, the opponents used the pause to recruit, train, and equip additional forces for further combat, prolonging the war and widening the scope of its killing and destruction. Imposed armistices, meanwhile -- again, unless followed by negotiated peace accords -- artificially freeze conflict and perpetuate a state of war indefinitely by shielding the weaker side from the consequences of refusing to make concessions for peace."

Source(s): Who's Who (regular member)

Chief Intelligence and Security div. Redstone Arsenal, Alabama, 1950-1960 (von Braun and his staff also began working here in 1950); security advisor to NATO Hawk Production Organization, Paris, 1960, security program chief, 1964; security specialist US Army Safeguard Systems Command, Huntsville, 1968—1972; president, chairman board Asset Protection Associates, Inc., Alabama, 1973—1991. Mem.: VFW, Security and Intelligence Association, Am. Legion, American Security Council, Smithsonian Associates, Association US Army, Am. Society Industrial Security (national treasurer 1984, board directors 1982—84), Huntsville-Madison County C. of C. (chairman international trade committee 1976—78), Knights of Columbus, Elks, Burning Tree Country, Huntsville Country. Republican. Roman Catholic.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1880-1964. Son of Lt. Gen. Arthur and Mary P. (Hardy) MacA.; grad. U.S. Mil. Acad., 1903, Engr. Sch. of Application, 1908; D.M.Sc., Pa. Mil. Coll., 1928. Married Jean Faircloth; 1 son, Arthur. Commd. 2d lt. Engrs. Corps, U.S. Army, 1903, and advanced through grades to gen., 1930; general of the army, 1944; chief of staff 42d (Rainbow) Div., 1917, comdg. gen., 1918; also comd. 34th Brigade, 1918; with Army of Occupation, Germany, 1918-19; participated at Luneville, Baccarat, and Esperance-Souain sectors, also at Champagne; in Champagne-Marne and Aisne-Marne defensives, St. Mihiel, Essey Pannes, Meuse-Argonne, Sedan offensives; supt. U.S. Mil. Acad., 1919-22; mil. adviser Commonwealth Govt. of Philippines, 1935; field marshal of Philippine Army, 1936-37; comdr.-in-chief U.S. and Filipino Forces, during invasion of Philippines by Japanese, (1941-42; comdr. U.S. Armed Forces in Far East, 1941-51; supreme comdr. Allied Forces in S.W. Pacific, 1942; apptd. supreme comdr. to accept surrender by Japan, 1945; comdr. occupational forces in Japan, 1945-51; comdr. in chief UN Forces in Korea, 1950-51. Chmn. bd. Remington Rand Inc., 1951-55, Sperry Rand Corp., 1955—. Decorated Congl. Medal of Honor, D.F.C., D.S.C. with 2 oak leaf clusters, D.S.M. with 6 oak leaf clusters, Purple Heart with oak leaf cluster, Silver Star with 6 oak leaf clusters, D.S.M. (Navy), Bronze Star Medal, Air Medal (U.S.), also highest honors and decorations from Gt. Britain, France, Belgium, Italy, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslovakia, Rumania, Mexico, Ecuador, Australia, China, Greece, Guatemala, Netherlands, Philippines. Comdr.-in-chief Mil. Order World War, 1927; hon. pres. Soc. Am. Legion Founders; pres. Am. Olympic Com., 1928.

April 9, 1964, The Evening News, '10-Year-Old Interviews Published: MacArthur Blamed ‘Betryal’ for Failure to Crush Reds': "According to Lucas story, MacArthur became convinced he was the victim of a conspiracy in which the State Department was showing his communications with Washington to the British, who in turn relayed these to the Chinese Reds. … The Lucas story quoted MacArthur as saying “those fools in Washington” prevented his winning the Korean War with his plan for bringing in Nationalist Chinese troops and sowing a 5-mile-wide belt of radioactive cobalt along the Yalu River after defeating the Red Chinese to permanently seal China off from Korea. MacArthur reportedly said the United States had cobalt "in abundance" as a by-product – presumably from atomic weapons manufacture – and the radioactive belt would make it suicidal for an army to try to cross it. The story said MacArthur was told of British “betrayal” by a field commander, Lt. Gen. Walton Walker, but “said he became convinced he was the victim of a conspiracy” only after he had ordered Lt. Gen. George E. Stratemeyer to bomb the Yalu River bridges after the Chinese intervened. Just as the bombers were about to take off four hours later, MacArthur was quoted as saying, his order was “peremptorily” countermanded by Gen. George C. Marshall, then secretary of defense. … Truman has written in his memoirs that quickly upon receiving a message from Stratemeyer that MacArthur ordered bombing of a Yalu bridge connecting Korea with Manchuria, the President conferred with Secretary of State Dean Acheson. Acheson in turn had checked various State and Defense Department officials, including Dean Rusk … Truman said Rusk, now secretary of state, “pointed out that we had a commitment with the British not to take action which might involve attacks on the Manchurian side of the river without consulting with them.” So only an hour and 20 minutes before the planes were to take off, Truman said, a message was sent to MacArthur banning al bombing of targets within five miles of the Manchurian border until further orders. … The Hearst writer also quoted MacArthur as saying he almost convinced President-elect Dwight D. Eisenhower on Dec. 17, 1952, to adopt an undisclosed plan by MacArthur ro end the cold war but was frustrated by the late John Foster Dulles who was to become Eisenhower’s secretary of state." April 9, 1964, New York Times, 'Pentagon Weighed Plan to Use Cobalt in Korea; Military Abandoned Idea as Impractical for Border -- MacArthur Supported It': "The proposal cited by General of the Army Douglas MacArthur in an interview published yesterday, to sow radioactive material along the Chinese-Korean border, was actively considered in the Pentagon at that time, according to military circles. ... [MacArthur:] I would have dropped 30 or so atomic bombs . . . strung across the neck of Manchuria. Then I would have introduced half a million Chinese Nationalist troops at the Yalu and then spread behind us -- from the Sea of Japan to the Yellow Sea -- a belt of radioactive cobalt . . . it has an active life of between 60 and 120 years. For at least 60 years there could have been no land invasion of Korea from the North. I am certain that the Russians would have done nothing about this strategy. My plan was a cinch." April 18, 1964, Spokane Daily Chronicle, Jack Anderson, Merry-Go-Round, 'A-Bomb No Go in Korea; Everybody Offered Advice': "One of the most important points raised by Gen. Douglas MacArthur in his posthumous criticism of President Truman and Great Britain regarding the Korean war was their ban against use of the atomic bomb. According to MacArthur, dropping 30 to 50 A-bombs would have brought victory for the United States in Korea. The hitherto confidential files of the Defense Department, however, show that there were two very important factors wrong with MacArthur’s strategy: 1. The United States at that time had only 20 atomic bombs… 2. It was impossible to locate sufficient concentrations of Chinese troops in North Korea to justify dropping atomic bombs. It is true that when the Chinese burst into Korea, the retreating Eighth Army pleaded for nuclear support. At that time, the Fifth Air Force drew up a list of targets for an atomic strike, but none was considered to be worth such massive destruction. It would have been the old story of using an elephant gun to kill a mouse." August 2, 1950, Daytona Beach Morning Journal, 'Mac Arthur Visits Chiang Kai-shek'. April 6, 1951, Toledo Blade, 'Both Parties Confused About Troops': "Republican leader in the House of Representatives, Joseph W. Martin of Massachusetts, who demands to know why the armed forces of China on Formosa [Taiwan] are not being used to open a second Asiatic front against the Communists. … “Why in God’s name,” shouts Representative Martin, “aren’t the forces of Chiang Kai-shek being used?” The minority leader then produces a letter from Gen. Douglas MacArthur, the U.N. commander in chief in Korea, who says there is no conflict of “logic or tradition” in using the troops of the Nationalist Government. … It is logical from a military viewpoint for the Nationalists to be encouraged to open a second front on China’s mainland and thus draw Communist troops away from the Korean battle area. … The problem of using the Nationalist forces has been up again and again here. The Department of State has counseled against it on the theory that the Nationalists are not strong enough or that they would require American aid which would amount to intervention by us on the mainland of China and that this would assuredly bring Russia into the war. … General MacArthur evidently has heard these arguments and is not persuaded by them. He thinks apparently that the diplomats have been bluffed into a timid state and that Russia, conscious of the weakness of the diplomats and their fears, is moving ahead aggressively to help the Chinese Communists in Korea anyway. In truth, MacArthur realistically points out that the Chinese Communists have made war upon us and the only question to be answered is whether America will meet the challenge or let its own troops in Korea be chewed up as a consequence of a limited strategy and a refusal to use “force without stint.”" February 5, 1953, Milwaukee Sentinal, 'George E. Sokolsky [NAM writer and McCarthyist]--These Days: Chiang's Bondage Ended By New American Policy': "When the Communist army of Gen. Lin Piao was freed by our perfidy to march from South China to Manchuria, a distance of about 1,000 miles, I wrote the story and asked why Chiang Kai-shek was not being permitted to bomb that army. When their crack troops marched into Korea and faced Gen. Douglas MacArthur with a new war, after he had actually won the war in Korea, the betrayal was complete. … Before the Truman-Acheson decision had been made to imprison him on Formosa and to use the American 7th Fleet to prevent him from bombing an army that was moving forward to kill our sons, Chiang was actually conducting a brilliant guerilla war that was pinning down crack Chinese Communist troops in the south where they could do us no harm. Up to the Korean War, it was the Marshall-Acheson policy to eliminate Chiang Kai-shek and to find a means of recognizing Soviet China. The final device hit upon was to have Soviet China recognized and seated in the United Nations by a majority vote. ... The British had already recognized Soviet China and were pledged to a policy of elimination of Chiang Kai-shek. The State Department was seeking a way of co-ordinating American with British policy without violating American public opinion. This policy was reversed on June 25, 1950, when the Korean war started. The U.S. assumed responsibility for the defense of Formosa, but with the proviso that Chiang Kai-shek would cease his raids on the mainland. In effect, it was the Chinese Communists and not the Chinese Nationalists who were being protected. Eisenhower has now said so. … In spite of our enormous American casualties, Truman and Acheson refused to recognize facts and proceeded with their fantastic program in Korea. Until they left office, this policy of imprisoning Chiang on Formosa and the eventual recognition of Soviet China remained American policy. Gen. Eisenhower and State Secretary Dulles, supported by such experts as Gen. MacArthur, Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, Adm. Leahy and Adm. Radford, have now reversed that policy and have freed Formosa from the bondage of enforced inactivity." May 29, 1957, Gadsden Times, Drew Pearson: "[Ike’s] 1952 campaign for president was filled with oratory about Truman’s mistake in not unleashing Chiang Kai-shek. So Ike unleashed Chiang Kai-shek by withdrawing the 7th Fleet, then found he had to send it back in a hurry to protect Chiang from Red Chinese invasion. … Withdraw the U.S. 7th Fleet from holding back Chiang, Radford argued, and the generalissimo would retake China. Eisenhower bought the idea. … [MacArthur] told Republican senators visiting him in Japan that Chiang Kai-shek could use Formosa as a base to land on the Chinese mainland and retake Red China. The Chinese people would rise up in welcome, MacArthur maintained. Mac didn’t figure that the Nationalist Chinese would rise up against Americans first [by attacking the American embassy, beating up its workers and destroying furniture]."

CHIANG KAI-SHEK WAS BRUTAL DICTATOR AND PSYCHOPATHIC KILLER:

March 29, 1947, New York Times, 'Formosa killings are put at 10,000; Foreigners Say the Chinese Slaughtered Demonstrators Without Provocation': "Foreigners who have just returned to China from Formosa corroborate reports of wholesale slaughter by [anti-communist Nationalist] Chinese troops and police during anti-Government demonstrations a month ago. These witnesses estimate that 10,000 Formosans were killed by the Chinese armed forces. ... Foreigners who left Formosa a few days ago say that an uneasy peace had been established almost everywhere, but executions and arrests continued. Many Formosans were said to have fled to the hills fearing they would be killed if they returned to their homes. An American who had just arrived in China from Taihoku said that troops from the mainland arrived there March 7 and indulged in three days of indiscriminate killing and looting. For a time everyone seen on the streets was shot at, homes were broken into and occupants killed. In the poorer sections the streets were said to have been littered with dead. There were instances of beheadings and mutilation of bodies, and women were raped, the American said. ... Chinese were well received and invited to lunch with the Formosan leaders. Later a bigger group of soldiers came and launched a sweep through the streets. The people were machine gunned. Groups were rounded up and executed. The man who had served as the town's spokesman was killed. His body was left for a day in a park and no one was permitted to remove it. A Briton described similar events at Takao, where unarmed Formosans had taken over the running of the city. He said that after several days Chinese soldiers from an outlying fort deployed through the streets killing hundreds with machine-guns and rifles and raping and looting. Formosan leaders were thrown into prison, many bound with thin wire that cut deep into the flesh. The foreign witnesses reported that leaflets signed with the name of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek promising leniency, and urging all who had fled to return, were dropped from airplanes. As a result many came back to be imprisoned or executed. "There seemed to be a policy of killing off all the best people," one foreigner asserted. The foreigners' stories are fully supported by reports of every important foreign embassy or legation in Nanking. Formosans are reported to be seeking United Nations' action on their case."

Chiang Kai-shek's lost the last stronghold in mainland China in Dec. 1949.

March 14, 1949 CIA report, 'Probably Developments in Japan': "Chinese Nationalist leaders have made significant progress in the development of Taiwan as a base for continued resistance and as a final refuge. The families and properties of a number of highly placed Nationalists as well as some important officials have already moved to Taiwan. In addition, the government has transferred to the island the major part of its gold bullion resources. The government may have as many as six divisions now in training on the island. ... There is strong sentiment in Taiwan favoring autonomy, but the situation is complicated by the conflicting interests of the native Taiwanese and Chinese Nationalist elements [Chiang's KMT]. The Taiwanese bitterly resent the performance of the Nationalist administration on Taiwan since VJ [Victory over Japan Day] day. The Chinese rulers have exploited the native population to the limit, without regard for their welfare or the preservation of the island’s resources. The explosive nature of the Taiwanese problem was dramatically demonstrated in the abortive insurrection of 1947. The native population of Taiwan would welcome release from their domination by mainland Chinese. The Taiwanese probably do not have strong aspirations for immediate independence, but could be expected to favor a trusteeship status under the UN or some form of US protectorate. US acquiescence in Nationalist control of Taiwan is resented by the Taiwanese. Positive support to the Nationalists would probably drive the Taiwanese toward the Communists. On the other hand, US support to Taiwanese aspirations would require taking over authority from the established Nationalist regime. ... It is unlikely that the US, in any course or action, can avoid incurring the hostility of either the Chinese Nationalists or the Taiwanese, each of whom would resent and resist any effort to support the other. … Positive support of the Nationalists would probably drive the Taiwanese toward the Communists."

Lieutenant General Albert C. Wedemeyer, U.S Relations with China (Washington: Division of Publications Office of Public Affairs, Department of State, 1949), p. 308: "The Central Government [the Kuomintang] lost a fine opportunity to indicate to the Chinese people and to the world at large its capability to provide honest and efficient administration.... [They] ruthlessly, corruptly and avariciously imposed their regime upon a happy and amenable population. The Army conducted themselves as conquerors. Secret police operated freely to intimidate and to facilitate exploitation by Central Government officials."

"Military Situation in the Far East," Hearings Before the Senate Committee on Armed Services and the Committee on Foreign Relations, 82nd Cong. 1st sess., 1951 (Washington: Congressional Record, 1951), p. 23 [MacArthur]: "I superficially went through Formosa. I was surprised by the contentment I found there. I found that the people were enjoying a standard of living which was quite comparable to what it was before the war.... I found representative government being practiced.... I went into their courts. I found a judicial system which I thought was better than a great many of the other countries in Asia. I went into their schools. I found that their primary instruction was fully on a standard with what was prevalent in the Far East.... I found many things I could criticize too, but I believe sincerely that the standard of government that he [Chiang] is setting in Formosa compares favorably with many democracies in the world."

May 29, 1954, The Bend Bulletin, 'Our Asian Policy': "One of the keystones of our Asian policy embodies support for the government of Chiang Kai-shek on gosa. Our wisdom is thrown into question by the currect dispute between Chiang, on the one hand, and Dr. K. C. Wu, formerly Minister without Portfolio for the Formosan government. Dr. Wu, now in this country, has been expelled from Formosa because of his criticism of Chiang’s regime. Dr. Wu’s loyalty to western democracy is beyond reproach. While in this country, he has delivered a series of anti-Communist talks, explaining how the Reds infiltrate into and subvert organizations and governments. Until recently, he was Governor of Formosa under Chiang, and before the Chinese he was Mayor of Shanghai. These positions have given him experience. It is his contention that Chiang’s present regime in Formosa is dictatorial, and is alienating the Chinese people. Moreover, he charges Chiang’s political control of the Army has “almost totally wrecked the morale of the troops” while the secret police of the island have resorted to torture, blackmail and illegal arrests. These charges are probably true, and our support of Chiang is useless. Under such conditions Formosa cannot be an effective ally of the free world. Other Asian nations, notably India, resent our support of Chiang. Perhaps the time has come to readjust our policy towards Formosa. Stopping our support to the Chiang regime might win us many friends in Asia whom we now need."

April 16, 1964, Spokane Daily Chronicle, Jack Anderson and Drew Pearson, Merry-Go-Round, 'Report on Korean Crisis Paints Tale of Confusion': "Confidential files of the Pentagon, hitherto not declassified, tell a quite different story from the bitter interview given by Gen. Douglas MacArthur regarding the reasons for the stalemate in the Korean War. They show that MacArthur refused to believe the Chinese would enter the war, even though his own intelligence reported that during four months in the summer of 1950 the Chinese had built up their troops in Manchuria from 116,000 to 850,000. … [Nov. 4: MacArthur says not to make hasty conclusions, even though his forces had been halted by Chinese. Nov. 5: MacArthur half in panic. Wants bridges destroyed.] … Meanwhile, MacArthur had divided his ground forces into two commands, the Eighth Army under Lt. Gen. Walton Walker and the Tenth Corps. Under Maj. Gen. E. M. Almond. Apprehensive, the Joint Chiefs questioned MacArthur about the split. He replied that nothing would be gained by combining the two armies. But the Chinese drove a wedge between the two commands, forcing retreats, until MacArthur’s messages became panicky. … MacArthur drew up plans on Dec. 7 for evacuating Korea completely. The plans were approved by the Joint Chiefs two days later. But meanwhile, Collins reported that Gen. Matt Ridgway, the field commander, thought the retreating Americans should stand and fight. … MacArthur’s evacuation plans were scrapped, and responsibility for the Korean operation was quietly turned over to Ridgway. Back in Tokyo, MacArthur brooded, became bitter and finally was relieved of his duties entirely. He was obviously still brooding when he gave the two interviews, now published, which blamed failure in Korea on the British, and President Truman." Ridgway made changes in tactics which let to the saving of South Korea. He then took over command from MacArthur in Japan until 1952. Nov. 23, 1973, Montreal Gazette, 'Truman's View of Nixon: Shifty-eyed liar' (comments made in early 1960s to interview Merle Miller): "He said Eisenhower… was a weak field commander in the army and was “nothing but a damn coward’ during the early 1950s when the late Sen. Joseph McCarthy (R-Wis.) was charging widespread communist infiltration in the government. As for MacArthur, whom he dismissed from command for insubordination during the Korean war, Truman said, “There were times when he, well, I’m afraid when he wasn’t right in the head.” Truman said he fired MacArthur “because he wouldn’t respect the authority of the president. I didn’t fire him because he was a dumb son of a bitch, although he was. [thought that most generals were and that Gen. Marshall was the exception]."

U.S. INFLUENCE IN TAIWAN AND KOREA:

Inside the League: "That MacArthur had achieved such a firm grasp of the state of affairs in Taiwan during a single day's visit was not questioned by the American legislators. Indeed, his promises of American support were prophetic. As the Korean War turned against the United States, Chiang Kai-shek, with his dream of returning to the mainland and defeating the communists, was seen as a potential pressure point against Mao. With the rise of Senator Joseph McCarthy and his "exposing" of communist sympathizers in the federal government, American officials muted or stopped their criticism of Chiang's rule. Suddenly the Kuomintang was respectable, and American aid began to pour in. The American Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) in Taiwan grew from a handful of advisers in 1951 to 2,300 five years later. Economic aid and war materiel flowed in at a rate that the island could not possibly absorb. By 1961, military expenditures, nearly all provided by the American government, were three-quarters of the national budget."

April 7, 2010, Examiner.com, 'Inside Taiwan's Political Purgatory: CIA documents tell secret story of betrayal': "George Keenan and Dean Acheson at the State Department began planning an overthrow of Chiang Kai-shek and tasked diplomat Livingston Merchant with recruiting ROC General Sun Lien to lead the coup. General Sun did meet with Douglas MacArthur in Tokyo to discuss the plan but declined to participate. The subsequent outbreak of the Korean War then cemented the U.S. position on tolerance for Chiang’s abuses against the Taiwanese people."

Deputies as Gen. Willoughby (chief of intelligence (G-2) for MacArthur; director Citizens Foreign Relations Committee; director Shickshinny Knights; International Committee for the Defence of Christian Culture) and Gen. Pedro Del Valle (USMC general; offered to become station CIA station chief in Japan, because Walter Bedel Smith thought he disliked MacArthur; founder and head Defenders of the American Constitution (included Gen. Claire Chennault on the board); co-founder and director Liberty Lobby; friendly with American Nazi Party head George Lincoln Rockwell; director Ten Million Americans Mobilizing For Justice; involved with Suvarov Union, a White Russian exile group; director Shickshinny Knights; president Christian Educational Fund; supporter of the Protocols of Zion, Rothschild theories and that Jews control Russia; in a letter referred to a "high command" that doled out orders) were notoriously right wing. George E. Stratemeyer (director Ten Million Americans Mobilizing For Justice; director Citizens Foreign Relations Committee; director Shickshinny Knights; co-founder and director Liberty Lobby). General Alfred Wedemeyer (gave air support to MacArthur's army in Korea; director For America; director Citizens Foreign Relations Committee; lots of correspondence with the Liberty Lobby). Gen. Bonner Fellers (had been chief of psychological operations under Eisenhower; national director For America; chairman executive council Defenders of the American Constitution; vice chairman Americans for Constitutional Action (founded by Adm. Ben Morreel); John Birch Society; director Shickshinny Knights; said about him: "the most violent Anglophobe I have encountered"). Another close friend of MacArthur was General Courtney Whitney (Born and lived in Manilla, Philippines, where he a lawyer; special operations aide and spokesman for MacArthur during the Korean War; retired when MacArthur was fired by Truman in 1951; supported MacArtur in the press against Truman; published 'MacArthur: His Rendezvous With History' in 1956).

Despite the fact that this group supposedly hated the Rockefellers, MacArthur was introduced by Nelson Rockefeller during a 1963 dinner at the Waldorf Astoria in honor of his work. Back in 1954 he and Willoughby had attended a large Rockefeller party for prime minister Yoshida--whom both had worked with.

March 8, 1946, St. Petersburg Times, Drew Pearson, Washington Marry-Go-Round: "Unfortunately, also, some of the men close to Gen. MacArthur appear to be a root cause of that trouble. Filipinos bluntly accuse them of using their military prestige and position during the war to further their economic positions after the war. … Except for military strategy, Whitney, a close friend of MacArthur, virtually ran the Philippines [during WWII]. … Gen. MacArthur is also reported to have heavy investments in the Philippines, and to be associated with Soirano and Gen. Whitney in the Consolidated gold mine and Antamok mine. Unfortunately, this has added to Filipino economic unrest and the feeling that the war was won partly to retrieve the vested interest of the MacArthur military clique."

Nov. 28, 1951, Toledo Blade, 'General MacArthur's Toadies: " [Gen. Willoughby and Gen. Whitney, MacArthur’s chief advisers] were pretty generally regarded as overbearing sycophants vastly overstuffed with the reflected glory of their chief."

Feb. 21, 1951, Spokane Daily Chronicle, Drew Pearson, 'Washington Marry-Go-Round': "John Gunther reports from Tokyo that, while dining with Maj. Gen. Charles Willoughby … Willoughby proposed the following toast: “To the second greatest military genius in the world—Francisco Franco.”"

Nov. 24, 1954, Lawrence Journal-World, 'Many Set-Ups Will Fight Communism': "Most recent of these organizations to appear is the “Ten Million Americans … Mobilizing for Justice.” … Purpose of this organization is to get 10 million signatures in support of “Sen. Joseph R. McCarthy and the fundamental principles he symbolizes.” The states objective is to build up so much pressure that the Senate will reject the Watkins committee censure charges. … As with every organization, it is necessary to have one or more Big Names to head it up. … Stratemeyer [head] … Lt.-Gen. Pedro A. del Valle of the Marines…"

Worthpoint.com, shows photocopy of Liberty Lobby announcement of its founding, description: "Broad side EXCELENT condition announces the formation of THE LIBERTY LOBBY office to be opened in Washington DC lists Advisory Board including; Willis Carto, Lt. Gen. George E. Stratemeyer, Lt. Gen. Pedro del Valle, TAYLOR CALDWELL and more! " Proceedings volume of the Geological Society of America for 1960: "Bela was also a member of the Policy Board of Liberty Lobby, Washington, D. C., and his name appears on their letterhead along with such nationally known men as Lt. General George E. Stratemeyer, the Hon. J. Bracken Lee, and Lt. General P. A. del Valle."

Nov. 23, 1973, Montreal Gazette, 'Truman's View of Nixon: Shifty-eyed liar' (comments made in early 1960s to interview Merle Miller): ""

1989, Michael Schaller, 'Douglas MacArthur: the Far Eastern general', p. 80: "During the summer of 1943 the SWPA commander [MacArthur] dispatched General Charles Willoughby, his intelligence chief, to discuss his prospects with Senator Vandenberg and other prominent Republicans, such as Robert E. Wood. Vandenberg and Wood (who spoke with MacArthur in April in Australia and agreed to fund a behind-the-scenes campaign) proceeded to organize a small movement of conservative Republicans who would communicate with the general through his staff." 2011, David M. Jordan, 'FDR, Dewey, and the Election of 1944', p. 37: "There were plenty of people who were happy to encourage MacArthur. An old and wealthy friend, a former West Point classmate named Robert Wood, now president of Sears, Roebuck, formerly active in the isolationist America First movement, offered whatever money might be needed. … Congresswoman Clare Boothe [Luce], disappointed with Wendell Willkie, considered MacArthur a very real possibility." 1989, Howard B. Schonberger, 'Aftermath of War: Americans and the Remaking of Japan, 1945-1952', pp. 70, 73, 89: "Robert Wood, a key organizer of his [MacArthur’s] 1944 and 1948 presidential campaigns ... MacArthur sent virtually an identical letter to Robert Wood, his trusted political advisor in 1944, the next day.102 MacArthur regarded MacNider and Wood as "invincibly honest" and the "strongman" of his 1948 campaign. Together the two men developed the basic strategy of the campaign. ... [MacArthur’s] travel expenses were covered by such ultraconservatives as oil men H. L. Hunt and Clint Murchison… But many of his critics were convinced that MacArthur once again sought the Republican presidential nomination, especially after some of the groups that had backed MacArthur for president in 1948 resumed activity again in the winter of 1952. … But MacArthur’s forces were even more disorganized, short of funds, and lacking in party influence that in 1948. As Eisenhower’s supporter grew, Robert Wood and other onetime MacArthur backers shifted allegiance to Taft.In all probability the main purpose of MacArthur’s slashing attacks on Truman and his slaps at Eisenhower’s candidacy was not to promote his own candidacy but to strengthen the right-wing of the Republican party and the chances of a Robert Taft nomination."

2001, William M. Leary, 'MacArthur and the American Century: A Reader', p. 303: "He deprecated Thomas Dewey as "shopworn" and called Robert Taft a "provincial" politician. His cruelest jabs, however, were reserved for Eisenhower. MacArthur accused his former aide of secretly having "Jewish blood in his veins," disqualifying him as either a "real" Republican or true American. Much to the astonishment of an aide, MacArthur also referred to Truman as "that Jew in the White House"."

Colonel Sinclair, had been a military attaché to General Douglas MacArthur during WWII -- and later supervised training of Japanese in intelligence methods. MacArthur and members of his team have long been associated with the Octopus -- perhaps because of the General’s role as Japan’s "Shogun" after WWII and the inevitable contacts created with the Japanese crime clans, the Yakuza. It has recently been revealed that MacArthur appears to have personally benefited from war loot plundered by the Japanese and later secretly recovered by the OSS and the CIA. This was in the form of gold bullion accounts set-up in MacArthur’s name by the OSS/CIA officer Santa Romana.

Back in 1951, after General Douglas MacArthur was relieved of his Korean command by President Truman, H.L. Hunt accompanied MacArthur on a flight to Texas for a speaking tour. Hunt and Murchison were the chief organizers of the pro-MacArthur forces in Texas. They would always remember the general standing bareheaded in front of the Alamo, urging removal of the `burden of taxation' from enterprising men like themselves, charging that such restraints were imposed by `those who seek to convert us to a form of socialistic endeavor, leading directly to the path of Communist slavery.'

According to Russell, Hunt went on to set up a MacArthur-for-president headquarters in Chicago, spending $150,000 of his own money on the general's reluctant 1952 campaign, which eventually fell apart as MacArthur adopted the strident rhetoric of the right wing. "Still, connections were made," wrote Russell, "Charles Willoughby, for example, was a regular part of the MacArthur-Hunt entourage and undoubtedly was acquainted with Murchison as well." Both [the Hunts and the Murchisons] cultivated not only powerful people on the far right, but also J. Edgar Hoover, Richard Nixon, organized crime figures, and Lyndon Johnson, whose rise to power emanated directly from his friends in Texas oil. "Like Hunt, Murchison was an ardent supporter of Senator Joseph McCarthy's anticommunist crusade. McCarthy came often to the exclusive hotel that Murchson opened in La Jolla, California, in the early 1950's. So did Richard Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover.

August 17, 1964, New York Times, 'H.L. Hunt: Magnat with a mission': "Mr. Hunt spent $150,000 to support ... Douglas MacArthur for the 1952 Republican Presidential nomination..."

Chairman of Remington-Rand after his retirement.

saved Moon during the invasion of Korea.

July 20, 1995, Independent, 'Obituary: Ryoichi Sasakawa': "With the defeat of Japan, it was inevitable that Sasakawa should face the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal. When MacArthur's GHQ ordered him to report to Sugamo Prison on 12 December 1945, his reaction was predictably dramatic. He was so delighted to be designated an A-class criminal that he arrived at the prison one day early, accompanied by a truck of cheering supporters and preceded by a brass band blasting out the "Gunkan Battleship March". He enjoyed life in prison, where he wrote a letter to President Truman accusing him of being a war criminal because of the atomic and hydrogen bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. For this effrontery he was beaten up by the prison guards. But he was freed from Sugamo on 24 December 1948, the day before General Kideki Tojo was hanged there with seven other A- class war criminals. Among those freed with Sasakawa were Nobusuke Kishi (elected prime minister in 1957) and Yoshio Kodama (later implicated in the Lockheed bribery scandal). Sasakawa never revealed why he was not hanged: it is rumoured that he had CIA connections, as had Kiski and Kodama."

September 23, 1979, Washington Post, 'Hoover: Life With A Tyrant': "Hoover never involved either himself or the bureau that deeply in a presidential election again. He started beating the drums to help Gen. Douglas MacArthur win the Republican nomination in 1952, but MacArthur's campaign fell as flat as Hoover's had, and when the director saw there was no chance for his man, he dropped him and supported Dwight Eisenhower."

--- Yamashita's gold ---

January 9, 1991, Robert A. Ackerman letter (photocopy from Sterling Seagrave's CD1, which can be bought as an addition to the book Gold Warriors): "Following is a description of the efforts of George J. DePontis (hereinafter "D"), with whom I am cooperating, to retrieve large sums originally delivered in Gen. Lansdale's Philippine days to a now deceased agent, Severino Santa Romana—which I have overlooked. … D contacted Ray Cline recently for financial or other support in an effort to retrieve large sums of money out of 174 odd bank accounts in 40 countries including USA/NYC set up by former agent Santa Romana under various aliases and names of corporations controlled by him. D is working on behalf of a Philippine lady who was a close coworker of the dead agent and her two Philippine lawyers. Ray Cline referred D to me in mid-December. I agreed to work with D on a contingency basis and have been in telephone contact… Santa Ramona is said  (by whom is not clear) to have known George Bush. … Santa Romana's long time trusted assistant, Tarciana C. Rodriguez…" Transcript of a phone conversation (photocopy from Sterling Seagrave's CD1, which can be bought as an addition to the book Gold Warriors): "Phone conversation between Bob Curtis in Las Vegas and George DuPontis in Miami on June 3, 1992, (with George Evangelis listening in in Miami): DePontis had spent the previous weekend with Mrs. Luc Santa Ramano in California (her father had just passed away). "I have spent two solid years, 20 hours a day on this," DePontis said of his role in the handling of the Santa Ramano estate. "There are accounts and it does exist," he said of the estate. "It is not a myth, believe me." He said Ferdinand Marcos had been one of the trustees of the estate until his death, when his trusteeship ended. … Mr. Santa Ramano was an American citizen, DePontis said. He said Gen. MacArthur and Gen. Lansdale both were involved with Yamashita's Treasure. … He said that Marcos stole billions of dollars from the estate. DePontis said 43 or 44 people have been killed in pursuit of the estate, many of them soldiers of fortune. The last of these to die was Billy Guerrero. "I’m sure you're aware there is massive intelligence involved in this," DePontis said. "Are you familiar with Ray Cline?" That was quickly followed up by, "Yeah, Singlaub’s been looking." DePontis said that when he got involved two years ago, he went to Ray Cline. Cline sent him to Washington, D.C., attorney Bob Ackerman, who served in the CIA for 15 years and then in the Justice Department. He … represented Eleanor Dulles. … DePontis acknowledged that payments were being made to the CIA, that the U.S. government was getting a 50-percent share. "We came within one day of closing on 12,000 metric tons (of gold) two weeks ago," he said. Of that, 6,000 metric tons was to go to "Uncle Sam" and the other 6,000 metric tons was to go to a group including DePontis… He asks Curtis if he knows Gen. Black and CIA operative Charlie Prinnble of Virginia." Of his affiliation with attorney Bob Ackerman, DePontis said: "I think that gives me a good leg up." … "Citibank is really hung out on this," DePontis said of its role in the Santa Ramano estate. I think Citibank is going to go down big time." DePontis can be reached in Miami at 305-573-5449."

2003, Sterling Seagrave and Peggy Seagrave, 'Gold Warriors: America's Secret Recovery of Yamashita's Gold', p. 190: "This is why Santy was brought to Washington in 1973, and pressed to make over funds to which he held title. When Santy died the following year, this may explain why several of his biggest accounts at Citibank and UBS were quickly transferred to Lansdale’s control. How they were used is unknown."

"Singlaub, Graham, Keegan and Vessey were all marked down for 1 percent. In addition, Singlaub and Schweitzer were to take another 4-6 percent of profits"

Involved: General Douglas MacArthur, General Willoughby, General Lansdale, General Singlaub, General Black, General Graham, Ray Cline.

"Soon after the liberation of the Philippines, American special agents began to discover a few of the hidden gold repositories. The key figure was a Filipino American born in Luzon in either 1901 or 1907 named Severino Garcia Diaz Santa Romana (and several other aliases), who in the mid-1940s worked for MacArthur’s chief intelligence officer, General Willoughby. As a commando behind the lines in the Philippines he had once witnessed the unloading of heavy boxes from a Japanese ship, their being placed in a tunnel, and the entrance being dynamited shut. He had already suspected what was going on. After the war, Santa Romana was joined in Manila by Captain Edward Lansdale of the OSS, the CIA’s predecessor. ... Together, Santa Romana and Lansdale tortured the driver of General Tomoyuki Yamashita, Japan’s last commander in the Philippines, forcing him to divulge the places where he had driven Yamashita in the last months of the war. Using hand-picked troops from the US Army’s Corps of Engineers, these two opened about a dozen Golden Lily sites in the high valleys north of Manila. They were astonished to find stacks of gold ingots higher than their heads and reported this to their superiors. Lansdale was sent to Tokyo to brief MacArthur and Willoughby, and they, in turn, ordered Lansdale to Washington to report to Truman’s national security aide, Clark Clifford. As a result, Robert Anderson, on the staff of the Secretary of War, Henry Stimson, returned to Tokyo with Lansdale and, according to the Seagraves, then flew secretly with MacArthur to the Philippines, where they personally inspected several caverns. They concluded that what had been found in Luzon, combined with the caches the Occupation had uncovered in Japan, amounted to several billion dollars’ worth of war booty. Back in Washington, it was decided at the highest levels, presumably by Truman, to keep these discoveries secret and to funnel the money into various off-the-books slush funds to finance the clandestine activities of the CIA. ... On orders from Washington, Lansdale supervised the recovery of several Golden Lily vaults, inventoried the bullion, and had it trucked to warehouses at the US Naval base at Subic Bay or the Air Force base at Clark Field. According to the Seagraves, two members of Stimson’s staff, together with financial experts from the newly formed CIA, instructed Santa Romana in how to deposit the gold in 176 reliable banks in 42 different countries. These deposits were made in his own name or in one of his numerous aliases in order to keep the identity of the true owners secret. Once the gold was in their vaults, the banks would issue certificates that are even more negotiable than money, being backed by gold itself. With this seemingly inexhaustible source of cash, the CIA set up slush funds to influence politics in Japan, Greece, Italy, Britain and many other places around the world. ... Santa Romana died in 1974, leaving several wills, including a final holographic testament, naming Tarciana Rodriguez, a Filipina who was the official treasurer of his various companies, and Luz Rambano, his common-law wife, as his main heirs. They set out to recover the gold since, after all, it was in his name in various banks and they had custody of all the account books, secret code names, amounts, records of interest paid, and other official documents proving its existence. Using the famous San Francisco attorney Melvin Belli as her representative, Rambano actually filed a suit against John Reed, then CEO of Citibank in New York and today president of the New York Stock Exchange, charging him with ‘wrongful conversion’: that is, selling $20 billion of Santa Romana’s gold and converting the proceeds to his own use. The Seagraves vividly describe the extraordinary meetings that took place between Rambano and Reed, with phalanxes of lawyers on both sides, in Citibank’s boardroom in New York. Reed apparently ordered the gold moved to Cititrust in the Bahamas. ... Twenty years after Santa Romana stopped searching in 1947, a secondary - and quite violent – hunt for gold began, carried out by Ferdinand Marcos. Marcos recovered at least $14 billion in gold – $6 billion from the sunken Japanese cruiser Nachi in Manila Bay, and $8 billion from the tunnel known as ‘Teresa 2′, 38 miles south of Manila in Rizal province. During 2001, Philippine politics were rocked when the former solicitor-general Francisco Chavez alleged that Irene Marcos-Araneta, Marcos’s youngest daughter, maintained an account worth $13.2 billion in Switzerland. Its existence apparently came to light when she tried to move it from the Union Bank of Switzerland to Deutsche Bank in Düsseldorf. Marcos, who personally supervised the opening of at least six sites and routinely used his thugs to steal any treasure that local peasants happened to find, died in exile in Honolulu in 1989. ... The key to Marcos’s discoveries was the services of one Robert Curtis, a Nevada chemist, metallurgist and mining engineer, whom Marcos hired to resmelt his gold, to bring it up to current international requirements for purity so that it could be marketed internationally. Curtis proved to be the only person who could decipher the few Golden Lily maps that survived, in the possession of Takeda’s former valet, a Filipino youth from Bambang. The Seagraves describe very thoroughly Curtis’s activities, including his narrow escape from death on the orders of Marcos’s henchman General Ver, after he struck gold at Teresa 2."

October 8, 1955, New York Times: "Because of the development of science, all countries on Earth will have to unite to survive and to make a common front against attack by people from other planets. The politics of the future will be cosmic, or interplanetary."

DOUGLAS MACARTHUR II:

Douglas MacArthur II (1909-): Nephew of the famous general; episcopalian. Assistant to John Foster Dulles in the early 1950s and flew with him all across the world. Appointed ambassador to Tokyo Dec. 1956 (Dec 13, 1956, Star-News, 'Ike getting liberals in high posts'); ambassador to Brussels 1961-1965; assistant secretary of state and head of the State Department's Bureau of Congressional Relations 1965-1967; ambassador to Austria 1967-1969; ambassador to Iran during the Shah's reign 1969-1972 (retired after evading a kidnapping attempt); independent international affairs consultant in Washington 1972-1997; director Banque Bruxelles Lambert; one of five senior advisors to Hill and Knowlton at least from 1981 to 1983. December 7, 1981, Washington Post, 'Communications': "[Former U.S. Senator] Gale McGee ... has been named a member of the senior advisory board of Hill and Knowlton. He will serve on the committee with Douglas MacArthur II (nephew of the late general) ... Najeeb Halaby [FAA] ... Adm. Thomas Moorer ... and Edmond C. Smith [White House staffer]..."; since 1981, chair of the European Institute of Management (EIM), a privatized fascist army intelligence group which tried to undermine the Belgian democratic process and appears to have been at the center of a child abuse, torture and murder ring; member of the editorial advisory board of The Washington Times since Sun Myung Moon founded it in 1982; chaired Moon's World Media Conference in Tokyo in the mid-1980s; openly supported the Women's Federation for World Peace when Moon founded it in 1987; founding chair of Sun Myung Moon-funded Panda Motor Corp in China since 1988, a company that went bankrupt within a few years (October 16, 1989, Daily Herald, 'Moon-backed Panda car drives into skepticism of auto industry'); his uncle Douglas MacArthur saved Moon during the invasion of Korea; big supporter of the UN's Temple of Understanding; died in 1997.

Dec. 15, 1986, Charles Stuart Kennedy for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Douglas MacArthur II (Library of Congress, American Memory home): "MACARTHUR: I was with the Secretary, and as coordinator, I accompanied him to most of the meetings, because we also met in San Francisco [10th anniversary UN, July 1955] with Mr. Pinay, who was the French Foreign Minister, whom I had known well in the period when I served in France just after the liberation. And I accompanied, I remember, Secretary Dulles to a meeting when we were in Paris before going on to Austria in May. I went along with the Secretary to call on Chancellor Adenauer ... I knew most of Adenauer's people..."

1991, David N. Gibbs, 'The Political Economy of Third World Intervention': "[Douglas MacArthur II:] stated that Leon Lambert, of the Lambert group, “was a very great admirer of Paul Henri Spaak” (Douglas MacArthur II, interview with author, April 30, 1987)." Halt magazine in 1990 said MacArthur had sat on the board of Compagnie Bruxelles Lambert.

March 17, 1966, letter from Paul Vanden Boeynants to Douglas MacArthur II: "Dear Ambassador, My Dear Friend, ... I hope very much to have the pleasure of meeting you the next time you are in Brussels and meanwhile request my friend JOSI to convey to you, dear Ambassador, my dear Friend, when handing you this letter, the expression of my sincere respects and warm affections." Response: March 25, 1966, letter from Douglas MacArthur II to Paul Vanden Boeynants: "Dear Mr. Prime Minister and Cher Ami: I cannot tell you how touched I was to receive your letter of March 17 which our good friend, Jean Josi, delivered to me yesterday. The day before Jean arrived I had written you a note of congratulations which I sent through the Embassy and which you will receive in due course. In it I sent you our warmest and best wishes as you assume the heavy burdens and responsibilities as Prime Minister of Belgium. … Needless to add, I feel a particular warmth for Belgium which is my second country because, as you know, my daughter, who lives in Brussels, married a Belgian and I have a Belgian-American granddaughter. As I said to Jean Josi yesterday, if I can be of any service to you, I hope you will not fail to let me know. My wife and I plan to visit our children in Brussels next October and we will hope to have the opportunity to pay our respects to you and your charming wife whom we remember with so much pleasure. Again, many thanks for your letter and every good wish from the bottom of our hearts for you and Madame Vanden Boeynants." Jean Josi seems to be the person of Josi & Cie in the early 1960s. On Nov. 27, 1964 there was a proposition to induct Josi as an officer in the Ordre de la Couronne. The same corporation still exists. www.ejustice.just.fgov.be: "JOSI & C°, société anonyme, rue des Colonies 11, 1000 BRUXELLES" At the same address is located Groupe Josi, managed by Jean-Pierre Laurent Josi (member of Cercle de Lorraine, where Etienne Davignon, Albert Frere, Maurice Lippens and every other Belgian aristocrat can be found). His father was Jean-Marie Josi (1991, Georges Timmerman, 'Main basse sur Bruxelles', pp. 53, 85, 113, 117, 129: 1908-1979; president of Groupe Jose, until the early 1980s an important insurance firm. Around 1990 board members included Jean-Pierre Laurent Josi, Albert Frère, Aldo Vastapane, Ado Blaton and Pierre Salik (Salik International). Director Banque Bruxelles Lambert; director Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas (financier of the WTC project); vice president Brussels Airways under Charlie De Pauw in late 60s; vice president Sobeli, under presidency of Michel Relecom).

1990 (approximately), Halt magazine (journalist/author Walter de Bock and others), 'Profile: Douglas MacArthur II: An American in Brussels': "From 1961 to 1965 Douglas MacArthur II was ambassador in Belgium. In Belgium at the time the Catholic socialist government of Lefevre-Spaak (1961-1965) was in power. This government had not easily been formed, primarily because of problems surrounding sanctions that had been taken against socialist and communist strikers in the dtrik of ’60-’61. Eventually the bad bllod of the strike was wiped off. But as a counter-measure public control was increased (the so-called anti-strikelaw of 7 June 1964). … None other than Paul Vanden Boeynants was the promoter for stronger law enforcement. So during the Belgian ambassadorship of Douglas MacArthur II, an important shift from “power on the street” to power of the state took place. … What we have been able to find out is that Douglas MacArthur II and the CIA in that period were two hands on one belly. That he was a CIA employee is not really a surprise. But it is nice to have that confirmed: the story was related to us by a person who was a CIA informant at the time, and has been confirmed by two other reliable sources. That the CIA at the time would have had a lot of interest in Belgium should be clear to anyone."

May 5, 2009, Business Times, 'AIG set to sell Tokyo property for US$1b': "Former AIG chief executive officer Maurice 'Hank' Greenberg, who led the insurer for nearly 40 years, had warned that the sale of the Tokyo office building would further demoralise the company's Japanese employees, the The Wall Street Journal said. AIG arrived in Japan in the wake of World War II upon the invitation of General Douglas MacArthur." MacArthur sat on the board of AIG since at least 1982 (1985, Eustace Mullins, 'The World Order', based on S&P 1982 report on AIG; name appears also in mainstream publications on AIG from 1985 and on) and was a director until his death in 1997 (Dec. 24, 1996, SEC filing).

June 4, 1993, Virginia Crawford for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Wendell W. Woodbury (Library of Congress, American Memory home): "After the occupation ended we showed our finesse by sending out a Foreign Service officer by the name of Douglas MacArthur II; I think that was about the dumbest thing we have ever done. Many of my friends told me he was a terrible man to work for and his wife was even worse. So after them, Reischauer and Mrs. Reischauer seemed like saints. Everybody liked them, in fact he was almost revered, especially by the language officers. MacArthur II, while unlovable was such a strong man that he made the American ambassador The President's representative in Japan rather than the commander of U.S. Forces, Far East." Many others said the exact same thing, both about his influence and the manners of him and his wife.

February 9, 1990, Charles Stuart Kennedy for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Roger C. Brewin (Library of Congress, American Memory home): "I think the political section was constrained; there is no question about that. They were constrained about reporting on human rights violations, on the opposition to the Shah. I think that constraint was present going back even to 1953 when we put the Shah back on his throne. Some Ambassadors were far more vehement on this subject than others--Douglas MacArthur II, for example, would tolerate no criticism of the Shah in the post's reporting whatsoever."

On his involvement in Belgium. Dec. 15, 1986, Charles Stuart Kennedy for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Douglas MacArthur II (Library of Congress, American Memory home): "As a member of General Eisenhower's staff in Normandy, Assistant Political Advisor for French Resistance Affairs, I had not only participated in the liberation of Paris... [Eisenhower] said, "MacArthur, I want you to go up and see how Monty does liberating Brussels tomorrow." So I went forward. It was only a two- or three-hour drive with military escort, and participated in the liberation of Brussels [on September 3, 1944]... I was sent [back] there as first secretary after I finished my tour of duty in Paris in '48. I went to Belgium as first secretary [under Ambassador Admiral Kirk]. While I was there, Paul Henri Spaak was both prime minister and foreign minister, one of the free world's great post-war statesmen. ... Then in May 1949, I had been there less than a year, I got word that the Secretary [of State] wanted me to become Chief of the Division of Western European Affairs."

1998, Anson Schupe, 'Religion, Mobilization, and Social Action', p. 212: "More recently Falwell has also by his actions accepted that Moon is now a major player in the New Christian Right, acceptable even to fundamentalist Baptists whose theologies would otherwise reject the Korean as a false messiah. In 1994 Falwell appeared to endorse the inauguration of the Unificationist Youth Federation for World Peace, sharing a commemorative photograph (along with Mr. and Mrs. Moon seated and Falwell standing beside Pak) with, among other dignitaries, Maureen Reagan, Sir Edward Heath, former U.S. Ambassador Douglas MacArthur II, and Alexander M. Haig, Jr (Moffit, 1994)."

December 11, 1992, Charles Stuart Kennedy for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Ulrich A. Straus (Library of Congress, American Memory home): "Q: What was the feeling within the American military towards General MacArthur? STRAUS: Well, you know, MacArthur never had the adoration of the troops as let's say Eisenhower did. He was an aloof figure and a showman. My own feeling was that perhaps he was a better administrator of Japan than he was a General. There was a good deal of dissension below MacArthur. There were two most prominent political wings, one conservative, under Major General Willoughby, who was in charge of G-2 (Intelligence) and the other under General Whitney, who handled the Government Section, the more liberally inspired section. Things got so bad between the two sections that we were ordered not to talk to each other. Q: You were in which? STRAUS: After I left the war crimes trial, I was in G-2. But my best friend and roommate was with the Government Section. ... I was in Japan in 1955 when he was appointed and I thought that it was a big mistake to appoint anyone with that name. But the Japanese saw it differently. He had been the Counselor in the Department, a man who obviously had the ear of the Secretary of State, one of the high and mighty and the Japanese were flattered to get an important person like that. However, I found the Embassy was not a very happy place. In fact, compared to all the others places I have been subsequently, it was a very unhappy place. I remember one incident, for example, this was a time of turmoil in the spring of 1960 with a lot of demonstrations going on... The Ambassador held forth for all but a minute of this 50 minute interview where he tried to persuade the president of a prominent university that these demonstrations against the security treaty, against Kishi, the Prime Minister at the time, were all wrong. And that it was his Christian duty, as it were, to oppose this kind of thing. At the end of that 50 minutes, he was rather summarily dismissed and thanked for contributing his views, which the man never had the chance to do. I think that was kind of the way MacArthur ran things. At a later point we were asked our thoughts about the Eisenhower Presidential visit and it was clear to everybody, at least below the DCM level, that it needed to be postponed. But at that point I think the Ambassador's ego was involved in the visit and he wanted to continue it until finally the Japanese indicated that they were concerned about the safety of the Emperor as much as anything. Protocol demanded that the Emperor go out to the airport. So at their insistence it was postponed. ... As part of the peace treaty of 1952 we had negotiated with Japan a security treaty which allowed for the stationing of American forces in Japan. By 1959, with Japan starting to feel more independent, it was clear that the treaty that had been negotiated earlier was not adequate. It had to be revised because it provided for such things as the possibility of American forces interfering militarily in Japan. That wasn't appropriate any more. So it was revised really to provide more powers to the Japanese and to limit American powers. So there was nothing wrong with that except that the left wing force in Japan didn't want any security treaty. They wanted so-called unarmed neutrality and to rest their security on the tender mercies of the United Nations as well as non-aggression pacts with the United States, the Soviet Union and China. I think our reading was that these demonstrations in Japan, which were, I think, conveyed in the press to the American public as being anti-American demonstrations, were only partly that. That the majority focus, maybe 70 percent, was really directed against Mr. Kishi, then the Prime Minister. Kishi's background was that he had been a very prominent politician, a member of the wartime Tojo cabinet and got within a whisker of being tried as an A Class war criminal. He was probably the most conservative of the post-war Japanese politicians. A very wily politician. It was Kishi's somewhat Japanese idea that the revised security treaty should be a present for Eisenhower. It should all have been wrapped up by the time he came. But given the opposition to this treaty among the trade unions and the left wing in Japanese politics, it became impossible to get it through without ramming it through...what the Japanese call the tyranny of the majority. Yes. It was then that the anger of a lot of middle-of-the-road people also exploded. It was roughly 70 percent directed towards Kishi. Maybe another 20 percent against having the security treaty with the United States and 10 percent against the planned Eisenhower visit. I think maybe the Japanese were in a way disappointed that the President of the United States wouldn't come. ... The reporting first of all was excessive. MacArthur had a way...he was an early riser and by the time he came to the office he had read the English-language Japan Times, which was his bible. He would mark virtually all the articles that dealt with Japanese domestic or international affairs for reporting. We were required to report them even if the articles turned out to be false. I remember I was told, "Well, then you say that the Times said this but on further checking it wasn't true." So it was excessive. I felt that the lower ranks, certainly people like Dave Osborn, knew the score exceedingly well. But the reporting that was done above the political counselor level was often slanted. ... Well it was a major change from MacArthur to Reischauer. It was a more relaxed style of leadership. For example, the Embassy had a swimming pool which nobody other than the Ambassador and DCM could ever use. Immediately that was opened to everybody which greatly endeared the Reischauers to us. We got to know them as people and they were delightful."

June 14, 1994, Charles Stuart Kennedy for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Jack A. Sulzer (Library of Congress, American Memory home): "Shortly before I left, Riddleberger departed and Douglas MacArthur II arrived as Ambassador. ... Ken is given to very colorful language, a very outspoken fellow. We were discussing these rumors about who our next ambassador was going to be. Ken said, "Well, I don't give a ___ who it is as long as it isn't that *@*@*@ Douglas MacArthur." Brandin looked at him and said, "If you're going to say things like that, I guess I better tell you that we have received a request for agrément (from the Austrian government, which of course hadn't been announced, was still a secret because they didn't have the Austrian reply yet) "for MacArthur." In due course we heard lots of stories about him and his wife, one of them from the wife of the British ambassador in Austria, who had been the British ambassador in the Philippines when MacArthur was ambassador to Japan. This good woman told my wife at a British Embassy party that they were saddened to hear that they were going to be in contact with the MacArthurs again, because when they were out there in the Pacific the Ocean was not big enough for the two of them even though they were not in the same country. People tell stories about the MacArthurs much more freely than I would expect. Much more freely than normal gossip. ... He was ambassador in Belgium when he was named to Austria. He had no background in the area, no knowledge of German. When we got a message from him about his arrival, they were taking the train from Brussels to Salzburg but wanted the Ambassador's car and driver to meet them in Salzburg instead of going all the way to Vienna on the train. The Ambassador's car was to be equipped permanently with a cooler to be kept stocked with a certain brand of champagne for Mrs. MacArthur. The cooler was to be maintained in the car, supplied with this brand of champagne at all times. When she was calling on foreign ambassador's wives or cabinet members' wives or going shopping or whatever, this brand of champagne was to be available in the car. After they got established, she would occasionally have Embassy wives in for coffee. Coffee and orange juice and so on would be served to the wives, except Mrs. MacArthur who drank only this champagne. ... Another request of a personal nature he made when he arrived, he wanted to be outfitted with a proper hunting costume. This was one of his interests. He wanted to go hunting chamois [deer] in the Austrian mountains. ... It was a very different sort of atmosphere, a different relationship. He was much more formal than Riddleberger, much less approachable. He was even a little bit formidable. Not as much fun to work for. But my experience with him was brief and I was not very unhappy about that."

On decolonization in the Congo: Dec. 15, 1986, Charles Stuart Kennedy for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Douglas MacArthur II (Library of Congress, American Memory home): ""The Belgian system was totally different from the British or the French system. The Belgian system of colonialism ran the whole show virtually from Brussels. It didn't have the type of governor general setup with a local assembly of some sort, where views could be expressed and things of that kind. It was operated from Belgium, and it was operated not just by the government alone, but by the companies, the important Belgian companies--agricultural and mineral companies--Union Miniere, from whom during the war we got uranium for our atomic bombs that we used in Japan. ... The Belgians looked around and saw all these things happening to the British and French colonies in Africa, but they persisted in the belief that they had 20 to 30 years to decolonize, that they needed that time to get started in setting up some kind of the beginnings of a local assembly system so there could be an orderly transition from this very paternalistic system operated from Brussels to a more democratic system with people who had absolutely no training equivalent to the training that the British and French had given the native inhabitants of their colonies, not just in Africa, but in the Middle East and elsewhere. The system was operating, and I think there were a great deal of pressures from important companies like Union Miniere, which was a big hunk of the Societe General, which is Belgium's largest company that has been in contention recently because an Italian is trying to take it over, because it operates or is the key to 500-and-some major industrial companies that are operating in Belgium. I think there were pressures from them. They didn't want to give up probably their prerogatives. I was not there at that time, but I understood later that there had been pressures from them. But basically, the system seemed to be going all right. It continued to operate all right. There didn't seem to be any outbursts of riots or things for emotionalism. Then all this changed in 1959, when suddenly there was an explosion, and Lumumba and other people led the business. Then the Belgians panicked. They had to send their armed forces in in 1960--I think it was '60--to restore order, because there were tens of thousands of Belgians in the Congo working. In the meantime, the United Nations got into the act at the request of some of the other African nations and the Soviet Union, China, and the Belgians sent their troops in to restore order, which they did, but a series of United Nations resolutions were passed that were highly critical of Belgium, and Belgium then panicked and said that they could have their independence in less than six months. ... So within the new African states, they had a tremendous burden. When you never have had a system of government above the tribal system, you've never had a national system, you've had a Middle East and Asia and the Far East, in Europe, you've never been above tribalism, and there's these fierce tribal rivalries, and in one newly independent country that was formerly a colony, you throw together five or six tribes, some of which have been basic enemies from the beginning of time, you have problems. And that's been one of the burdens that these newly independent nations of Africa have had to bear, and the principal reason for the tremendous instabilities that have plagued them. ... But in any event, then there was a resolution calling the Belgians to pull their troops out, and some of the resolutions of the United Nations were very, very crudely or brutally, in terms of diplomatic language, accusatory of the Belgians, and we voted right down the line. Understandably, we were for decolonization. We were once a colony ourselves, we always had been, and so forth."... So there was a psychological problem on the part of the Belgians, a feeling of bitterness that they had been faithful allies and done what they could to work with us, and we had had friendly relations, and now suddenly, for reasons of our own, we had turned on them and gone further than we had to go in voting for resolutions and statements and one thing and another. So as I say, when I arrived there, there was considerable bitterness, and it was particularly reflected in certain important companies of the Societe General, like Union Miniere. Now, I don't want to get into a whole history of the Belgian Congo. ... Unfortunately, [Jesse Jackson's] wife is reported to have made speeches about the Congo matter, in which she told people that the Belgians, if a Congolese stole, they chopped his arm off and things of that kind. These stories all got back to Belgium, to the Belgian Embassy here, and I remember a dinner where the Belgian ambassador and Mike Mansfield, who was then Majority Leader of the Senate, he was the guest of honor, I guess, and the Belgian ambassador started talking about it, and tears came in his eyes and streaked down his cheeks, he was emotionally so upset by some of the things that had happened. ... So I went there with a clear mandate. I mean, the Congo's independence was here to stay at that time, but the problem when I went there was not the Congo's independence; it was the fact that a civil war had broken out, an insurrection had broken out, and that insurrection was a very dangerous thing, because it was being supported by the Soviet Union through Congo Brazzaville, which was a client state, if you will, where they had strong influence with resources and the like. The former Belgian Congo, Zaire as it now is, occupies a key position in the heart of Africa. It's surrounded by about eight states, and if the Congo went bad, went the wrong way, that is, went the way where it became an Ethiopia, a Soviet client state, the emanations, exactly what can happen from Nicaragua if it's strong enough, going out to the neighboring Costa Rica, Guatemala, and all the rest, the spreading out of a cancer from the center of Africa, it could spread out on both sides--east, west, north, and south. So this was something that we felt should not happen and that I should work with the Belgians and try to see what we could do to do this thing. Well, I arrived in Belgium, I had the greatest of good fortune. Seldom do ambassadors have the good luck that I had. I arrived there, and the foreign minister was Paul Henri Spaak, with whom I had worked as foreign minister and prime minister when I was chargé d'affaires, a man I admired greatly... Now, Spaak was a very sensible man, and he did not approve of certain of the things that some of the companies politically, of the Societe General, which was divided on this subject primarily because of Union Miniere, basically they wanted the Congo to be split up, because Katanga, where the heart of the mineral resources were and so forth, was where they had their operations, and that was part of the dissident rebellious part of the Congo that was trying to break away. So there were complications for Spaak and the Belgian Government of an internal domestic order, which had very important economic and political implications for the government and the party. The situation with Spaak and the relationships--and he said it in his memoirs that he felt that I had always spoken to him with the greatest frankness about our concerns and the depth of our concerns and our basic feelings and commitments, but on the other hand, he felt that I was transmitting to Washington an accurate portrayal of his problems, too, and the kinds of dilemmas that Belgium faced in this insurrection of what to do about it. They had withdrawn their troops, the insurrection was going on, and then the thing finally came. I won't go into all the things that happened over a three-year span, but it finally came when Lumumba seized about 2,000 foreign hostages. Lumumba was the one that declared that Americans and Belgians were to be seized. He may have been bumped by that time, but in that period leading up to the seizure of the hostages, he had encouraged the idea. [fact: Lumumba had been dead for more than three years, killed by Moishe Tshombe of Katanga, soon followed by a (temporary) declaration of indepence of Katanga, where all the minerals were present, when Chinese-trained Patrice Lumumba started his violent insurrection and took hostages in mid 1964] ... So Spaak and I came over to this country, the United States, in '64, Spaak allegedly to make a speech in Bermuda and then come on here for some private thing, and I came back on consultation. Spaak and I had put together by this time the idea that American planes could airlift Belgian paratroopers in to smash the rebellion. I say smash the rebellion--to smash in and recuperate the hostages, but on a basis that we agreed that it would not be a military operation, which would immediately bring the majority of the United Nations against us, saying that we were in there militarizing, trying to overthrow the thing and recolonize and imperialism. It would be a pure humanitarian rescue operation, where we would go in, pick up the hostages, and get the hell out. ... Then we came back here and met in the Department with the Secretary, I believe, and that night we had a dinner at Averell Harriman's in Georgetown, and Spaak had, I think, Robert Rothschild and maybe Stevie Davignon, later commissioner of the AEC, a brilliant chef de cabinet adjoint. We put the proposition--I don't remember who was at the dinner; it was a very small one--to Harriman and the Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, and I guess we had EUR there, too, because of Spaak, and Livy, maybe, that this would not be a commitment of American troops, we would simply provide the airlift to rescue hostages. So it was agreed we'd meet again the next morning in the Department after there had been time to consult the President. ... But in any event, we got back, and the Pentagon agreed to send over within 48 hours four of their best planners as tourists with civilian tourist passports, and they arrived the day after we got back, and they went to work right away. ... We've done it successfully, we've picked up 1,500 to 1,700 hostages and saved their lives. ... We saved 300 more people up there, including several Americans, and we brought them back and we pulled out, and the operation was over."""

October 5, 1992, Charles Stuart Kennedy for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Robert M. Beaudry (Library of Congress, American Memory home): "Yes, [MacArthur was difficult to work with and] with a difficult wife. ... The Belgians provided a 500-man combat battalion of paratroopers and we dropped them over Stanleyville. In a way it was a marker for other people in Africa that even though you weren't on the coast, the 20th century gunboats could get you if you weren't careful. It was done at the behest, pretty largely, of Averell Harriman. MacArthur had been in Washington when they decided to do it."

Dec. 15, 1986, Charles Stuart Kennedy for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Douglas MacArthur II (Library of Congress, American Memory home): "There were problems in the Middle East, there were lots of problems with the Israeli lobby. I'd like to say a word about lobbies. Let me start with the whole question of lobbies. In the middle Sixties, when I was doing this congressional relations job, I think the most powerful single lobby was the Israeli lobby. This was before K Street in Washington, D.C., had built up with all the modern buildings we see today. Because in those days, while there were lobbyists and people were sent here to lobby high members in organizations or companies to lobby the Congress, but the day had not yet arrived when we had this huge agglomeration of what they called corporate offices in Washington, which is now the biggest business in Washington, the corporate office, which is another name for Washington lobbyist organizations for industry and business and organizations' corporate offices. The Israeli lobby was extremely, extremely effective on anything and everything that in any way the government of Israel felt affected adversely its interests and in anything that the government of Israel wanted, such as money, billions of dollars each year in support. I had one very difficult experience with the chairman of a very important committee. I will not name him. I went over at a certain moment when the President and the State Department had reached an agreement on modification of our Middle East policy, to try to be a bit more even-handed between Israel and the Arabs in our presentations and in what we were doing. It was not a major thing, in my judgment then. But I went to the chairman of this very important committee and explained the reasons why we felt that the importance of the Middle East and the Arab world should be the appearance and the substance of a more even-handed approach to the Middle East problem, not always simply taking the Israeli position on any problem that arose in that area, in which Israel had an interest, virtually none in which it did not have an interest. And the man looked at me and he said, "Doug, you go back and tell the President to get off that line." He said, "In our great urban centers, the East, Middle West, California, we have anywhere from 12 to 15, 18% of our population in the urban centers, in important urban centers, very important ones, are Jewish. The Jewish people are a very civic-minded people. The average record for the average American, just barely over half, 52% or 53% of them, even take the trouble to go and vote. They go and vote 100%." And he said, "You know and I know that the Israeli lobby is very strong, and that by and large, Jewish people support the position of the government of Israel." That was true at that time. He said, "Take a constituency that has 12% to 13% Jews. When election day comes around, that's 25% of the vote. And if there's 15% or 17%, it's over a third of the vote that's automatically against you if you oppose this particular thing. And they'll certainly be against this. So you go back, tell the President and your friends in the State Department that it won't go, that I'm against it, and there will be plenty of other members from the urban centers who are against it." And that's how they operated. I had a very good Jewish friend who was deeply concerned about the growing impression that the Jewish people put the interest, although American citizens, born American citizens, many of them, put the interests of another country, Israel, ahead of the United States. He was concerned that the lobbying was so open and blatant in the promising of campaign contributions and votes that it would fan anti-Semitism at some stage of the game. He was a very sincere, thoughtful man. He told me how the operation worked. You go into a congressman's office when something came up that was controversial with Israel, and he'd have a desk as big as this desk, six feet long, stacked, a foot and a foot and a half high, with telegrams from his constituents or from his state, if he was a senator. This man told me how it worked. He said, "The Israeli Embassy knows, or is convinced that you've got all their telephone lines tapped, and when something comes up that's important in the Congress, a member of the embassy staff goes to a public pay telephone, he calls a certain number in a certain city, gets a guy on the other end and says, 'We want 5,000 telegrams on the desk of Senator So-and-so (or Congressman So-and-so) in the next 48 hours.' And there's no record, no trace of that or anything else. Then the organizational man there of the lobby whom he's called gets those telegrams on the desks of the senators and congressmen." Well, if you're a congressman and had only a two-year pulse, and you get 5,000 telegrams on your desk from people in your constituency or in the general area in which you come, even if it's outside of your constituency, it makes an impression on you if you've got to run for re-election and only have got a two-year pulse, and maybe a year of that pulse has already been used up when you get smothered with telegrams and telephone calls and letters. Sure there were [other lobbies] in a national sense, but in the foreign affairs sense, there was no other lobby that could approach this."

Dec. 15, 1986, Charles Stuart Kennedy for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Douglas MacArthur II (Library of Congress, American Memory home): "In the preceding decade, the U.S., including the State Department, and the Secretary of State, to a certain extent, Mr. Dulles at that time, certainly at the beginning of the Eisenhower Administration, we all regarded the Chinese-Soviet relationship as a steel-hard ball with no cracks or fissures that you could get your fingernails into, and that they would work and support each other, whether it be in the U.N. or here or there, more actively in support of the propagation and spread of communism. That, of course, was before the 20th Party Congress of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union, which, under Khrushchev, pronounced that war was no longer inevitable."

January 24, 1985, Los Angeles Times, 'Basking in the Inauguration Afterglow': "Saturday night before the Presidential Gala, Lester B. Korn, chairman of the board of Korn/Ferry Intl., and his wife Carolbeth and Ambassador Douglas MacArthur (nephew of the general) and his wife Laura (daughter of former Vice President Alben W. Barkley) hosted a party for some of the Reagan team and other interesting folk at the MacArthurs' Washington home. The guest of honor was Ronald H. Walker, a Korn/Ferry partner who was chairman and CEO of the 1985 Presidential Inaugural Committee. Some on that guest list were Mrs. Michael Deaver (Mike had the flu); the President's Chief of Staff James Baker and his wife; Atty. Gen. and Mrs. William French Smith; Mike and Linda Curb; Gordon and Karen Luce; former Secretary of Transportation Drew Lewis and his wife; the Donald Rumsfields and Presidential Assistant Robert Tuttle and his wife Donna."

October 16, 1996, Charles Stuart Kennedy for the The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, Interview with Arthur F. Blaser, Jr.: "Yes, that's right. I don't want to over-stress that, but Ambassador MacArthur was a very aggressive, hard driving individual, who knew what he wanted to do, and it often worked out that way. And I think he was maybe a little bit insensitive to the point you just suggested. ... I have worked for many fine ambassadors, but he was the best. When you worked directly for MacArthur, you became a member of the family. I lived through the ambassador's very serious bout of pneumonia and an assassination attempt which was kept secret for over a year. That was the beginning of terrorism in Iran which eventually led to the revolution. ... he would constantly bombard the Department pointing out the importance of the issues and the Shah's vital role in maintaining our role in the Gulf. I thought MacArthur was extremely effective; he worked well with all elements of the U.S. representation in Iran. For example, there was no doubt that he was completely abreast of the CIA's operations in Iran; the station was well staffed, but all knew who the "leader" was. That went for the military as well; he was the boss there as well. He was a tough professional, but effective. He had a very human side as well. I remember that at one time, there was a young boy who attended the American School who was killed in some kind of accident. He didn't know the family at all, but he wept openly when he got the news. I was really startled. He had the reputation of being a very tough leader, but he was so moved by this event that he just broke down. MacArthur was a great bird hunter. My guess is that he got involved in that when he was our ambassador in Brussels and Vienna. He undoubtedly had a lot of hunting friends there; he would join them on their hunting expeditions. He brought a group of them to Tehran one time. ... Mrs. MacArthur called me over. She asked :"Tom, do you love your wife?" I knew the theater group involved an interesting group of women, but it seemed a very strange question. I said, "Of course, I do." Then Mrs. MacArthur said, "I am glad to hear that because she is not doing your career any good!" Then "Wahwee" noted that my wife had gotten in the food catering line ahead of Mrs. Lehfeldt, the wife of the economic counselor. They two were chatting and my wife, I am surely entirely inadvertently, had gotten ahead of Mrs. Lehfeldt - out of protocol order! I should note that Mrs. MacArthur had helped to write our own local protocol manual and so she was fully aware of all of it picky requirements. The point that Mrs. MacArthur made caught me entirely by surprise and I didn't know whether to laugh or cry. I was very upset with Wahwee, but I was wise enough not to respond and the episode passed without any further notice. Wahwee would not let local-hire staff into the residence to attend social functions there. That was appalling because most officers really needed translators since few spoke Farsi. When we had an event one of the embassy's substantive sections would send a suggested guest list. I would screen it as did our Iranian social secretary. The final word was of course the ambassador's. He would take it home, let Wahwee review it and then he brought it back and invitations were issued. I remember at one time, near the end of his tour, that Bill Lehfeldt was trying to get some of his local employees in the commercial section invited. He needed their help and would have added immeasurably to their status in the Iranian community. I reviewed his proposed list and didn't touch the FSNs on the list. I sent the list to Mrs. MacArthur. Much to our surprise, the list came back with the FSNs still on it. We all thought we had made a breakthrough. The night of the event, as I was standing just before the receiving line, making the introductions, Mrs. MacArthur came up to me and said: "Tom, what are these local employees doing here?" I told her they had been on the list that she had approved. She then said: "Tom, in the future... Oh, I guess, you don't have much of a future in the Foreign Service!" I should at this stage mention that Mrs. MacArthur was very nice to me at a later stage in my career. After the MacArthurs retired in Brussels, in part to be with their daughter who had married a Belgian, I had a chance to meet them again. I was traveling in Europe trying to find other employment - I was thinking of leaving the Foreign Service. I sent them a message that I would be in Brussels and would like to call on them. I really did worship him. I got a very warm response inviting me to stay with them. When I arrived, Mrs. MacArthur met me at the airport driving their old Mercedes by herself. She took me to their lovely apartment. They had kept the Filipino housemaid that they had had for many years and who stayed with him until his death. The MacArthurs could not have been warmer, although I did detect a second agenda. At the time, I was the consul general in Winnipeg working for Ambassador Thomas O. Enders. He had been the DCM in Belgrade for Ambassador William Leonhart. Leonhart had been MacArthur's second DCM in Tokyo. Leonhart had fired Enders, which in turn resulted in Leonhart's removal. The MacArthurs wanted to know all of the"dirt" surrounding this feud. I have never worked for a smarter man than Tom Enders; he was a very effective ambassador. Fortunately, I got along very well with Enders - many did not. So I had nothing but praise for the Enders. I think that disappointed the MacArthurs. After Mrs. MacArthur died, I had lunch with the ambassador. That was the second time I saw him weep. This was about six weeks after her death and he was still very much in shock. ... Iran was one of the reasons I resigned from the Foreign Service in 1980. I think we made a big mistake in turning our back on the Shah; that was not what I consider a valid American policy. The Shah was our friend and Americans don't turn their backs on friends. Q: What did you think MacArthur's attitude was toward the Shah and the ruling clique? HUTSON: He related well with them socially."

JAPAN-YAKUZA-BLACK DRAGON-MACARTHUR-MOONIE-LINK:

Dec. 24, 1948, Earnest Hoberecht for United Press, '17 Japanese War Crimes Suspects Obtain Amnesty': "Seventeen major Japanese war crimes suspects still awaiting trial were granted a Christmas amnesty today by General Douglas MacArthur and 16 of them were released from Sugamo Prison at noon. The seventeeth, Dr. Shumei Okawa, is under treatment for a mental condition… MacArthur’s legal section announced the amnesty was granted because it appeared highly improbable that the suspects could be convicted if they were brought to trial. … Japanese of all classes appeared baffled by the amnesty. They considered some of those granted freedom were the ideological instigators of the Japanese attempt at world conquest. This, in the Japanese mind, is a greater crime than those charged against Tojo. One Japanese intellectual said it did not make sense to hang Tojo and his six codefendants if the “real plotters of aggression” were turned loose. The 17 men are all who were left in the class A of the suspects. … The amnesty was granted 36 hours after Tojo and six other condemned war criminals were hanged and their ashes scattered to the winds." Dec. 25, 1948, Schenectady Gazette, 'MacArthur Amnesty Ruling Baffles Japan': "Some insisted it did not make sense to hang Hideki Tojo and six others, while turning loose 17 men whom they believed equally guilty. Others said that if the allies did not want to continue the trials, they should have permitted the Japanese to set up courts here similar to the denazification courts in Germany. Many Japanese intellectuals felt the Amnesty heightened the possibility of a fascist revival in Japan. … They asked what the logic was in turning loose men like Shumei Okawa [translator for the army; associated with Black Dragon Society; from 1918 to 1932 he worked for the East Asiatic Economic Investigation Bureau of the South Manchurian Railway, reportedly a key intelligence bureau for the Black Dragon Society; founder of the Daigaku ryo [Colonization Academy and other names] in 1921, a secretive think tank and indoctrination center under the patronage of the emperor and which also counted a professorship of Black Dragon Society founder Toyama; founder of the Jimmu Society in 1931 (named after a mythical emperor with imperial tendencies) [David Bergamini, p. 331, wrote about the Daigaku ryo: "Here studied everyone of the Class A war criminals tried by Allied judges in 1946 and 1947. Here, if anywhere, was hatched the criminal conspiracy' of which Japan's war leaders, with the exception of Hirohito, were judged guilty. Here only were all Japan's criminals' together in one place at one time to conspire."]; involved in assassinations and coups in the 1930s, for which he went to jail in 1935 with the son of Toyama [1935, The China monthly review: Volume 74: "Tokyo Supreme Court Delays Verdict on “May 15” Case: ... Two other accused, Shuzo Toyama and Kenichiro Homma, who nssistcd Dr. Okawa in plotting an insurrection received sentences of three and four years of imprisonment respectively. The first of these is the third son of Mitsuru Toyama..."]; head of the East Asiatic Economic Investigation Bureau 1937-1939; professor at Hosei University since 1939; promoted a clash of civilization with Japan against the United States and other countries], “the father of Japanese aggression,” and Yoshisa Kuzu, former head of the Black Dragon society, while hanging former Premier Koki Hirota, and keeping ambassador to London, Mamoru Shigmitsu, behind bars. Okawa and Kuzu, they said, were the “ideological instigators” of Japanese imperialism, and therefore “the biggest criminals of all.” Dr. Yushi Uchimura, head of Maisuzawa Hospital for mental patients, where Okawa has been hospitalized since he slapped Tojo on the head the opening day of the international military tribunal, said Okawa has been “virtually normal” for the past year. Medical test, however, show that he is not completely cured. He said Okawa reads the newspapers daily and read of the hanging of Tojo and others, but made no comment." Dec. 24, 1948, Associated Press, 19 Top Japs Get Amnesty: "The parade from Sugamo included these members of Tojo’s Pearl Harbor cabinet--- Nobusuke Kishi, commerce minister; Michiyo Iwamura, justice minister; and Ken Terashima, communications minister. Kisaburo Ando, who later became Tojo’s home minister, and Kazuo Aoki, who was named greater east Asia minister in 1943, also were released. Alva C. Carpenter, head of MacArthur's legal section, said officials in the group had held office at a time when they could not have been responsible for atrocities, or were industrialists who could not be charged with atrocities. Three were widely known as leaders during Japan’s saber rattling days. They are Yoshihisa Kuzu [or Kuzuu], who once was president of the Black Dragon society which was notorious in Japan’s plotting for conquest; Gen. Toshizo Nishio, once commander in chief in China and a close associate of Tojo, and Eiji Amau, a diplomat who wrote the notorious “Amau statement” on Japan’s plan for conquest. Others freed were Genki Abe…vice-chief of the cabinet planning board; Fumio Goto, minister without portfolio in 1943-44; Yoshio Kodama, navy purchasing agent; Ryoichi Sasakawa, organizer of extremist parties; Sankichi Takahashi [suspected of Black Dragon Society involvement; anno 1942-1943, vice-president of the East Asia Development Association, "a totalitarian corporation organized since the fall of Singapore to develop, exploit, and integrate the whole of Asia into one great economic bloc."; known for imperialist rhetoric], an organizer of the wartime political party of the Imperial Rule Assistance association and a member of the supreme war council, and Masayuki Tani, chief of the cabinet information bureau."

BLACK DRAGON SOCIETY:

16 Black Dragons active in U.S. internment camps, undermining morale by intimidating pro-US Japanese. Were separated and detained. ( Feb 6, 1943, St. Petersburg Times, Drew Pearson, Washington Merry-Go-Round) June 4, 1943, Schenectady Gazette, 'Late War Bulletins': "The Tokyo radio quoted the Japanese Black Dragon society as demanding that President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, and other United Nations lenders “surrender unconditionally to Japan” or else “succumb under divine punishment within a fatefully short time,” the federal communication commission said." October 6, 1945, George H. Johnston for The Argus (Melbourne 1848-1956), 'Japanese Still Fear the Black Dragon: The Militarist Secret Society Which Helped Mould The Destiny of Japan Has Gone Underground': "My first realization of the terror which strikes most Japanese at the mention of the evil and infamous Tokuryo-Kai, better known as the Black Dragon Society, came when visiting the beautiful little mountain village of Gotemba at the foot of the soaring peak of Fujiyama. I had called on a man who was personal physician to Prince Chichibu, and in the course of conversation I asked him who was living now in Gotemba, home of old Mitsuru Toyama [died in Oct. 1944], who had helped in founding the Black Dragon secret society in 1901, and who had died at the age of 90 last year. The doctor blanched with fear, and stammered and protested he did not know anything about Toyama or his home, and did not want to know anything concerned with the strange organization. His anxiety to change the subject was pitiful. The next development occurred on September 13, when General MacArthur ordered the abolition of the society and asked for the arrest of the seven leaders of the society. So far, with almost a week gone, only one man has given himself up, although another still carries on his business as a member of Prince Higishikuni’s Cabinet. In that time I have been making investigations into this strange and evil organization, an investigation which culminated in the interview with frail, long-bearded, 72-year-old Yoshihisa Kuzu, who accepted the presidency of the Tokuryo-Kai after the death of its earlier leaders, Toyama and Uchida, who were often known as “Unofficial Prime Ministers of Japan.” The blunt fact that emerges from this interview and earlier investigations, is that the Black Dragon Society has gone underground to continue fostering militant youth organizations and to spread the gospel of hatred and superiority; to fight for the belief that the Japanese are a master race operating a “rule of the gods,” which will result in the whole world being under one roof, with the Mikado at its head. More than any other organization or faction in Japan, the Black Dragon works for tomorrow’s war. … The black dragon was founded 44 years ago, and organized with strong assistance from the Army, the Navy, and Government leaders, most of whom held membership. It had a stranglehold on the War Ministry and was represented in all occupied territory, holding enormous power through its squads of strong-arm thugs and assassination groups, who ruled by terrorism. Among its more recent machinations were the great “blood purge” of 1936, the beginning of the “China incident,” and the attack on Pearl Harbor. … We found Yoshihisa Kusun after five days’ search through bombed-out shambles of Tokyo city. He was living in a neat, simple, typically Japanese, house … In the inner room we met the leader of Japan’s most evil secret society… Because of some nervous tic, his right cheek twitched constantly. … The Black Dragon Society, he explained, was a peace-loving organisation. Yes, some of its members might have committed murders, he admitted, but on their own volition, and without the orders or approval of the society. The Black Dragon no longer existed, he explained softly, and it was absurd for General MacArthur to issue an order for its abolition. “I liquidated it a long time ago,” he said, “and handed all its documents into the Japanese Foreign office. I was its last president and its last member.” We asked him about the seven members General MacArthur had named in the black list, and he waved his thin hand impatiently and smiled a trifle supercillously: “Two of the seven have been dead for several years,” he said gently. “The other five have never been members of the society.” We asked him about Colonel Kingoro Hashimoto, one of the wanted men, who had already given himself up to arrest. … Kusun explained that Hashimoto was not a member of the Black Dragon Society, but founder of the Nippon Youth Movement a decade ago. He denied that the movement was, in effect, a junior branch of Black Dragon. … Then we questioned him about Black Dragon terrorism, and pointed out that Ambassador Grew and other Ministers of Foreign Powers had directly blamed Black Dragon for the long series of political murders—Premiers Hara, Inukai, Inouye, Hamaguchi, Viscount Saito, Takahashi, and Watanabe. The old man’s hands gestured almost imperceptibly. Black Dragon, he said, knew nothing of these terrible crimes…. We insisted that all the evidence indicated that these murders could be laid at the door of old Toyama, master mind of the society. He shook his head slowly. “I am a disciple of Toyama,” he said. … “He was a man with a great love of peace.” … Kusun explained that in 1930 Ryuhei Uchida (first name on General MacArthur’s wanted list of Black Dragons), who had been one of the founders of Black Dragon and was its president, had died, and to prevent disintegration of the society he had taken over its presidency. “Its aims were strictly confined to social enterprises within Japan,” he lied softly. “Beyond meeting in small groups to discuss the war, it had no part in the war…”… [Kusun] went on to explain the principles of Shinto Fanaticism, which is the subname of “Tennoism” (Emperor worship), and which had fundamentally become the national policy of Japan, and which was still being kept up by the underground, and inculcated into the minds of thousands of young Japanese fanaticists. It professes a creed that Nippon is one great household, with the Sun God (Emperor Hirohoto) at its head. For half a century it has been the dominant policy of Black Dragon and with its correlated policy – that Tennoism can only be successful with the domination of all Asia under the Sun God, it being taught throughout secret Japanese youth movements, who are urged “to write the Imperial message in letters of fire to the far corners of the universe.” Then Kusun delivered the most startling statement of all. “When Russia began to interfere in East Asia, we had to stop it by setting up a buffer state. Then, when America in 1941 unfairly broke off commercial relationships, and began to rearm and to introduce conscription, we knew it was preparing for war with Japan. Except that we ran out of weapons, we would have won.” When he was asked what he thought of Japanese atrocities, he shrugged his shoulders unconcernedly. “I have read reports,” he admitted, “but I have no way of knowing whether they are true. But eliminate the causes of war and there would be no atrocities.” He admitted that, although there was no longer any Black Dragon Society, some of its former members were now with other secret societies. We left Kusu’s house, he bowing us out with a strange triumphant expression in his black eyes. In spite of the immaculate cleanliness of his home, I had the feeling that the thing I wanted most was to have a bath in disinfectant. I had the feeling also that this fragile old man controlled immense forces for evil, of which we, at best, we only partly aware. I had the feeling, also, that with Kusun’s influence on Japan’s underground and the fanatical youth movements, little of the foulness of Japanese nationalism and racial superioty had been swept away by surrender, that the next war was being hatched in the very ashes of defeat, and that when It came the “defunct” Black Dragon Society would, as in the past, have much to do with its coming." Sep. 4, 1951, The Argus (Melbourne 1848-1956), 'It Could Happen Again: Sinister Mr. Ishihara and the Black Dragon Gang': "Three sinister men played important parts in Japan’s penetration in South-east Asia, and were heavily involved in the network of espionage and fifth column organizing which paved the way for the Pacific war. These men were Mitsuru Toyama, controller of the Black Dragon Society (the Kokuryokai), Shumei Okawa, the thug and spy trainer who pretended to a mystic vocation, and Koichiro Ishihara… Okawa was gaoled for his part in organizing the murder of the Japanese Prime Minister of the day, Unukai, in May, 1932…. [The Black Dragon Society’s] original purpose was to support the Sun Yat Sen movement against the Manchu tyranny… The East Asiatic Economic Investigation Bureau was one of its many offshoots; Shumei Okawa was the chief of this Bureau. Under his guidance the Bureau trained espionage agents and sent them throughout Asia to collect economic and political information. It was such an important organization that it received copies of all reports sent to Tokyo by diplomats; undercover organizations and industrial concerns, all of which were Japanese espionage agencies. In fact, it was the spearhead of Japan’s espionage attack in South-east Asia. It worked directly for the government of Japan, and is known to have been one of the chief advisers of the army, with whose most reactionary officers Okawa was closely associated." April 7, 1958, Milwaukee Journal, 'The Secret Black Dragon Society': "Kuzu and Toyama were co-founders of the Dragons. … Kuzu was imprisoned for three years as a war criminal suspect, then released without being tried. Recently he died at 85—probably the last of the important zealots who had been conscripted by the patriarch Toyama. … Dozens of patriotic Japanese who advocated a peace policy were murdered by the Dragons. The gang formed spy rings in several countries in preparation for the attempted conquest of all Asia and possibly the rest of the world. Toyama held no public office, preferring to wield his vast authority through subordinates. … Foreign correspondents in Japan before 1940 were always hearing about the Black Dragon and Toyama but never learned much about them. Hundreds of Japanese writers, in books and magazines, explained that Toyama was a great patriot, beloved by all, but they never gave details about his rise to eminence. … Toyama, an organizer of rare talent, formed a faction called Genyosha, which wanted a war against China for territory and other spoils. The premier and foreign minister favored a peace policy. One of Toyama’s men tossed a bomb at the minister, who lost a leg. The assailant promptly killed himself and became a national hero. … As mentioned before, the Black Dragons were formally organized when the expansionists realized that Russia was the ultimate foe in the contest for seizing China. … in the late 1920’s Toyama gained royal favor. Hirohito (then crown prince and now emperor) was betrothed to a girl of a leading clan. A powerful general, member of a rival clan, protested the choice of the girl, and consternation struck imperial court circles. Toyama bluntly told the general to withdraw his protests and stop meddling. The general obeyed. … In the early 1930’s they filtered into Manchuria to provoke “incidents” which would call for intervention. The cabinet was opposed to war, so the Dragons murdered the prime minister and several other government leaders. For several years before World War II, the Black Dragons openly ran the empire. While Toyama dozed into his eighties, his disciples took over. Sugiyama led the invasionof China in 1937. Premier Hirota made Japan a partner of Hitler in the Axis. Tojo was the empire’s strong man when Pearl Harbor was attacked. Then, a few years later, events really turned black for the Black Dragons, and they disappeared into history." Sep. 30, 1945, Sunday Morning Star, 'Black Dragons Merely Terrorist Killers Racketeers: Famous Author, Authority on the East To Write for The Star [Owen Lattimore]': " Unfortunately the sensational aspects of such gangs as the Black Dragon Society and the Dark Ocean Society, by playing up to the comic-strip side of our prevailing notions about mysterious oriental killers and cut-throats, hinder us from using our normal common sense in calling the turn on a political racket. The truth is that the Black Dragon Society, and other societies with which it has interlocking directorships, is not mysterious at all. That is why, forseeing the situation that would arise after the defeat of Jpan, I wrote in “Solution in Asia” that: “We should include among war criminals all officers and civilians with proved associations of the Black Dragon type who should be punished according to their guilt, with deportation and internment as the minimum. It will not be difficult to apprehend these criminals. The ‘secret’ societies were secret only in a manner of speaking. The more dangerous terrorists were well known and boasted of their associations.” My analysis is borne out of the fact that the first seven leaders arrested include such public figures as Koki Hirota, a former Premier; the swashbuckling Col. Kingoro Hashimoto, who staged the attack on the American gunboat Panay, off Nanking, in 1937… As a matter of fact, we know a great deal about the Black Dragon and similar societies. They had such a bold contempt for the law that they actually printed a great deal of material about their organizations, their history, their members and their backers. … The essential facts about the secret societies are that they were founded by the same people who created the modern imperial institutions of Japan, and are controlled by exactly the same people who still control the Emperor—the Zaibatsu or big industrial and financial monopolists. … Men with such ideas were worth the handsome subsidies paid to them by the big industrialists who wanted fat naval and military budgets to expand their industries, and a docile labor force. … It is hardly surprising that the Japan Advertiser, the American-owned paper in Tokyo, once referred to Toyama, the biggest of all the Black Dragon big shots, as “a most romantic reactionary, medieval but sincere.” Naturally, there have been ups and downs in the relations between the Black Dragons and their paymasters. That is always true in gang rackets. The paymasters had their own times and reasons for wanting to turn the killers loose or hold them back. At other times the killers, feeling their strength, turned the heat on the paymasters, and some of the paymasters even got hurt. … They are sacrifing some of the front men, but hoping to keep the racket."

Sasakawa: Wealthy business man. Founder in 1931 and head of the Patriotic Peoples' Party, where he first met Kodama, who was a member. Nippon Foundation biography of Sasakawa: "The Patriotic People's Party [Kokusui Taishu-to] (PPP) [was] established by Ryoichi Sasakawa on March 10, 1931... Under Sasakawa, the party supported Japan's entry into Manchuria, the creation of Manchukuo, and in 1933 called for Japan's withdrawal from the League of Nations. It advocated for a state built around the emperor, and favored a Japanese advance into Southeast Asia. ... It should be mentioned here that Sasakawa's relationship with PPP member Yoshio Kodama began at this point, not while the two were in prison under the U.S. occupation. ... Sasakawa and several members of its leadership were arrested [in 1935] on trumped up charges of blackmail. ... Sasakawa sat in prison, and though he was tentatively released in 1938, it would be 1941 before the Osaka Appellate Court finally acquitted all 17 members of the PPP that had stood trial. ... [Sasakawa provided] a certain amount of support for the army. The most concrete examples of this were personal visits that he paid to soldiers and officers in China and Manchuria, in order to comfort them in the field... in the fall of 1945, Sasakawa organized roughly 20 speeches in Osaka, in which he publicly volunteered to be arrested as a Class A suspect. [to defend emperor and Japan]..." Send his wealth to support the military in conducting its wars. Won a seat in parliament in 1942. During the war he flew a squadron bomber to Rome and met Mussolini. Upon hearing in December 1945 that his name was on a list of suspected war criminals he stated to be proud on the list because it contained "Japan's first-class persons" (Dec. 4, 1945, Spokesman-Review, 'Diet plans recess'). Has had a friendly audience with Pope Jean Paul II (pope embraces him).

August 26, 1974, Time magazine, 'Japan: The Godfather-san': "Back in 1964, former Japanese Premier Nobusuke Kishi needed a big favor: a guarantee that his brother Eisaku Sato would succeed ailing Hayato Ikeda as Premier. So Kishi paid a secret visit to a Tokyo businessman who obligingly made a few telephone calls to his friends. As a result, Sato's opponent hastily withdrew from the race, and Sato went on to become Japan's Premier for an unprecedented eight years. The tale illustrates the astonishing behind-the-scenes influence wielded by Ryoichi Sasakawa, 75, the most powerful remaining member of a vanishing breed of Japanese kingmakers known as kuromaku. The word translates literally as black curtain,* but the closest equivalent in American slang of the power it connotes is godfather. ... In traditional fashion, he likes to boast of his conquest of more than 500 women, ranging from "a distant relative of Emperor Taisho to almost all the top geisha." His unbridled admiration for Benito Mussolini —"the perfect fascist and dictator" —lingers to this day. Indeed, Sasakawa sometimes boasts that he is the "world's wealthiest fascist.""

In jail 1945-1948. Founder in 1948 and chairman of the Japan Motorboat Association. Founder in 1980 of the U.S.-Japan Foundation, together with Angier Biddle Duke. The Duke family was put in contact with Sasakawa through Gen. William Draper, former assistant secretary of defense who was also involved with rebuilding Japan. Henry Kissinger took place on the board. John Brademas later sat on the board also. Jimmy Carter supporter it.

Dec. 23, 1989, The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Back to save the world': "When Japanese millionaire Ryoichi Sasakawa visited the Carters in 1981, Carter recalls, he expressed consernation that a former President lived in "such a humble cottage"." Photographed jogging with Carter in 1984. Put Carter on the board of his U.S.-Japan Foundation. April 15, 1991, Observer-Reporter, 'Carter’s money': "The Global 2000 project, a Carter effort to help the sick and handicapped and end famine in Africa, Western Asia and China received most of its financing from a Japanese gambling czar and a Pakistani financier whose bank laundered drugs money. One of the donors, Ryoichi Sasakawa…. The other donor is Agha Hasan Abedi… Combined the two men and foundations they control gave $19.1 million to Global 2000 and another $3.8 million to other projects at the Carter Presidential Center in Atlanta."

www.us-jf.org/about.html#organization: "The United States-Japan Foundation, incorporated under United States law in 1980, was founded with a grant of $44.8 million from the Japan Shipbuilding Industry Foundation (now known as the Nippon Foundation). ... the concept of a private foundation that would help Americans and Japanese to understand each other better grew out of a conversation among friends. ... In this case, the friends were Robin Chandler Duke, her husband, the late Ambassador Angier Biddle Duke, and the late Japanese entrepreneur, Ryoichi Sasakawa. Robin and “Angie” Duke, a prominent New York couple, had met Ryoichi Sasakawa in the late 1970s through their common interest in supporting United Nations programs in the developing world. ... In the 1970s he donated more than $25 million to United Nations activities, most notably to the World Health Organization, UNICEF, UNESCO, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, and the UN Fund for Population Activities. He had also given generously to the City of New York (250 cherry trees for Central Park) and $6 million to American universities including Morehouse and Duke. ... Serving as Chief of Protocol under Presidents Kennedy and Johnson, he accompanied Prime Minister Eisaku Sato during his visit to the United States. In 1976, as Commissioner of Civic Affairs and Public Events for New York City, he was in charge of arrangements for the visit of Emperor Hirohito to the city. ... Robin Duke had become passionately interested in world population problems, and was a member of the Population Crisis Committee, then headed by General William Draper. ... It was William Draper who introduced Robin Duke to Ryoichi Sasakawa. ... Angie and Robin Duke gathered a group of eminent American leaders to advise the Foundation. The group included former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger; Jack Howard of Scripps Howard Publications; ... Robert S. Sarnoff, former Chairman of RCA; ... Anthony Drexel Duke, Executive Chairman of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy; William Mellon Eaton, attorney; ... Important Japanese advisors at this time, in addition to Sasakawa, included Seiji Kaya, former President of Tokyo University; Kazuo Iwata, Chairman of the Toshiba Group; Nobuhiko Ushiba, a former Ambassador to the United States, and Akio Matsumura, a UN advisor on planned parenthood. ... [anno 2012: Honorary advisors: Hon. Jimmy Carter ... Hon. Thomas S. Foley [Trilateral Commission chairman]"

Founder in 1962 of the Nippon Foundation as the Japan Shipbuilding Industry Foundation, primarily aimed at developing Japan's marine resources and maritime industry. President Nippon Foundation 1962-1995, later taken over by his son Yohei took it over. Sasakawa became a major supporter of the United Nations and its programs. The foundation gave $300 million to charity in 1980 and in 1998 this had risen to $540 million.

President of the Japanese Shipbuilding Foundation. April 10, 1972, Toledo Blade, 'Mountain ceremony marks Bataan's fall to Japanese': "Symbolizing postwar reconciliation, Japan was represented for the first time at a Bataan [death march] ceremony by Ryoichi Sasakawa, member of parliament during the war. He is now a philantrophist and promoter of friendship with the Philippines."

November 3, 1945, Evening Independent, 'New Japan Parties To Bear Watching':

Sep. 24, 1980, Ottawa Citizen, 'Japanese godfather promises sunken treasure to charity': "Sasakawa’s critics have suggested that the $300 million he gives away every year is just an elaborate smokescreen to divert public attention from his less savory activities, such as the World Anti-Communit League convention held in Tokyo’s giant martial arts hall and guarded by members of judo and karate clubs supported by him. The source of the former right-wing politician’s charitable donations is a network of 24 motorboat gambling concessions throughout Japan. … “All those who criticize me are Red, or jealous, or spiteful because I don’t give them money.” Sasakawa’s personal message is written in huge Chinese characters on the Tenoh: “The world is one and all men are brothers.”"

July 9, 1981, The Times-News, 'The UN throws some parties!' (John Roche): "First the facts: the United Nations Information Department has been paying 15 newspapers throughout the world to run quarterly supplements on the noble work of the U.N. … However, the interesting thing these quarterly blurbs about the U.N. is that they appeared to be news coverage with no indication they had been bought. The source of the money is even more interesting: … Ryoichi Sasakawa. … He has organized a private army, the “International Federation for Anti-Communism,” which specializes in breaking up left-wing demonstrations. In short, a marginal charmer, but obviously not all devious and wicked: his bust is on prominent display at UNESCO headquarters in Geneva, and he has passed out millions to various UN projects. He probably also likes dogs and small children. … What is surprising is the number of eminent papers that picked up the offer and cash – “Le Monde” among them. … Meanwhile, back at UNESCO another one of Sasakawa’s projects seems to be in trouble. The $60,000 “Peace Education Prize,” which he hoped would rank with the Nobel, seems to be heading toward Pulitzer status. A committee of dubious eminence was supposed to name the winner last spring, but to date nothing has happened. One rumor has it that Sasakawa wants it awarded posthumously to Mussolini."

July 31, 1985, Times-News, 'Treasure hunters have been hitting it lucky lately': "Off Japan, the wreck of the Russian cruiser Admiral Nakhimov has not yet lived up to its legend. The ship was torpedoed by the Japanese fleet in the battle of Tsuhima on May 27-28, 1908. Some historians say it was carrying the treasures of Czar Nicholas II to Vladivostok, along with 20 million pounds sterling. Estimates of the treasure ranged from $2 billion to $38 billion. In June 1984, divers brought up the first find – about 100 pieces of silver tableware. Since February, a 50-member salvage group, including 20 divers aboard the Ten Oh-Maru, chartered by the Tokyo-based World Development Technologies Center, has made three searches without finding the main treausure. Ryoichi Sasagawa, the eccentric 86-year-old multimillionaire who finances the center, claimed in 1980 that divers had recovered 16 platinum ingots of 70 percent purity, worth about $2,4 million. Later, the company disclosed that the ingots were some other metal—it wouldn’t say what. When he announced the find, Sasagawa offered to exchange the ship;s treasure for the Kurile Islands off northern Japan, which the Soviets seized at the end of World War II. The Soviets claimed ownership of the ship and its treasures that same year, but lately have had little to say on the issue. Masatoshi Yuwahashi, a spokesman for Sasagawa, said the offer to swap for the Kuriles still stands."

2012, David E. Kaplan and Alec Dubro, 'Yakuza: Japan's Criminal Underworld: 25th Anniversary Edition', pp. 63-64: "In 1980, Sasakawa's company grossed $7.4 billion—an extraordinarily sum in those days. At the same time, Sasakawa won over the various bakuto gangs. He bragged publicly that he was a drinking companion of Japan’s leading godfather, Yamaguchi-gumi head Kazuo Taoka. In the karomaku tradition, Sasakawa also reportedly served as a mediator between feuding yakuza gangs. And, like his cohort Kodama, he employed squads of financial racketeers to push along his controversial investments. … He counted himself among the founders of the Asian People’s Anti-Communist League and its stepchild, the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), along with such early supporters as Syngman Rhee and Chiang Kai-shek. In 1963, Sasakawa became an advisor to the Japanese branch of … Moon’s Unification Church, known in Japan as Genri Undo. Moon and Sasakawa brought a number of Japanese rightist groups together in a WACL subsidiary known as Kokusai Shokyo Rengo, the International Federation for Victory over Communism, and Sasakawa assumed the roles of both patron and president."

1971: Sasakawa sets up venture in Taiwan to start mining silicon.

October 1, 1970, Taiwan Today, 'Anti-Communist victory in Japan': "The IFVC [International Federation for Victory over Communism] workers are clean, neat and full of evangelistic fervor. Dedicated preachers they truly are. ... The politico-religious dedication to victory over Communism was introduced to Japan by Koreans about a decade ago and perfected by the Society for the Study of Anti-Communist Theories sponsored by the Christian Unification Church of Japan. When IFVC was established in the spring of 1968 following a number of seminars and conferences, Osami Kuboki [head WACL/APACL Japan], the head of the church, became federation president. ... He went to Bangkok in 1969 as a member of the Japanese delegation to the 3rd WACL Conference. Already a determined anti-Communist, he was convinced that his religious ideals could not be realized without the destruction of Communism. He proposed that Japan host the 4th WACL... The Japan Chapter of WACL and APACL is the international department of the Free Asia Association established in 1955 by Dr. Tetsuzo Watanabe and other distinguished party and civic leaders. This chapter publishes a monthly periodical and has worked for the outlawing of the Communist party in Japan. But the strength of the chapter was not sufficient to sponsor anti-Communist meetings of worldwide scope. As it turned out, IFVC's contribution was so large that Kuboki was chosen chairman of the WACL/APACL Councils and presided over the league conferences in Kyoto. He also was chairman of the WACL World Rally Executive Committee. President of the committee was Ryoichi Sasakawa... Assisting Sasakawa's executive committee was the WACL World Rally Promotion Committee headed by Nobusuke Kishi, former prime minister of Japan..."

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APACL, FOUNDED IN 1954 (Chapters in Taiwan, Japan, South Vietnam, South Korea and Thailand)::
Ku Cheng-kang (honorary life chairman APACL)
Cheng Yen-fen (read Chiang Kai-shek message to 1973 conference)
Chiang Ching-kuo (son of Chiang Kai-shek; speaker at 1973 APACL conference)
Madame Chiang Kai-shek (president at 1973 conference)

Nobusuke Kishi: delegate from Japan (LDP PM; headed APACL del. in early 1960s)backed by Kodama and Sasakawa)
Ishii Mitsujiri (pro-Taiwan hardliner in LDP)
Kitazawa Naokichi
Chiba Naka
Funada Naka (pro-Taiwan hardliner in LDP)
Osami Kuboki: (vice-president WACL Japan under Watanabe; chairman of the APACL Japan anno 1973; joined Unification Church in 1962 and soon became national leader; adviser and lecturer to Kodama's Youth Lectures; helped Kodama and Sasakawa with setting up Victory Over Communism; with Sasakawa at WACL World Rally)

Admiral Sohn Won (APACL chairman from South Korea in 1973)
Tran Tam (exec. secretary APACL)

Mem., Vietnamese Del. to 3rd Cong, of Asian People's Anti-Communist League, Saigon Mar-Apr 1957
Nguyen Van Thieu (PM South Vietnam 1965-1975; previously loyal to Diem; supported by APACL visitors)

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Kodama: Born in 1911. Became a criminal. Member Black Dragon Society (photo taken around 1930 shows him sitting in a group meeting with Mitsuru Toyama). First jail sentence in 1931 for threating to assassinate a Diet member. A USAF Pacific counter-intelligence file stated that Kodama had been involved in a large opium ring that he ran from Shanghai. Founder in 1934 of the Tengyo Society, a militant group focused on assassinating government officials and businessmen (according to CIA files). Involved in a bombing plot that year against government officials (in context: moderate globalist Hara Takashi was assassinated in 1921 by an ultranationalist; moderate prime minister Osachi Hamaguchi was severely wounded in a 1930 assassination attempt by a member of Japanese ultranationalist secret society; military invaded Manchuria in 1931 without consent from government (premise: military heard explosion in their occupied part of Manchuria, same reason for 1937 invasion). Military diet voted to withdraw from Manchuria. Prime minister Inukai Tsuyoshi was assassinated in 1932; a military coup was put down in February 26, 1936). Advisor to the temporary post-war government. Assigned to become bodyguard of Wang Jingwei, a defector from Chiang Kai-shek's ranks, in 1939. Worked for the Showa Trading Company in 1940 and 1941. Set up his Kodama Agency in Shanghai in December 1941, a procurement and purchasing agency for the navy. Employes several hundred right wing thugs, criminals and agents of the military secret police. Initial purpose is to deliver copper and airplane parts to the navy, but soon expands his operations to supply food, clothes, vehicles and rare materials to the navy. He also expands his activities as far as Burma. Reportedly paid approximately $1,5 billion dollars by the navy between 1941 and 1945. Basically robbed the Chinese for the most part. Reportedly he took about $175 million back to Japan with him (as well as thousand gold bars). Put in jail in 1946. Released in December 1948 by MacArthur, together with Sasakawa, Kishi, Okawa and Kusu, head of the Black Dragon Society. Founder Daiko Trade Company in 1949, to be used to infiltrate agents into the communist China. Professed his loyalty (and that of his friends) to MacArthur in a 1950 letter, closing off with "I remain your obedient servant".

Chairman of the Japan National Party. Had a stroke in 1974 and was bedridden since that time. Protected at his home after the Lockheed affair by members of his extreme-right Youth Thought Study Society, also called the Youth Ideological Research Organization.

In 1928, he founded a right-wing group, the Dokuritsu Seinen Sha (Independence Youth Society). It tried to assassinate both opposition leaders and Prime Minister Saito Makoto, for which Kodama was sentenced to 3.5 years of imprisonment. By the 1930s, he had been rehabilitated by the Japanese and formed both an intelligence network in Manchuria and an extensive system for purchasing strategic materials, such as cobalt, copper, nickel and radium, sometimes bartering drugs for materials. Kodama called it "an organization with no thought of profit," but, by the end of the war, it was worth $175 million and the Japanese government made the former prisoner a rear admiral. After the war, Kodama began to pour part of his fortune into the careers of Japan's most conservative politicians, and he became a key member of a CIA operation that helped bring them to power. He worked with American businessmen, OSS veterans, and ex-diplomats to pull off an audacious covert operation, bankrolled by the CIA, during the Korean War.[28] This operation obtained tungsten needed for U.S. munitions, for which the United States Department of Defense paid $10 million, with underwriting of $2.8 million from the CIA. According to Weiner, the operation left Kodama in bad odor with the CIA's Tokyo station. "He is a professional liar, gangster, charlatan, and outright thief", the station reported on 10 September 1953. "Kodama is completely incapable of intelligence operations, and has no interest in anything but the profits". The relationship was severed, and the CIA turned its attention to the care and feeding of up-and-coming Japanese politicians - including Kishi - who won seats in the Diet, Japan's parliament, in the first elections after the end of the American occupation." July 5, 1974, St. Petersburg Times, 'Traditional power in Japan slipping from hidden men': "Yoshio Kodama is among the most powerful men in Japan. He was instrumental in founding the nation’s governing political party, he has had a hand in naming several premiers, he had settled dozens of disputes among top businessmen. He also commands the allegiance of Japan’s ultraright wing and his strong influence over the yakuza, or gangsters, of the underworld here. Few people in or outside Japan have ever heard his name. For Kodama is what the Japanese call “kuromaku,” a term from the traditional kabuki drama meaning “black curtain”. The Japanese prefer their power to be hidden and applied with subtlety and have refined the use of the man-behind-the-scenes into an art. There are kuromaku everywhere in Japanese life, in politics, business, education, sports, religion. Yoshio Kodama is the godfather of them all. But Kodama, who is 63 years old, and his longtime friend, Ryoichi Sasakawa, another leading kuromaku, who is 75, may be the last of a breed. … For their roles before and during the war, both Kodama and Sasakawa were imprisoned as war criminals, though neither was brought to trial. … Kodama stays of the public eye and his name is rarely mentioned in the press – and then most discretely. He is chairman of an obscure colliery company and advisor to several other small companies. Some of his income comes from a sports newspaper. Sasakawa thrives on publicity and uses it to blow a smokescreen over his other activities. He is chairman of the Japan Shipbuilding Association and a list of his other titles, such as sponsor of martial-arts associations, fills a page. Kodama works from a small, drab office in an unassuming office building… He has a black Cadillac and white Mercedes-Benz parked in the driveway… Kodama’s rise began in World War II when he ran the Kodama Agency in China, ostensibly to purchase war materials for the Japanese Navy. The Kodama Agency is also to have engaged in espionage and smuggling. Kodama brought vast amounts of money out of China and gave them, through an intermediary, to Ichiro Hatoyama, later premier, to start what is now the Liberal Democratic Party. Asked how much it was, Kodama said: “In cash, there was 70—million yen” In today’s purchasing power, that would have been about $3,5-million. What about platinum? “Well, he said, “about half this room full.” In addition, he said, he brought three large sacks of industrial diamonds from Shanghai to Singapore. Sasakawa, who has reportedly made several fortunes in the shipping and shipbuilding industries and in the stock market, is perhaps best known as the chairman of the Japan Motorboat Association. But his kuromaku work is much like that of Kodama. They have both had a hand in naming several premiers. Kodama helped break the late Shigeru Yoshida, the strongman of Japan’s postwar governments, and make his friend Hatoyama premier. While Kodama was in prison as an accused war criminal, he became a friend of Nobusuke Kishi, a government official who in 1957 was chosen as premier. Kishi was later in danger of being overthrown by internal party quarreling, but Kodama used his political influence to help have him re-elected by the party in 1959. According to Sasakawa, both he and Kodama helped to make Eisaku Sato premier in 1964. Generally, Kodama is critical of postwar Japan. The prewar political parties were corrupt, “but today’s Liberal-Democratic Party is more corrupt,” he asserts." January 19, 1984, The Age, 'Japan's fixer dies in hospital sanctuary': "Mr. Kodama, 72, died of heart failure in the Tokyo hospital where he has lived for the past several years and thus avoided sentencing in the Lockheed bribery scandal. A secret consultant to the Lockheed Aircraft Corp., Mr. Kodama had been instrumental in getting Japan’s All-Nippon Airways to buy the company’s Tristar widebodied aircraft 10 years ago. … Last October [former prime minister Kakuei] Tanaka was sentenced to four years jail for taking nearly $2 million from Lockheed, and is on bail pending appeal. Mr. Kodama was tried in a separate case, but the verdict was not given because he was said to be too ill to appear in court. His secretary was found guilty of foreign exchange law violations. According to prosecuters Mr Kodama was largely responsible for getting the airline to choose the Tristar, at a cost of more than $8 million in bribes and payments.This involved replacing the airline’s president (who was in favor of the rival DC-10), getting import approval delayed until the Tristar was flying, and generally greasing the works in the Transport Ministry and Tanaka Cabinet. An ultra-nationalist from an early age Mr Kodama first came to public attention in 1930 when he sent the Finance Minister of the day a knife. After a period in jail, he went to occupied China where the Imperial Army employed him as a bodyguard to the Chinese collaborator Wang Ching-wei. In 1941 he set up an agency on behalf of the Imperial Navy to buy and impound rare metals and commodities. He brought back much of his stolen wealth to Japan to start the postwar period a wealthy man. Arrested by the allied occupation authorities as a Grade A war crimes suspect in 1946 he spent two years in Tokyo’s Sugamo Prison where he met such conservative leaders as Mr. Nobusuke Kishi… Funder of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, Mr Kodama organized Right-wing thugs to protect US President Eisenhower on a planned visit. Alarmed at Left-wing protest over Mr Kishi’s strengthening of US-Japan defence links, the visit was called off. From the late 1950s Mr Kodama was on a secret retainer from Lockheed, helping it win an order from Mr Kishi’s Government for 230 F-104 Starfighters. In a recent paper, the Berkeley political scientist, Mr Chalmers Johnson, summed up Kodama as one of Japan’s most notorious prewar political strongmen and postwar unofficial intermediaries between the world of politics and the worlds of gangsters, bullies for controlling stockholders’ meetings (sokaiya) and fanatical Right-wingers."

November 3, 1945, Evening Independent, 'New Japan Parties To Bear Watching': "Kyodo said two of the most widely known of these Nationalist leaders were Yoshio Kodama, heading what is called the Japan National party, and Ryoichi Sasagawa, current member of the of representatives, named by the agency as backing the National Federation of Toilers. The latter recently proclaimed a “finish fight” with Communists. Kodama was a wartime youth leader. Kyodo said he also was purchasing agent for militarists who were stripping raw materials from conquered areas. Kodama served briefly as advisor to the Higashikuni cabinet. At that time, sources told the Associated Press “Kodama is known as a militarist backer and was appointed advisor in order to keep him quiet during the readjustment period.” "

Ryuzo Sejima was intimate with the group of Hattori Takushiro, Tsuji Masanobu and Kodama Yoshio, etc.. Ryuzo Sejima worked with them after World War II. (Japanese book with ISBN number 978-4-10-122421-3). Kodama Yoshio and Ryuzo Sejima became intimate with Park Chung-hee and the Korea Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) of South Korea in 1960's. Especially, because Ryuzo Sejima and Park Chung-hee were the relations of the senior and the junior at the Imperial Japanese Army Academy, Ryuzo Sejima became intimate with Park Chung-hee. By the way, Hisayuki Machii was also intimate with them. Hisayuki Machii cooperated in kidnapping of Kim Dae-jung. Ryuzo Sejima was able to become intimate with Chun Doo-hwan from the relations of Ryuzo Sejima and Park Chung-hee in 1980 because Chun Doo-hwan had been worshiping Park Chung-hee. When Yoshio Kodama died on January 17, 1984, Ryuzo Sejima was also intimate with U.S. Government and CIA as if Ryuzo Sejima succeeded the work of Yoshio Kodama. Ryuzo Sejima became the honorary post to govern NTT in June, 1986. Ryuzo Sejima managed the telephone records etc. of users of NTT and offered those information to the United States side. Brent Scowcroft etc. had come in contact with Ryuzo Sejima. The Japan Forum For Strategic Studiesscandal[32] was established on March 1, 1999. Ryuzo Sejima became the chairman of the Japan Forum For Strategic Studies.

December 13, 1976, Ocala Star-Banner, 'Japan's underworld finds status: crime, politics and finger chopping': "The underworld's gross total earnings for 1976, according to national tax-administration officials perpetually frustrated by the yakuza's understated returns, will surpass $5 billion. … Yoshio Kodama … could boast freely of his power as "boss over Tokyo's yakuza world" before pleading illness and retiring to his carefully guarded estate during the Lockheed probe. Professing that he himself was "not a yakuza," Kodama still claimed "brotherly" relations with Kazuo Taoka after having failed to pull the Yamaguchi into a nationwide gangster alliance. "We are united in our opposition to Communism," he once said. ... Dragooned as laborers on the front during the work on the Chinese mainland during the Japanese occupation of the 1930s, yakuza dug trenches and built airfields for Japanese forces fighting in South-east Asia during World War II. As recently as 1960, Kodama could recruit some 18,000 gangsters, supplemented by 10,000 gang-controlled street vendors, to confront demonstrators massed for President Eisenhower's visit."

2012, David E. Kaplan and Alec Dubro, 'Yakuza: Japan's Criminal Underworld: 25th Anniversary Edition', pp. 63-64: "The eminent historian Ivan Morris wrote in 1960: “Kodama is considered to be extremely influential as an undercover man in conservative and financial circles. At the same time he maintained links with former military men and rightists … Among Kodama’s many associates in the “New Japan” were Yakuza boss Karoku Tsuji, Prime Minister Ichiro Hatoyama, political wheeler dealer Ichiro Kono, and ultranationalist Bin Akao. (The last named was linked to the dramatic 1960 stabbing assassination of Socialist Party leader Inejiro Asanuma, and as late as that year Akao was calling himself the “Hitler of Japan”) … Kodama reportedly owned part of the Ginza nightclub empire that was controlled by his strikebreaking pal Korean gang boss Hisayuki Machii. … By 1958, six years or so after he had left the direct employ of G-2, Kodama was placed on the CIA payroll, with many lucrative spinoffs coming his way. And, from his talents as a strikebreaker, nurtured by General Willoughby’s organization, Kodama went into private practice. He hired himself out to industrialists to protect them against undue labor problems—a job that kept him in close contact with underworld bosses."

2012, David E. Kaplan and Alec Dubro, 'Yakuza: Japan's Criminal Underworld: 25th Anniversary Edition', pp. 98-99: "In December 1963, three years after leaving office as prime minister, Kishi had acted as vice chairman of a committee in charge of arrangements for a yakuza funeral. Later, in 1974, he was among scores of promising guests invited byYamaguchi godfather Kazuo Taoka to the lavish wedding of his son. Unable to attend, Kishi made sure the family received a congratulatory telegram, as did Ryoichi Sasakawa and Eitaro Itoyama, Sasakawa’s relative and an LDP Diet member. Itoyama apparently saw himself carrying on a noble tradition. After twenty years in the Diet, he retired in 1996 and publicly boasted of his underworld ties. “Among Japanese politicians with the most influence with the yakuza, I have to say it’s me,” he told the Washington Post. … During the term of Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira in the late 1970s, police raiding the home of a Yamaguchi-gumi boss made an unexpected discovery: a huge, blown up photo, proudly displayed, of Mr. Ohira hobnobbing over drinks with the gangster, apparently taken at a party. Then there was the case of Toshiki Kaifu, who became prime minister in 1989. Five years earlier, while education minister, he was photographed shaking hands with a well-known racketeer, and his name engraved on a commemorative stone to mark the occasion. Then there the news reports in 2000 accusing then-Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori of being “married to the mob” after he admitted joining five lawmakers at a 1996 wedding reception for the son of a former godfather. At the reception, Mori allegedly served as the “nakodo,” or go-between, for the bride and groom – a major role in Japanese weddings. Mori insisted he had “no personal relations” with the ex-yakuza and knew nothing of the man’s background. His closest aide, Chief Cabinet Secretary Hidenao Nakagawa, resigned months later after facing allegations, among others, that he had ties to the leader of a rightist group. Even if all this is true, it paled in comparison to Noboru Takeshita, who, as will be shown, rose to become prime minister [1987-1989] with the direct help of one of Tokyo’s top godfather."

May 30, 1981, Lakeland Ledger, 'Editorial: Legalizing bribery': "Mitsuyasu Maeno donned the headband and uniform of the Japanese Imperial Army, crawled aboard a rented Piper Cherokee, cried out “long live the emperor,” and steered the craft solidly onto the veranda of Yoshio Kodama. … The modern-day kamikaze dive-bomber gave his life to protest, if not to propiate, American corporate sin. But his target, Yoshio Kodama, was not having tea on his veranda that day and escaped death… This was not the only example of American corporate derringdo with bizarre and tragic results. Some others: (1) Eli Black, a former rabbinical student, in February of 1975 smashed out the window of his skyscraper office in Manhattan, tossed out his briefcase, and then leaped to his own death. He was president of United Brands, shortly to be exposed for paying $2.5 million in bribes. (2) Robert N. Waters, treasurer of Lockheed, in mid-1975 was found shot to death – an apparent suicide – on the eve of congressional probe of massive Lockheed bribery. (3) Mitsuhiro Shimada, head of Japan’s sixth largest trading firm, jumped to his death from his office in central Tokyo in February 1979. He had been questioned for days about payoffs by Grumman to sell aircraft to Japan."

PRIME MINISTERS OF JAPAN:

Liberal Democratic Party. Considered a centre-right political party in Japan. In continuous power from 1959 to 2009.

Prince Naruhiko Higashikuni - 1945 - In period of surrender. Stripped of wealth.

Kijūrō Shidehara - PP - 1945-1946 - Appointed for being pro-west. Married to family that founded and owned Mitsubishi. Ambassador the the U.S., U.K. and Netherlands. Non-militaristic policy. Foreign minister. League of Nations supporter. Interim PM in 1931. Man for the job. Went to LDP later. Except... people didn't like him. May 2, 1946, The Age, 'May Day in Tokyo': "Thousands of Tokyo May day celebrators chorused, "We want more food," "Down with Shidehara," and "Death to the Zaibatsu" (Japan's financial oligarchy.) ... Japan's bombed-out Zaibatsu munitions factories [belong to] Mistui, Mitsubishi, Yasuda and Sutitomo." MacArthur was against the Zaibatsu.

Aug. 4, 1949, Evening Independent, DeWitt Mackenzie, 'MacArthur breaks power of Japan's economic rulers': "Gen. MacArthur announces that he has broken up the Zaibatsu. … They made and sold everything from needles to battleships. They bought everything from Malayan rubber to American scrap iron. … [everything] could be traced to some 11 families… The Zaibatsu (the name means “finance clique”) … One of the oldest Zaibatsu families, Mitsui, dates back to the 1600s. … The Zaibatsu intermarried with all these other elements as a matter of policy, as well as with the imperial family under whose figurehead rule Japan was secretly governed. … The process went something like this: To finance an invasion, say, of North China, the government would sell bonds. The Zaibatsu would buy them, as nobody else had that much dough, and earn it back by selling arms. The army would take North China. To run its economy, it would set up so-called joint Sino-Japanese development companies with a controlling interest in Japanese hands. … Naturally experienced men would be borrowed from Mitsui, Mitsubishi, and other Zaibatsu firms [to run these companies]. … Quarrelling [among Zaibatsu] was never allowed to interfere too long with really big business. … Personally, most Zaibatsu people are well-educated and very charming individuals."

Ichiro Hatoyama - Founder Liberal party in 1945, apparently with war loot coming from Kodama. Purged days before being able to assume prime ministership in 1946. Gave it to Yoshida.

July 7, 1947, China Weekly Review, p.9: "According to Central News Agency's Tokyo correspondent, many top-ranking Liberal Party members may be involved in the scandal caused by the revelation that Liberal Party Dietman, Koichi Seko has accused high officials of implication in Yen 50,000,000,000 worth of hoarded goods. Government Party sources alleged that Ichoro Hatoyama, purged President of the Liberal Party, Karoku Tsuji, Liberal Party's "money man," and "a certain Liberal Minister" in Yoshida's cabinet, are central figures in the scandal."

Shigeru Yoshida - Liberal Party (different) - 1946-1947: Had married the eldest daughter of Count Nobuaki Makino, who became lord privy seal and a close adviser of the Emperor. Had served in London (also as ambassador), the U.S. and was at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. His father-in-law was not favored by the military establishment and he was a civilian during the war. Even briefly detained for his opposition to the war in 1944-1945. Foreign minister in the first cabinet of Shidehara. Began rebuilding. In favor of economic strength in cooperation with the West (Dulles wanted that; MacArthur not...); not militaristic.

April 29, 1949, Miami News, Stewart Alsop, 'American Policy Ruins Japanese Middle Party': "Mr. Yoshida explains that he is not a conservative at all. On the contrary, he is very liberal. Hardly anyone on Japan would agree. … The economic policy eagerly proposed by the Yoshida government to Mr. Dodge would so arrange things that, in name of a Japanese version of free enterprise, the industrial workers would be reduced to total misery. Mr. Dodge has firmly quashed this proposal. Mr. Yoshida speaks with deep and sincere affection of the Zaibatsu… On his mission here some months ago, the former under-secretary of war, William Draper, met and talked to a number of Japanese political leaders. After the meeting, he remarked to an aid, “That man who sat opposite me was head and shoulders above the rest—real prime minister material. Who was he?” He was Mr. [Sanzo] Nozaka, the most powerful of Japanese Communists. Mr. Draper was intuitive. Mr. Nozaka is generall accounted Japan’s cleverest politician. … The squabbles and stupidities of the Social Democrats themselves contributed largely to their political destruction. But according to competent observers here, occupation policy also played a big part. Last summer, for example, a law was written in military government headquarters outlawing strikes and collective bargaining in the railroad, communications, tobacco, and other government-run industries. The American labor union men in headquarters (who eventually resigned on the issue) bitterly opposed the legislation, and so did the Social Democrats. However, the Social Democrat labor minister was handed the law with instructions to sponsor it. The face-losing spectacle of a labor party sponsoring such legislation helped to destroy the Social Democrats. Thus, the two most powerful internal political forces in Japan are represented by the aged, cheerful, Mr. Yoshida, the friend of the Zaibatsu, and the clever, confident Mr. Nozaka, the friend of the Kremlin. The army officers who run Japan (except perhaps General of the Army Douglas MacArthur himself) seem blithely unconcerned by the withering away of Mr. Katayama." 2007, Yoshida Shigeru, 'Yoshida Shigeru: Last Meiji Man' (translation of Yoshida's memoirs), pp. 122-123: "General MacArthur’s headquarters further displayed, from the beginnings of the purges, a pronounced prejudice against the leaders of Japan’s financial world. This sprang from what one might call the left-wing conception that the nation’s capitalists had lured the politicians and militarists into an imperialistic and aggressive war in pursuit of personal profits; the extent of which prejudice could be gauged from the fact that initially a considerable number of our financiers were listed with those to be detained in Tokyo’s Sugamo Prison to answer charges of war crimes before the International Military Tribunal of the Far East at the Tokyo war trials. … Foreigners generally in Japan … entertained feelings of animosity towards our financial leaders and there was already much talk among them of the coming disintegration of the trading “empires” which had been built up. So it came as no surprise when, at a press conference with foreign correspondents held shortly after the formation of the Shidehara cabinet in October 1945, with myself as foreign minister, I was confronted with the kind of questions one might expect. The general purport was that, since the financiers had been behind the war, the strictest measures should be taken against them. I answered that it would be a great mistake to regard Japan’s financial leaders as a bunch of criminals: that the nation’s economic structure had been built by such old-established and major financial concerns as Mitsui and Mitsubishi, and that modern Japan owed her prosperity largely to their endeavors, so that it was most doubtful whether the Japanese people would benefit from the disintegration of these concerns. I explained further that the so-called zaibatsu had never worked solely for their own profit, but often at a loss, as, for instance, during the war when they continued to produce ships and planes on government orders regardless of the sacrifices involved; that the people who had actually joined hands with the militarists and profited from the war were not the established financial groups, but the new rich, who were alone permitted by the military to conduct business in Manchuria and other occupied terrorists to the detriment of the old-established concerns; and that those who had the most heartily welcomed the termination of the Pacific conflict were the leaders of these old-established concerns..."

2007, Yoshida Shigeru, 'Yoshida Shigeru: Last Meiji Man' (translation of Yoshida's memoirs), pp. 43-44: "At the meeting thus arranged, General MacArthur seems to have been much impressed by the emperor and told me later that he had never met a person who behaved to nobly and naturally [the emperor took responsibility and did not try to convince MacArthur to exonorate him]. The first meeting was followed by several more, and the emperor, too, seems to have become completely at ease with the general in their conversations together. … The general had come to have a great respect for the emperor, and even told me once that, although Japanese people and the reconstruction of Japan depended on the people rallying to the imperial symbol. It was this attitude towards the emperor which must have dictated General MacArthur’s policy in regard to the Tokyo war-crimes trial… his decision to exculpate the emperor from all and any relationship with war crimes, did more than anything else to lessen the fears of the majority of the Japanese people in regard to the occupation and to reconcile them to it. I have no hesitation in saying that it was the attitude adopted by General MacArthur towards the throne, more than any other single factor, that made the occupation an historic success. … Another instance of the supreme commander’s quick grasp of a situation was in the matter of the continued use of the trade names of those financial groups that had been ordered to be dissolved. GHQ had ruled that new business firms that arose as a result of the dispersal of the so-called Zaibatsu combines should be prohibited from adopting the former trade names such as Mitsui, Mitsubishi, and Sumitomo. But calculations indicated that if the new firms were obliged to adopt new trade names, the expense involved would total a staggering sum in the neighborhood of fifteen million yen—while, further, the losses incurred in our export trade before new names would become well-known in world markets would come to even more. I explained this dilemma to General MacArthur, reminding him that a general election was approaching and the Liberal Party, of which at that time I was president, would inevitably lose if we were forced to take a step resulting in such catastrophic loss to the financial world. … General MacArthur thought over my words for some time and then said in that case he would postpone enforcement of the step for one year. In fact, the matter was never raised again." 2007, Yoshida Shigeru, 'Yoshida Shigeru: Last Meiji Man' (translation of Yoshida's memoirs), p. 134: "General MacArthur added that, in case of Mr. Hatoyama, the Soviet Union had insisted strongly on his being purged and it was difficult for the U.S. government alone to reach a decision on the matter. In this connection, I may have been partly to blame for getting Mr. Hatoyama into the Soviet Union’s bad books. Shortly after the termination of the war, when Mr. Hatoyama was actively planning the formation of the liberal party, he came to see me and the talk turned on the political program to be adopted by the new party. On that occasion I stated that Communism was going to pose problems everywhere… and that it might be a good idea if the new party were openly to advocate an anti-Communist policy and make it one of its chief features. .. [this] may well have incensed the Soviet Union and caused them to object to the last to his being de-purged. Mr. Hatoyama may have changed his opinions since that time." 2007, Yoshida Shigeru, 'Yoshida Shigeru: Last Meiji Man' (translation of Yoshida's memoirs), pp. 60-62, 77, 79-80: "General MacArthur’s headquarters… admitted that the purges had in some respects been too sweeping. But though GHQ raised no objection to the lifting of restrictions on others, difficulties were present in the case of Mr. Hatoyama, who had been purged at the instance of the Soviet government…. The government … finally secured GHQ’s consent to the restoration of all rights to Mr. Hatoyama in [August 1951, after a five year ban from politics]. Unfortunately, Mr. Hatoyama suffered a serious stroke in June of that year … and it was out of the question for me to hand back the presidency of the ruling party to him as some members of the party apparently expected me to do. … I set about the task of organizing my fourth cabinet, completion of which task was delayed by the fact that the pro-Hatoyama faction within the party insisted on naming him as head of the party and next prime minister. … The members concerned, numbering more than twenty, next formed a rival group within the party, which subsequently represented a serious source of instability in the gereral political situation that followed the organization of the new cabinet. [Yoshida ultimately thought it strange the press and others in the party wanted him to give back power to Hatoyama; a normal democratic process should decide that] ... The case was different with Mr. Hatoyama and those of his followers who had left our party with him. Mr. Hatoyama favored revising Japan’s new Constitution to permit the nation to rearm; to this as I shall write later, I could not agree. Mr. Hatoyama has since come to speak less of rearmament and the revision of the Constitution, particularly after he formed his own cabinet, but I continue of the opinion that I was right in not agreeing with him at that time. … the maintenance of a defense corps along the lines of our system of collective security with the United States seems to me, even today, the best means of defense. However, a desire became apparent among the group led by Mr. Hatoyama to return to the fold of the Liberal Party, and talks to that end were begun, which lasted from the summer to the autumn of 1953. … we now numbered 229 members in the House of Representatives, or very nearly half the total membership, and were able to enact the defense bills in the next Diet." 2007, Yoshida Shigeru, 'Yoshida Shigeru: Last Meiji Man' (translation of Yoshida's memoirs), p. 156, 158, 215: "upon the occasion of Mr. Dulles’s first visit to Japan in June 1950 the question of security was discussed only in general terms, although Mr. Dulles did suggest the desirability of Japan’s rearming—a proposal against which I protested. … But when Mr. Dulles came to Japan again in January 1951 the armies of the Communist China had intervened in the Korean conflict, while we ourselves had formed a National Police Reserve to supplement our police force. Conditions having thus drastically changed since his first visit, Mr. Dulles had progressed from ideas on Japanese rearmament to more definite views on the conclusion of a mutual security pact between the United States and Japan. …I myself have consistent opposed rearmament, and said so throughout my tenure in office. … To me, the idea of rearmament has always seemed to be one verging on idiocy. A nation such as the United States may possess sufficient arms and equipment to call herself armed, but this is made possible by the untold wealth of the American people… To questions as to what we would do if the United States demanded that Japan rearm, I myself answered that we must obey the constitutional ban on rearmament, and would decline to take such a step, even if such a demand were received." 2007, Yoshida Shigeru, 'Yoshida Shigeru: Last Meiji Man' (translation of Yoshida's memoirs), pp. 99-101: "The ship’s newspaper, the Ocean Times, on October 30 [1954] carried the news that Japan had been granted the right to negotiate with other countries concerning trade and tariff agreements, which was a first step towards being admitted to GATT, and this naturally pleased me. Upon our arrival in New York we were immediately taken to the house of Mr. John D. Rockefeller III outside the city. It was the sort of residence that one would find hard to duplicate, or even think of, in Japan. It covered so many acres that I was told it Mr. Rockefeller more than half an hour by car to visit one of his relatives living within the grounds. Included in this spacious domain were pastures where cattle grazed, milking cattle and beef cattle confined to separate pastures. … Mr. John D. Rockefeller III … since he has accepted the position of the Japan Society in New York City, numerous Japanese business men and politicians of note, including such prominent public men as Mr. Hatoyama Ichiro… have been placed under an obligation to him as the kindest and most genial of hosts. He and his wife have visited Japan on several occasions, and cultural enterprises in my country—including one of such scale and scope as the founding of International House in Tokyo—are indebted to him for his generosity and support. On November 5 a dinner was given to welcome me by the Japan Society at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, to which some fifteen hundred people were invited… I was told Japanese residents of New York had never before been present at a dinner party of such distinction and magnificence… It was also a personal pleasure to me to be able to meet General Douglas MacArthur again during my stay in New York. Now president of the Remington-Rand Company, … [he] was as interested in Japan as ever. … I also had the opportunity of discussing old times with General Charles A. Willoughby …I further delivered a speech to the Council on Foreign Relations, and made a broadcast for the Columbia Broadcasting System. After which busy day in New York, I left with my party for Washington on November 7. … I was able, while in Washington, to see President Dwight D. Eisenhower; Vice President Richard Nixon; Mr. John Foster Dulles, the secretary of state; Mr. Charles E. Wilson, the secretary of defense; … I also met Mr. Eugene R. Black, president of the World Bank… I would add that no feature of my visit comforted me so much as meeting Mr William Richards Castle and Mr. Joseph C. Grew [p. 24: "I was on particularly friendly terms with [Grew]"] again, both former U.S. ambassadors to Japan, who welcomed me with the same kindness I had always remembered." November 6, 1954, New York Times, 'Yoshida Warns of Red 'Peace Lie,' Calls for Relaxed Trade Barriers; Yoshida Warns of Red 'Peace Lie,' Calls for Relaxed Trade Barriers': "Premier Shigeru Yoshida of Japan warned the United States last night not to be deceived by the Communist "peace offensive" in Asia. He asserted that the whole of Southeast Asia was a major target of the Communists and that conquest of Japan was their ultimate aim in the Pacific." November 8, 1954, New York Times, 'Yoshida Is Greeted in Washington By $100,000,000 U. S. Aid Plan': "Premier Shigeru Yoshida of Japan arrived tonight in search of United States economic assistance to forestall a threatening Japanese economic crisis." Clearly Yoshida was quite a hawk, but thought it best that the Japan rely on military assistance from the U.S. so that it doesn't need to militarize itself. This was in opposition to the people backing Kishi.

Mac Masakatsu Horino (journalist whose work has appeared in the Washington Post, e.o. mainstream publications), 2004, 'Japan's Denial And Macarthur's Secret Deal', pp. 16-18: "MacArthur had picked Yoshida to deal with his most imminent problems—the issue of war crimes and the Imperial future. Yoshida wanted to persuade MacArthur to save the Imperial system and emperor’s family at any cost. Japan’s number-one priority was to save the Emperor’s life. The second Japanese priority was to protect Hirohito from possible prosecution as a war criminal at the International War Crimes Tribunal. The third priority was to allow the monarchy to stay intact, in exchange for unlimited prosecution of all other military and government officials. In return, the Japanese were willing to offer all-out cooperation wit MacArthur… Yoshida was a very effective mediator between MacArthur and the old Japanese establishment, and his influence became powerful enough to build a foundation for the Liberal Democratic Party (which was conservative, contrary to its name) that lasted well into the 1990s. ... The U.S. government wanted to establish corporate friendly labor movement in Japan to emulate American corporate capitalism. MacArthur too the same [Mccarthyist] route, purging Communists and labor union leaders who, he felt, might distract the country from the development of democracy. ... Due to Yoshida’s incluence, MacArthur even moderated his initial tough stance against Zaibatsu… that held a monopoly in war economy and had supported the cause of military government. The “purged” government bureaucrats and businessmen who had supported the war were quickly allowed to play an active role again. Word spread that MacArthur was a “respectable leader”. Thereafter he began to gain the solid support of Japan’s elitist middle class. … I am quite sure that the General really enjoyed the way the Japanese treated him… when an agreement is made with the Emperor, the rest happens automatically in Japan to “honor commitments”. … The secret of success in Japan is reaching out to scratch the itchy spot on another’s back without prior request; this has been the most important Japanese social virtue for centuries. This virtue was abundantly extended to General MacArthur. … MacArthur was reported to have received a $500,000 payoff for the distinguished service as Military Advisor to the Philippine government. This kind of political scandal could never have surfaced in Japan’s post-war cultural environment. … [MacArthur] accomplished the American objective of democratizing Japan, while allowing the Japanese to keep their old establishment, their elitist government bureaucrats and their big corporate managers."

Tetsu Katayama - 1947-1948: Japan's first and last Socialist Prime Minister. Said to Yoshida he wanted a number of liberals in his cabinet. But because the left-wing within the Socialist party also wanted to work with the communist, Yoshida had to refuse (2007, Yoshida Shigeru, 'Yoshida Shigeru: Last Meiji Man' (translation of Yoshida's memoirs), p. 70). After the Socialists stopped working with the communists, an uncomfortable coalition was made. Katayama's government was responsible for the enactment of a wide range of progressive social reforms, such as the establishment of Japans first Labour Ministry,[1] an Unemployment Compensation Act and an Unemployment Insurance Act, and the overhaul revision of the Civil Code, whose section on the family institution was completely rewritten (to provide, for instance the eldest son a greater inheritance share).[2] The Law for the Elimination of Excessive Economic Concentration (passed in December 1947) provided for the dissolution of any company considered to be monopolistic,[3] In addition, the “law on the expulsion of Zaibatsu-affiliated controls” of January 1948 enforced the resignation of Zaibatsu board members who were related closely to Zaibatsu families, while a measure was taken to ban on holding the concurrent board posts of their affiliated companies.

Hitoshi Ashida - March-October 1948. Of the Japan Democratic Party. Had a coalition with the socialists. Government forced to resign due to charges of corruption.

Shigeru Yoshida - another liberal party - 1948-1954: Back in power, but eventually ousted as the extreme-right returned after the end of the occupation in 1952. Opposed by Kodama, who was behind Kishi. But the interests of the two merged anyway in 1955.

Ichirō Hatoyama - 1954-1956: Received stolen money from China from Kodama to set up what became LDP. Willoughby's fascist group surrounding Takushiro Hattori and Masanobu Tsuji (worked for Willoughby's G-2 and helped him with planning an invasion of Chiang Kai-shek of communist China. Tsuji had also been shielded by Chiang Kai-shek and later Kodama before charges against him were dropped), Yoshio Kodama, Ryoichi Sasakawa, and probably Unit 731 chief Ishii Shiro, were backing him. Okinori Kaya, who was released from prison in 1955, was later added to this group by the CIA. This group even wanted to assassinate Yoshida, stage a coup and put Hatoyama in power. Also Compton Pakenham, Newsweek editor in Japan, backed Hatoyama early on, together with Kishi, the other major political ally of Kodama and Sasakawa. Harry F. Kern, foreign editor of Newsweek in New York, a member of the Pilgrims Society and a friend of the Dulles brothers, was Pakenham's boss

March 1, 2007, Associated Press, 'CIA Papers Reveal Japan Coup Plot': "Declassified documents reveal that Japanese ultranationalists with ties to U.S. military intelligence plotted to overthrow the Japanese government and assassinate the prime minister in 1952. The scheme - which was abandoned - was concocted by militarists and suspected war criminals who had worked for U.S. occupation authorities after World War II, according to CIA records reviewed by The Associated Press. The plotters wanted a right-wing government that would rearm Japan. The CIA files, declassified in 2005 and publicized by the U.S. National Archives in January, detail a plot to oust the pro-U.S. prime minister, Shigeru Yoshida, and install a more hawkish government led by Ichiro Hatoyama. The CIA, in papers released under an act of the U.S. Congress to declassify documents related to Japanese war crimes, said the plotters were led by Takushiro Hattori, a former private secretary to Hideki Tojo, the wartime prime minister hanged as a war criminal in 1948. Two CIA documents said the plot reportedly had the support of 500,000 people in Japan, and that the group planned to use a contact who controlled a faction inside the National Safety Agency - a precursor to the Defense Ministry - to help launch the coup. The files reviewed by the AP strongly suggest the Americans were unaware of the plot until after it had been dropped. The plot was developed after the U.S. postwar occupation of Japan ended in April 1952, and the CIA files say American financial support for Hattori's group had dried up by then. Still, the documentary evidence of the plot illustrates the violent potential of the right-wing, anti-communist cabal that had worked under the U.S. occupation authority's "G-2" intelligence wing in the early days of the Cold War in the late 1940s and early 50s. The CIA operated separately from the G-2. "Since the beginning of July 1952, plans for a coup d'etat have been initiated among a group of ex-purgees including former military officers. The leader of the group is ex-Colonel Hattori Takushiro," said an Oct. 31, 1952, report, which claimed "this report is the first to mention a definite rightist plan involving violence." "The original plan of the group was to engineer a coup d'etat, including the assassination of Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru on account of his hostile attitude toward depurgees and nationalists," the CIA document said. According to the document, Hattori colleague Masanobu Tsuji talked the group out of the coup, urging it to focus instead on countering the Socialist Party. The files say the group then decided it would not stage a coup as long as Yoshida's conservative Liberal Party remained in power. However, the group still considered violence an option, the files say. "The group is considering the possibility of some minor assassination attempt in lieu of a coup d'etat," the Oct. 31, 1952, document said. Hattori and others had worked under the aegis of Maj. Gen. Charles Willoughby, the anti-communist G-2 chief. During the occupation, Willoughby was considered the second most powerful American after his boss, Gen. Douglas MacArthur. Some group members were considered choice war crimes trial targets after the war. Tsuji had been wanted for involvement in the Bataan Death March of 1942, in which thousands of Americans and Filipinos perished. Another group associate was Yoshio Kodama, a war profiteer and mob boss who was deeply involved in procuring materials - often illegally - for the Japanese military machine. Neither of them was prosecuted for war crimes. The Japanese militarists joined U.S.-supported missions to spy on communists in Japan, infiltrate agents into Soviet and North Korean territory, and recruit Japanese mercenaries to protect Taiwan from communist forces in mainland China, declassified documents show. The CIA files, however, say the operations were riddled with intelligence leaks, hobbled by a lack of competent agents, and deeply compromised by rivalries among the rightists themselves. The agents' top priorities, the documents say, were profits and an eventual resurgence of a militarist Japan. The assassination plot detailed in the CIA files came at a difficult time for Hattori's group. The departure of Willoughby from Japan in 1951 as the U.S. occupation wound down deprived the rightists of their leading American patron and paymaster. Meanwhile, Yoshida was openly hostile to Hattori's push for rearmament. "The government attitude toward the Hattori group has been increasingly antagonistic, and the group has lost influence since the departure of General Willoughby," said a CIA document dated April 18, 1952. Yoshida was pushed out of office peacefully in 1954 and replaced by Hatoyama, but the ultrarightist dream of resurrecting a militarist Japan never happened. The 1947 pacifist constitution bars Japan from warfare and has never been amended." July 26, 2000, Japan Times, 'Disappearance of Masanobu Tsuji remains a mystery': "When Japan surrendered in August 1945, Tsuji decided to flee, first pretending to be a local Buddhist monk, and later acting as an adviser to Chiang Kai-shek and his nationalist Chinese government before returning to Japan in 1947. Three years later he emerged from obscurity to become an instant celebrity. He was easily elected to the House of Representatives from his native Ishikawa Prefecture in 1952 and switched to the House of Councilors in 1959. After 10 years in the Diet, during which he displayed nonpartisan and sometimes erratic behavior, he decided to embark on the fateful Southeast Asian mission. Kenshiro Seki, president of a famous Japanese inn called Sekiya in the hot-spring resort of Katayamazu in Ishikawa Prefecture, remembers meeting Tsuji in his office one day before his departure for Southeast Asia. "I'm going to Laos on orders from Prime Minister (Hayato) Ikeda," Seki, 58, quoted Tsuji as telling him and his mother, Tami, 39 years ago. ... Eko Hata, chief priest of Hoshoji Temple in Tokyo's Suginami Ward, recalled, "I thought it was an almost suicidal act to go to Laos and further north after crossing the Mekong River in the middle of the rainy season," when told of his wartime boss' disappearance in 1961. Laos at the time was in the middle of civil war. Hata, 74, was one of seven priests-turned-soldiers who Col. Tsuji agreed to bring along with him on his bid to evade arrest by victorious British troops in Bangkok in the summer of 1945. Hata, whose former name was Takashi Fukuzawa, said in an interview at his Tokyo temple that he and the other six decided to go into hiding with Tsuji because "life as a prisoner of war would be the same anywhere, and we felt he (Tsuji) would somehow manage to flee." The seven young priests, masquerading as Thai monks, were later captured, but Tsuji indeed fled, starting life as a fugitive that took him to Vientiane, Hanoi, China's Chongqing and Nanjing before secretly arriving from Shanghai at Sasebo, Nagasaki Prefecture, as "a professor of Beijing University" in May 1947. "As I placed my first step upon the soil of Japan, I quietly picked up a handful of earth, unnoticed by the others, and smelt its sweetness. It was the first smell of my motherland in six years," Tsuji wrote in his best-selling "Underground Escape -- 7,500 Miles in Disguise." One of the first places he visited upon returning to Japan was Hata's temple in a quiet Tokyo residential area, which Hata said was free from police surveillance. Tsuji stopped hiding after the U.S. ended his designation as a wanted war criminal on New Year's Day 1950. After writing a number of best sellers, including "Nomonhan" and "Guadalcanal," Tsuji turned to politics. He was initially elected to the Lower House as an independent and subsequently joined the Japan Democratic Party and the Liberal Democratic Party, from which he was expelled in 1959 for insubordination and criticizing Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi, a former Class A war criminal, for corruption. Tsuji's military and political career has fascinated many young men, one of whom was a Waseda University student named Yoshiro Mori." Petersen, Michael (2006), "Chapter 8: The Intelligence that Wasn't: CIA Name Files, the U.S. Army, and Intelligence Gathering in Occupied Japan": "He avoided capture first by hiding in Southeast Asia, later sheltered by Chang Kai-shek on mainland China, then secretly in Japan, including as a guest of Kodama. When the United States dropped its war crimes charges against him in 1950, he returned to the public scene, publishing two books about his wartime and postwar experiences that quickly became best sellers."

Tanzan Ishibashi - 1956-1957: Right-winger within the LDB. Minister of Finance under the first cabinet of Shigeru Yoshida from 1946 to 1947. In 1947 he was purged and therefore retired as both a politician and a journalist. After his purge was repealed in 1951, he allied with Ichirō Hatoyama and joined the movement against Yoshida's cabinet. When Hatoyama decided to retire in 1956, the LDP held a vote for their new president. At first Nobusuke Kishi was considered the most likely candidate, but Ishibashi allied himself with another candidate (Kojiro Ishii) and managed to win the election. Ishibashi was appointed as president of the LDP and became the prime minister of Japan. Ishibashi stated that the government should endeavor to set up diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China and his policy was popular among the people. Unfortunately he became sick and gave up his office only two months later. He opposed Kishi's politics on security, which seemed too militant to Ishibashi.

Nobusuke Kishi - 1957-1960. Accused of Chinese labor exploits during Japan's occupation of China. Suspected class A war criminal, but released by MacArthur in 1948. Became a friend of Kodama and his clique during war criminal imprisonment. This same group initially wanted to assassinate Yoshida and put Hatoyama in as a replacement. Architect of the Liberal Democratic Party in 1955. At first Yoshida didn't want to associated with him, but later his LDP decided against it because Kishi brought in quite a bit of additional influence that the LDP needed to stay in power. So Kishi's and Yoshida's backings merged. In Feb. 1957 Kishi became the new prime minister. Douglas MacArtur was apppointed ambassador to Japan on Dec. 4, 1956 and acted as the ambassador from Feb. 1957 to March 1961. Together with Kishi, MacArthur negotiated the U.S.-Japan Mutual Security Treaty, an expansion on the one drafted with General MacArthur. Public backlash against the treaty was so great that it forced Kishi to step down in 1960. His party remained in power, however. War criminal and CIA recruit Okinori Kaya was justice minister during Kishi's term, as well as a member of Kishi's security committee and a close personal advisor. Kishi was a visitor of the Asian People's Anti-Communist League.

Department of State, Central Files, 794.5/9–958. Secret. Drafted by Martin on October 13, 1958 (discussion of September 9, 1958 meeting on new U.S.-Japan Mutual Security treaty): "Participants, Department of Defense: ... Mr. John Irwin, Admiral Arleigh Burke, General Lyman Lemnitzer ... State: ... Douglas MacArthur... ".

Department of State, history.state.gov: 358. Memorandum of a Conversation Between the British Ambassador ([Roger] Makins) and the Counselor of the Department of State (MacArthur), Department of State, Washington, May 23, 195611. Source: Department of State, S/S–NEA Files: Lot 61 D 417, Omega #5. Top Secret; Omega. Drafted by Wilkins. Washington, May 23, 1956. SUBJECT Operation Stockpile [Dulles devised Operation Stockpile. This called for the stationing of Sabre jets on Cyprus for use by Israel in the event of an Arab attack. To mitigate Arab reaction to the plan, Stockpile also provided for the supply of defensive arms, to be stored aboard a US frigate in the Mediterranean, to the Arabs]".

Department of State, history.state.gov: "72. Memorandum of a Conversation, Department of State, Washington, October 6, 1955... UBJECT Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty PARTICIPANTS Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles Mr. Gordon Gray, Asst. Secretary of Defense Admiral Radford and Mr. Charles Sullivan, Department of Defense CIA—Messrs. Allen Dulles, Frank Wisner USIA—Messrs. Streibert and Berding C—Mr. Douglas MacArthur, II ... The Secretary stated that the meeting had been called to discuss the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty which he described as having tremendous potentialities for good or evil. ... This meeting was called by Dulles after MacArthur had so recommended in a memorandum to the Secretary dated October 1."

Department of State, history.state.gov: "Washington, January 5, 1962. SUBJECT Report on Our Recent Efforts With Union Miniere ... Ambassador MacArthur has approached Spaak to urge him to cooperate with us in developing a series of economic measures designed to deny to Tshombe access to tax revenues and duties now being paid to his regime by the Union Miniere and other big companies in Katanga. Spaak has expressed agreement with the desirability of developing such a program, and, while he has raised questions about the practicability of certain aspects, Ambassador MacArthur is continuing discussions with him and his staff. We are making similar approaches to the British and Congolese Governments and the UN to gain their cooperation. ... Ambassador MacArthur has approached Spaak to underscore the importance we attach to the Union Miniere's cooperation with Adoula's government and to its no longer giving moral or financial support to Tshombe's secession."

Nov. 17, 1997, New York Times, 'Douglas MacArthur 2d, 88, Former Ambassador to Japan': "While he was Ambassador to Japan, he played a crucial role in prolonged negotiations during which Japanese grievances were addressed. Eventually, a new United States-Japanese mutual security treaty was signed and ratified by both Governments and went into effect in 1960. In that year, Time magazine called him ''the principal architect of present-day U.S. policy toward Japan.'' Despite the improvement in Japanese-American relations, there were leftist-led demonstrations against the treaty in May and June 1960, and they led to the cancellation of a scheduled visit to Japan by President Dwight D. Eisenhower. But afterward, the political party that accepted the pact was returned to power in the Japanese Parliament. While the uproar dwindled, Premier Hayato Ikeda, on becoming head of the Japanese Government, declared that no unsolved problems remained between the Washington and Tokyo. At the time, his statement was called a signal that the postwar transitional era in relations between the two countries had come to an end... Years later, in 1974, it was reported from Tokyo that authoritative Japanese sources had revealed that a secret agreement allowing the United States to move nuclear weaponry through Japan had been reached in 1960 by Mr. MacArthur and Aiichiro Fujiyama [imprisoned as war crimal; president Nippon Sugar Company; president Japan Chamber of Commerce and Industry, member of parliament], the Japanese Foreign Minister at the time. But Mr. MacArthur, who was a businessman in Belgium in 1974, and the Japanese Foreign Ministry denied the report." June 12, 1960, Associated Press, 'Mutual Security Treaty Cause Riots': "Under the treaty, the United States no longer has the right to crush an internal in Japan; this country agrees for the first time in writing to come to Japan’s defense in case of attack; agrees to consult ahead of time with the Japanese government before making any change in its armed forces, weapons or bases; agrees to consult with the Japanese before deploying Japan-based American forces anywhere in Asia; and gives up the veto power over letting a third nation have bases in Japan. … Japan makes no reciprocal promise to defend U.S. territory." It seems a like a very decent treaty. Opposition came from the socialist party, which was also very strong in Japan. And with the ordinary people of Japan it seemed that the concept of neutrality was very important. April 7, 1987, The News and Courier, 'Secret Pact With Japan Uncovered': "Japanese communists, searching in the Library of Congress here, have uncovered documentary evidence of a secret agreement that permits the United States to take nuclear arms into Japan. [they] found a telegram referring explicitly to the accord, a “transit agreement” that was appended as a top-secret document to the 1960 United States-Japan mutual security treaty. The Japanese search team had long assumed the existence of the agreement, which had been reported in the press since 1971 on the basis of a national security study memorandum dating from 1969. … According to the 1969 memorandum, the agreement provides that American warships and warplanes may carry nuclear arms into an out of Japan but may not store them in Japan or launch them from there…. The telegram, dated Feb. 24, 1966, referred to “confidential arrangements with U.S. on introduction of nuclear weapons under the 1960 security treaty,” and expressed concern that the arrangements would be undermined if Japan accepted a Soviet proposal that Japan be declared a nuclear-free zone. A check of the library’s microfilm files showed the telegram to be authentic. It was … signed by Secretary of State Dean Rusk."

Hayato Ikeda - LDP - 1960-1964: Reorganized Zaibatsu returned to public again around the end of his term.

Oct. 4, 1964, Miami News, 'Industrial Empires Return In Japan: Old-Line Family Firms Making Post-War Bid': "The occupation forces purged the Zaibatsu families from the Japanese industrial picture and confiscated the shares they held to control corporations. For awhile after the war, there were no dominant, concerted voices such as had once come from the Zaibatsu. However, as the nation began rebuilding its economy from the postwar shambles, the former Zaibatsu corporations embarked on a search for unity. With the Zaibatsu families gone their former lieutenants and managers got together for regular consultations on various levels – beginning with the chairman and president level. They had some effective means for reuniting former Zaibatsu firms. Such means included: - Former Zaibatsu banks, insurance companies and other financial entities gave priority to former Zaibatsu member firms in extending loans. – Corporations in the former Zaibatsu group hold each other’s shares so they can control vital decisions. – They also exchange top executives within the reunited empires. … The most conspicuous [return] was the rebirth of Mitsubishi Heavy Industries June 1. … With the nations biggest work force of 79,000, it is expected to hit a total sales of $1 billion this year. Earlier this year, another disbanded firm, Mitsubishi Shoji (trade), staged a spectacular comeback. Its annual sales total close to $3 billion. … The Mitsui and Sumitomo groups have also followed Mitsubishi’s suit on a bit smaller scale and with a slower tempo. … Newspapers front-paged the meetings as epoch-making in that the big firms were showing their unity in public [during trade talks with the USSR) and ignoring American disapproval in dealing with the Soviet Union. The reorganized industrial empires have begun speaking up again." In 1973 Mitsubishi became the key corporation in the new Trilateral COmmission, with the president and an advisory council member of Mitsubishi being invited to the executive council of the Trilateral Commission. Both men were with the entire council at the White House in December 1974.

Eisaku Sato - LDP - 1964-1972: Accused of being a rake and wife-beater by his wife. Sasakawa and Kodama backed him. His leading political advisor was Kaya Okinori

Kakuei Tanaka - LDP - 1972–1974: Remained a dominant influence until the mid 1980s. To court over Lockheed scandal in 1974.

Takeo Miki - LDP - 1974-1976 - Opposition from own ranks for investigating Lockheed scandals too much.

Takeo Fukuda - LDP - 1976-1978 - "Anti-mainstream faction within the party." Close to Harry Kern and aims of the ACJ.

Masayoshi Ōhira - LDP - 1978-1980: "Mainstream faction" within the party.

Yasuhiro Nakasone - LDP - 1982-1987: Pushed for privatization. On board of Japan Arts Association with David Rockefeller, Umberto Agnelli and many western prime ministers. David Kaplan, the Yakuza export, wrote that Kodama helped to get him power.

October 9, 1994, New York Times, 'C.I.A. Spent Millions to Support Japanese Right in 50's and 60's': "In a major covert operation of the cold war, the Central Intelligence Agency spent millions of dollars to support the conservative party that dominated Japan's politics for a generation. The C.I.A. gave money to the Liberal Democratic Party and its members in the 1950's and the 1960's, to gather intelligence on Japan, make the country a bulwark against Communism in Asia and undermine the Japanese left, said retired intelligence officials and former diplomats. ... By 1953, with the American occupation over and the reverse course well under way, the C.I.A. began working with warring conservative factions in Japan. In 1955, these factions merged to form the Liberal Democratic Party. The fact that money was available from the United States soon was known at the highest levels of the Japanese Government. On July 29, 1958, Douglas MacArthur 2d, the general's nephew, who was then United States Ambassador in Tokyo, wrote to the State Department that Eisaku Sato, the Finance Minister, had asked the United States Embassy for money. Mr. Sato was Prime Minister of Japan from 1964 to 1972 and received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1974. Ambassador MacArthur wrote that such requests from the Government of Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi were nothing new. "Eisaku Sato, Kishi's brother, has tried to put the bite on us for financial help in fighting Communism," his letter said. "This did not come as a surprise to us, since he suggested the same general idea last year." Mr. Sato was worried, an accompanying memo explained, because a secret slush fund established by Japanese companies to aid the L.D.P. was drained. "Mr. Sato asked if it would not be possible for the United States to supply financial funds to aid the conservative forces in this constant struggle against Communism," the memo said. While it is unclear whether Mr. Sato's request was granted directly, a decision to finance the 1958 election campaign was discussed and approved by senior national security officials, according to recently declassified C.I.A. documents and former intelligence officers. In an interview, Mr. MacArthur said the Socialists in Japan had their own secret funds from Moscow, a charge the left denied. "The Socialist Party in Japan was a direct satellite of Moscow" in those years, he said. "If Japan went Communist it was difficult to see how the rest of Asia would not follow suit. Japan assumed an importance of extraordinary magnitude because there was no other place in Asia from which to project American power." A Close Call In 1976 In 1976, the secret payments were almost uncovered. A United States Senate subcommittee discovered that Lockheed Corp., seeking lucrative aircraft contracts, had paid $12 million in bribes to Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka and the Liberal Democrats. The conduit was Mr. Kodama -- political fixer, tungsten smuggler and C.I.A. contact. Then a retired C.I.A. officer living in Hawaii phoned in a startling tip. "It's much, much deeper than just Lockheed," Jerome Levinson, the panel's staff director, recalls the C.I.A. man saying. "If you really want to understand Japan, you have to go back to the formation of the L.D.P. and our involvement in it." Mr. Levinson said in an interview that his superiors rejected his request to pursue the matter. "This was one of the most profound secrets of our foreign policy," he said. "This was the one aspect of our investigation that was put on hold. We got to Japan, and it really all just shut down.""

MACARTHUR-UNIT 731 LINK:

March 17, 1995, Nicholas D. Kristof, New York Times, 'Unmasking Horror -- A special report.; Japan Confronting Gruesome War Atrocity': "He is a cheerful old farmer who jokes as he serves rice cakes made by his wife, and then he switches easily to explaining what it is like to cut open a 30-year-old man who is tied naked to a bed and dissect him alive, without anesthetic. ... Those around him in Unit 731 saw their careers flourish in the postwar period, rising to positions that included Governor of Tokyo, president of the Japan Medical Association and head of the Japan Olympic Committee." Who were Toky's governors? Yukio Aoshima (1932-2006), who was Tokyo governor from 1995 to 1999, was too young. That leaves four predecessors, with one perfect candidate and one a "maybe" - although they had similar elite connections.

Shunichi Suzuki, governor Tokyo 1979-1995: Born around 1911. Worked at the interior ministry. As vice governor of Tokyo, he played an important role in organizing the Tokyo Olympic Games in 1964. Died in 2010 at age 99. Governor of Tokyo presided over a budget of $80 billion dollar in 1990. Photographed in 1983 in New York talking with David Rockefeller. Trustee of the Japan Art Association, with David Rockefeller, Umberto Agnelli, Japanese PM Nakasone and western prime ministers on the international board. September 16, 1989, New York Times, '6 in the Arts Win New $100,000 Prize': "The six winners of a new $100,000 Japanese prize for lifetime achievement in the arts, the Praemium Imperiale, were announced yesterday at Rockefeller Center. The Praemium Imperiale, or Imperial Prize, was created last year by the Japanese Art Association... It was the idea of Prince Nobuhito Takamatsu, younger brother of Hirohito and governor of the association until his death in 1987. ... The money for the prizes, he said, came largely from the Fujisankei Communications Group [largest media company in the world in 1991], which he heads. It owns television stations and newspapers in Japan. Mr. Shikanai said the six winners, each of whom will receive a medal and $100,000, were chosen by the association's board from lists of nominees provided by committees in the United States, France, Italy, Britain and West Germany. ... Nominations for the prizes were made by committees headed by four former Prime Ministers and David Rockefeller, the investment banker who is the chairman of the Museum of Modern Art in New York. The former Prime Minsters are Edward Heath of Britain, Jacques Chirac of France, Amintore Fanfani of Italy and Helmut Schmidt of West Germany. ... Among the members of the American committee are Mr. Chapin, former dean of the Columbia University School of the Arts, the composer Stephen Sondheim, Kirk Varnedoe, director of painting and sculpture at the Museum of Modern Art, Lloyd Richards, the head of the Yale Drama School, S. Dillon Ripley, secretary emeritus of the Smithsonian Institution, and Ada Louise Huxtable, a former architecture critic for The New York Times. ... Mr. Shikanai said that while nominations were made by the international advisory committees, the final choices were made by the trustees of the Japan Art Association. He said most of the 11 trustees were top Japanese business executives, some of whom had connections to museums, and also included Shunichi Suzuki, the Governor of Tokyo..."

Ryokichi Minobe, Tokyo governor 1967-1979. Educated in law and economics. Nothing written about his WWII activities, but certainly no doctor doing any dissection work.

Ryotaro Azuma, Tokyo governor 1959-1967. Graduated from University of Tokyo in 1917; postdoctoral fellow of A.V. Hill (secretary Royal Society and prestigious scientist in contact with Warbugs and Rothschilds and Rockefeller Foundation) at University College, London, where he did work at the Physiological Laboratory. Published a few papers under A. V. Hill from 1922 to 1924; organizer of Tokyo University Department of Physiology in 1928 and its first director. Who's Who: "Graduated from faculty of medicine, Tokyo (Imp.) Univ., 1917; prof. of same [university], ... Was a member of [Tokyo] university's First Higher School's crews. Won his doctorate in 1926. A specialist in physiology, and theoretical pharmacology, he studied in England and France (1932-3). Appointed professor at his alma mater (1934) and director of the Physical Culture School (1937). After the war, he was appointed director of the Medical Affairs Burea, Welfare Ministry." January 16, 1969, University of Florida, digital collections, Personal history document of Ryotaro Azuma: : "“Education, profession & appointments: 1917: Graduated from Faculty of Medicine, Tokyo Imperial University. 1921-25: Research student in Physical Chemistry and Physiology, University College, London. … [1926: Doctor of medicine] … 1932-33: Research in Pharmacology, National Institute for Medical Research, Hampstead, London. 1934-51: Professor in Pharmacology, Tokyo, (Imperial University). 1942-44: Chief of Health Bureau, Naval Civil Administration in South-West Pacific Region. 1946-51: Director of Medical Affairs Bureau, Ministry of Health and Welfare. 1947-1958: President of Japanese Olympic Committee. 1950-: Member of International Olympic Committee. 1951-53: Professor of Physical Education, Tokyo University. 1953-58: President of Ibarak University. 1958: Honorary President (for life) of Asian Games Federation. 1963-: Vice-President of Organizing Committee of Tokyo Games. …1948: First World Health Assembly of WHO, Geneva, Switzerland. … 1955: Executive Board of WHO, Geneva, Switzerland. World Health Assembly, Mexico City, Mexico. I.O.C. Session, Paris, France. … 1956: Executive Board of WHO, Geneva, Switzerland."During World War II he worked in the civilian administration of the Japanese Navy and served as chairman of the Committee on Public Hygiene and a member of the executive committee of the Japanese Society Against Tuberculosis. March 27, 1983, Toledo Blade, 'Ryotaro Azuma': "After the end of World War II, Mr. Azuma served with the health and welfare ministry and was a liaison with the Allied Occupation Forces headed by U.S. Gen. Douglas MacArthur. In 1947 he became chairman of the Japan Amateur Sports Association. He is credited with getting Japan back into international amateur sports competition and elected a member of the International Olympic Committee in 1950." Member International Olympic Committee from 1950 to 1968. He had been recommended for this job by General Douglas MacArthur, who had been president of the American Olympic Committee in 1928. 1996, Maynard Brichford, University of Illinois, Centre for Olympic Studies, 'Avery Brundage and the Internationalization of the Olympic Games' (original source: Brundage to MacArthur, Feb. 18, 1950; Brundage to Takaishi, April 15, 1950; Takaishi to Brundage, April 23, 1964. All from Box 64, ABC.): "By 1950, only one of two surviving Japanese members was able to attend the I.O.C. meeting in Copenhagen. Shingoro Takaishi of the Mainichi Newspapers was willing, but the American military occupation did not permit him to leave the country. Brundage’s predecessor as American Olympic Association president, General Douglas MacArthur, suggested Ryotaro Azuma, president of the Japanese Olympic Committee, as an alternative. " MacArthur and Azuma were working since at least 1947 to bring the Olympic Games to Japan. Dec. 6, 1948, New York Times, 'MacArthur Raises Hopes Of Japan for Olympics' (article also mentions Azuma): "General MacArthur expressed hope today that "world conditions" would permit Japan to participate in the 1952 Olympic Games." Azuma was president of the Japanese Olympic Committee 1947-1958 [later followed by Prince Tsuneyoshi Takeda 1962-1969, who was deeply tied to the Unit 731 operations and was accused of hiding massive amounts of gold in the Philippines. As national president he played a major role in organizing the 1964 games in Japan and the 1972 games Sapporo. Was also a member of the International Olympic Committee from 1967 to 1981]. Vice president of the 1964 Olympic Games organizing committee, together with Tsuneyoshi Takeda. Coincidentally, Prince Alexandre de Merode, whose name later appeared in the X-Dossiers of the Dutroux in relation to sadistic child abuse, was head of the International Olympic Committee's drug testing board since 1967. Later on, 1980-1986, he was a member of the executive committee of the IOC, and later also vice chairman. 2009, Paul Droubie dissertation, 'Playing the nation: 1964 Tokyo summer olympics and Japanese identity' [original source: Ichiro Sawada to Avery Brundage, February 14, 1959, Record Series 26/20/37, Box 136, Japan NOC The Japanese Olympic Committee 1951-1964 Folder, University of Illinois Archives.]: "In 1958, the conservative Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) approached and asked him to run for the Tokyo Governorship. ... By most reports, Azuma was reluctant to run, but was convinced by others that if he did not, the Socialist Party candidate and prewar Foreign Minister (1936-1937, 1938-1939, 1940), Arita Hachirō, might win the election.39 According to a supporter who wrote Brundage to explain and head off any problems, the JAAA had been “unanimously against it” but “were ultimately persuaded by [Primer Minister] Kishi [Nobusuke].” The most persuasive argument was that if Arita, a “leftist even in the [Socialist] Party” was elected, the “Metropolitan Police would be entirely under the command of the radical group to the result that public security could. ... hardly be maintained.” The undoubtedly alarmist interpretation of events had an underlying message: if Azuma did not win the Tokyo Olympiad might be threatened and have to be cancelled again. ... Interestingly, Azuma himself had sent a letter the previous month to Brundage and merely informed him that he had “resigned from the presidency of the Japanese Olympic Committee in order to stand as a candidate for the Governor of Tokyo Metropolis [sic].”41 Azuma ran unaffiliated with any party officially, but with the endorsement and support of the conservative, and politically dominant, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). His candidacy was based, in part, on his Olympic credentials and he won narrowly against Arita in the April 1959. [Mentions Shunichi Suzuki as a supporter of bring the games to Japan, but does not identify him as a member of the IOC or JOC, as it does with others in the list]." The bringing of the Olypic Games to Japan in 1964 has been attributed to him, but maybe even more to then vice governor Shunichi Suzuki (later governor with ties to David Rockefeller and his globalist group). As a Tokyo governor, Azuma kept in close touch with both Gen. MacArthur and his nephew, Japan Ambassador MacArthur II. Both had great influence on the country. May 7, 1960, Tipton Tribune, 'Sister City Celebration': "Gen. Douglas MacArthur and Dr. Ryotaro Azuma are shown at New York ceremony which marked “sister city” alliance between New York and Tokyo. Dr. Azuma, head of Tokyo municipal government, said the way is paved for exchange of ideas on their common problems." May 23, 1960, Pacific Stars And Stripes, 'MacArthur Hails Sister Cities': "U.S. Ambassador to Japan, Douglas MacArthur, hailed the establishment sister city ties between Tokyo and New York at Hibya Hall here Monday afternoon, saying the relationship actually began 100 years ago. … Tokyo governor Ryotaro Azuma recently flew to New York to cement the sister city relationship with Mayor Robert Wagner." Coincidentally, these two conferences were right at the time that Kishi negotioned the controversial U.S.-Japan Mutal Security Agreement, which led to riot June 1, 1960. February 23, 1964, New York Times, ''Salute to Tokyo' begun in New York' (involed Azuma again). In 1959 Azuma also offered the keys to the city of Tokyo to Orvil Eugene Dryfoos (July 15, 1959, New York Times, 'Tokyo Honors Dryfoos: Gov Azuma gives key to city to O E Dryfoos'), a Pilgrims Society member, a member of the Japan Society, president of the New York Times, and trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation. Spoke at the Jesuit Fordham University in 1960 and had his picture taken with Father Hogan, the "Steel Priest". He spoke out against student rallies (April 29, 1960, New York Times, 'Fordham hears Azuma: Tokyo Governor Frowns on Student Political Rallies'). Spoke to the Rotary in 1961. Chairman Japanese Red Cross since 1968 and honorary chairman since 1978. Died in 1983.

Seiichiro Yasui, Tokyo governor 1947-1959: Educated in law. Bureaucrat in Japan during World War II, so unlikely candidate.

Other reasonably important post-WWII Unit 731 members:

Shirō Ishii: Founder and 1st commander of Unit 731. Opened a medical clinic back in Japan.
Masaji Kitano: 2nd commander of Unit 731, beginning in 1942. Co-founder of Green Cross. Head of Green Cross Tokyo in 1959. Chief funeral officer at Ishii's death in 1959.
Ryoichi Naito: Protege of Ishii and involved in Unit 731 and its cover up. Interpreter to Col. Murray Sanders, investigator for U.S. Army Chemical Corps in Camp Detrick, Md., tasked with finding out everything about Unit 731. Supposedly was not aware of Ryoichi’s connection to the unit. Ryoichi convinced him to have MacArthur grant immunity to all Unit 731 members in October 1945 to get info. Only later did Sanders supposedly find out that human subjects had been used. Now they couldn’t "de-immunize" people from Unit 731. Founder of Japan Blood Bank -- Green Cross' predecessor -- in 1950

Green Cross was responsible for infecting about 2000 people with HIV/ADIS in the early 1980s due to improperly heated blood. In recent years Green Cross was ultimately taken over by Mitsubishi.

In Germany a lot of the torturing medical doctors were tried at the Doctor's trial. None of the Japanese were prosecuted, even though the scale and systematicism was much greater than with the Germans.

Source(s): American Security Council website

Founded and served as Chairman of the Board of a conglomerate of seven corporations specializing in the fields of engineer consulting, engineering Design, construction planning, GPS Surveying and Aerial photogrammetric Surveying. The design engineering company was listed by ENR as one of the top 500 engineering and architectural companies in the United States. Active participant in the State of Florida political arena. Ms. Manov was elected a State Committeewoman for the Republican Party of Florida (2009 - 2013) and has served as Vice-Chairwoman of Indian River County Republican Executive Committee. Ms Manov Co-Chaired the 2004 Presidential Campaign of George H. W. Bush and managed the 2008 Presidential McCain-Palin Campaign. Ms. Manov also chaired the 2006 Florida Gubernatorial campaign. Director of the American Security Council since 2009. For her contributions in business and technology Ms. Manov has received such prestigious awards as ''Outstanding Achievements as an Entrepreneur'' from Thomas Kean Governor of New Jersey (headed the 9/11 Commission).

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

One biographer claims that Johnson had a longtime love affair with Alice Glass, the wife of Texas newspaper publisher Charles E. Marsh. She reportedly broke off the relationship because she opposed the Vietnam War. At the age of twenty Alice met the man who later became her first husband, Charles Edward Marsh, co-owner of various newspapers throughout the Southwest, including two in Austin, the Austin Statesman and the American. In 1938 Alice and Johnson assisted Austrian conductor Erich Leinsdorf, a refugee from the Nazis, in securing a permanent residence in the United States. The Johnsons often visited the Marshes at their Virginia estate, Longlea. Later in her life Alice told relatives that she and Johnson had been romantically involved in the late 1930s and early 1940s. Some Johnson biographies contend that he considered leaving his wife and marrying Alice. Talk of a flirtation between the two was rampant among their friends at this time, though nobody gave hard evidence in support of the rumors.

Source(s): Matthews' papers at Duke University show ASC interaction from 1958-1965 and from 1971-1972

1894-1966. Methodist churchman. In 1953 he claimed that U.S. Protestant ministers "are the largest single group supporting" Communism in the United States. Chief investigator for the Martin Dies, Jr. House Committee on Un-American Activities. Professor of sociology at the University of Washington and research editor of Combat, a subsidiary of National Review.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Chairman of the board of Marshall Field. First president of the Chicago Curling Club. President of the Illinois St. Andrew Society, a Pilgrims Society-related group for people of Scottisch descent..

Source(s): The Terrorism Industry mentions him as a strategy board member (all other names are known members in 1983).

USN. His son, McCain III: Senator. Popular Mechanics article son 9/11. Senator McCain supported the interests of the American Security Council Foundation 100 percent in 1993-1994.

Debunking 9/11 Myths: Why Conspiracy Theories Can't Stand Up to the Facts

Source(s): 2010 American Security Council Foundation document (board of directors)

BA, University Florida, 1965. JD, University Florida, 1968. Partner Pitts, Eubanks & Ross, P.A., Orlando, Florida, 1973-80; member from 5th Florida district US House of Reps., 1981—1993, member from 8th Florida district, 1993-2001; partner Baker & Hostetler, LLP, Orlando, Washington, 2001—2006; attorney general State of Florida, 2007—. Chairman Seminole County Rep. Party, 1976—1980; president, chairman Healthy Florida Foundation, 2002—; board directors James Madison Institute, Tallahassee. Service with Judge Advocate General Corps US Navy, 1969—72, Commander US Naval Reserve, 1973—92. Republican. Episcopalian.

McCollum gained national attention as one of 15 members selected to serve on the House Committee to Investigate the Iran-Contra Affair, and, in 1998–1999, as one of the House Managers of President Bill Clinton's impeachment trial. He was also the Florida Chairman for Rudy Giuliani presidential campaign in 2008.

November 18, 1987, Wall Street Journal, 'Review & Outlook': "Republican dissidents on the Iran-Contra committees have now offered a blueprint for reinvigorating the presidency while also spotting the issues that should dominate the 1988 elections. Their minority dissent from the larger report scheduled for release today tackles the difficult questions. It deals at length with the key issue of separation of powers. "There was no constitutional crisis, no systematic disrespect for the 'rule of law,' no grand conspiracy and no administration-wide dishonesty or cover up," conclude Reps. Cheney, Broomfield, Hyde, Courter, McCollum and DeWine and Senators McClure and Hatch."

Clinton impeachment.

December 12, 1998, New York Times, 'For One Day, Comity Visits A Committee': "Minutes earlier, down Pennsylvania Avenue, Mr. Clinton was again apologizing to the nation. ''I am profoundly sorry,'' he said. But the committee was soon into the debate on the second perjury article, with Representative Bill McCollum, Florida Republican, rapidly flipping page by page through a memorandum and announcing at a dozen places, ''He lied, he lied.'' The lawmaker added, ''He should be impeached, unfortunately and sadly.''"

June 20, 1998, National Journal, 'Tougher talk on impeachment': "Canady, in fact, is not the only senior Judiciary Committee Republican who says a perjury charge against Clinton by Starr could make a relatively straightforward case for the panel. "The President should and would be impeached on the basis of perjury," said nine-term Rep. Bill McCollum, R-Fla. "It's totally intolerable to Congress or the American people.... The oath [for such testimony] is to tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth." Of course, the content of Starr's report to Congress could be greatly affected by his continuing negotiations with lawyers for former White House intern Monica S. Lewinsky. And in any case, it's not clear that Starr would even focus on perjury. McCollum said another charge against Clinton such as obstruction of justice or witness tampering would, by contrast, require a more complex investigation of a larger number of individuals and incidents. If Starr informs the House of any serious charges in the next few weeks, McCollum predicted, Judiciary will begin hearings "within days.""

Clinton was impeached by the House of Representatives on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice on December 19, 1998, but acquitted by the Senate on February 12, 1999. Two other impeachment articles, a second perjury charge and a charge of abuse of power, failed in the House. The charges arose from the Monica Lewinsky scandal and the Paula Jones lawsuit. The trial proceedings were largely partisan, with only five Democratic Representatives voting to impeach and no Democratic Senators voting for conviction.

August 1, 2000, New York Times, 'Impeachment of the President? A Party Convention Is No Time to Dwell on the Past': "[Bill Clinton], the man who suffered the incredible lightness of being impeached, was off in Florida today raising hundreds of thousands of dollars for Mr. McCollum's opponent, Bill Nelson. But Mr. McCollum demurred when offered the chance to say that the president had put him in his cross hairs for revenge. ''I don't know if he has or not,'' he said."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1894-1980. Sec.-treas. AFL, 1940-52, pres., 1952; pres. combined orgn. AFL-CIO, 1955-79. President AIFLD. Mem. Nat. War Labor Bd., 1942-45; mem. bd. dirs. Communications Satellite Corp. Del. 12th, 14th Gen. Assembly UN. Democrat. Roman Catholic.

Source(s): Various sources say he visited ASC meetings

Born in Turkey. Arrived in the U.S. in 1943. Entered government service in the late 1970s, first as assistant director for civil rights, then as deputy assistant secretary for education in the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. Senior fellow at the Hudson Institute. Then went to RAND. While many take credit after the fact for what became known as the “Reagan Doctrine” — it was Constantine who, in 1968, wrote the original RAND paper that became the Reagan Doctrine, “Democratic Revolutionary Insurgency as an Alternative Strategy” — arguing that “Communist regimes are very vulnerable to a democratic national revolution that is conducted with skill and the determination to succeed.” Served in the Nixon administration. Co-founder of the Demcoracy International (1978). Recruited by new CIA Director William Casey in May 1981 to be national intelligence officer for Latin America. Special assistant to the president for national security affairs 1983-1986. His first assignment was to draw up plans for the U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983. Inspired Reagan to set up the National Endowment for Democracy in 1983 (today chaired by Richard A. Gephardt; in the past Kissinger, Albright, Carlucci, Brzezinski, Wesley Clark and Wolfowitz have been directors). Left government in 1986. Resident Scholar in Foreign Policy Studies, American Enterprise Institute. Professor at George Washington University. In recent years Constantine continued his work on Russia and China, and tirelessly pursued a range of political action activities aimed at target such as Castro’s Cuba and Chavez’ Venezuela. Had just completed the manuscript for a book titled "China, the Gathering Threat: The Strategic Challenge of China and Russia" when he died in 2004. Cercle visitor.

July 16, 2004, Washington Times, 'Constantine Menges: A tribute': "With the passing on Sunday of Constantine Menges, whose hauntingly prescient foreign affairs columns have graced these pages for many years, the Free World lost a revolutionary strategist. An academic by training, Mr. Menges was recruited by new CIA Director William Casey in May 1981 to be national intelligence officer for Latin America. It was not just Constantine's impressive intellectual firepower that attracted Casey but his fierce independence, tenaciousness and overriding vision that it was America's destiny to serve as the standard-bearer of freedom to the oppressed of the world. Casey wanted to challenge the corporate views of agency insiders, and saw Mr. Menges as the right man for the job. Constantine's goal in life was to devise strategies for defeating tyrannies, just as V.I. Lenin and Leon Trotsky had devised strategies to create them. He was a professional revolutionary on the side of freedom. Just before joining the CIA, Menges proposed the U.S. government establish a "National Foundation for Democracy," to promote nascent democratic movements in countries under communism and other forms of tyranny. President Reagan embraced the idea, and two years later convinced Congress to fund the National Endowment for Democracy. While working for Casey, Mr. Menges urged the CIA to adopt a "pro-democracy" approach toward defeating communism in Latin America that skillfully blended support for pro-democracy political movements with selective use of force. When he moved to the White House in 1983 to become a special assistant to the president for national security affairs, his first assignment was to draw up plans to restore democracy in Grenada after a communist coup. It was this part of the Grenada mission, more than the military intervention alone, that marked the definitive end of the Carter era and demonstrated it was possible to "roll back" communism, surely Ronald Reagan's greatest legacy. When I met Constantine four years ago, I never would have imagined it would be in the "sunset" of his life. He had just turned 60; he and Nancy, his wife of 25 years, were enjoying Georgetown like a young married couple. Dining with them at restaurants, or in their home or in mine invariably became an intellectual fireworks display. Constantine was not only bursting with his own ideas, but knew how to inspire others. Indeed, over the past two years, Mr. Menges has been more active than ever in warning of new threats looming just over the horizon. He warned the Bush administration repeatedly about the active infiltration of Iraq by thousands of Iranian government thugs and intelligence operatives. Even as the U.S. was celebrating the end of major combat activities in May 2003, Constantine predicted the lull in violence would be only a respite. The Iranians had established 42 Arabic radio and television stations beaming anti-American propaganda into Iraq, he said, without an effective U.S. response. The results were predictable, and deadly. In Iran itself, Constantine urged the Bush administration to aid pro-democracy groups to build a broad-based national movement capable of challenging the tyrannical rule of Iran's clerics. As a strategist of freedom, he knew dictators could be defeated - but that it required hard work, good planning, training and dedication. Armchair revolutionaries, who ran for cover at the first shots, would never do the trick, he knew. But equally dangerous were armed Marxist-Islamic groups who sought to replace one dictatorship with another. The son of German refugees from World War II, he had a special understanding of appeasement, and blasted the Clinton administration for caving in to Communist China. But in a just-completed book-length manuscript called "2008: The Preventable War," he was scarcely gentler toward the Bush administration for failing to recognize the threat of growing military and strategic cooperation between Russia and Communist China. Those whose loss is arguably the greatest, however, are those who have never met him and who don't even know his name: freedom-lovers in countries such as Iran, who aspire to break the yokes of tyranny. They have lost not only a friend, but a revolutionary thinker and strategist who understood that if you failed to fight for freedom you inevitably die in chains."

Source(s): January 3, 1987, National Journal, 'F. Andy Messing Jr.; Unconventional Lobbying For Central America'

Born in 1946. Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army Reserve, 1967, advanced through grades to major, 1987; platoon leader 1st Air Cavalry, Vietnam, 1967, 1st Air CAV, El Salvador, 1982-87, Grenada, 1983; Congl. liaison for Army as G-13, 1974-77; resigned, 1977; executive director Am. Conservative Union, Washington, 1977-79; president National Defense Council, 1978-80 [National Defense Council Foundation; Dick Cheney was a Congressional Advisor; Lansdale and Singlaub were other advsiors]. Consultant Am. Security Council, State Department; executive director Conservative Caucus, 1979-84; executive director National Defense Council Foundation, 1984—; consultant Department Defense, 1986, State Department, 1991-93.Visited over 27 wars worldwide, and delivered over 130 tons of food and medicine to refugees worldwide. Founder Vietnam Vets. for Reagan Committee; member Reagan Transition Team; member board regents James Monroe Law Office Museum and Memorial Library, 1986—; consultant to Bush campaign, 1988, 92. Member Council for National Policy.

North, Singlaub and Cheney were friends of Messing. Fawn Hall, former secretary to fired National Security Council aide Lt. Col. Oliver L. North, was a friend of Messing (March 5, 1987, LA Times, '$500,000 for Posing in Nude? Fawn Hall Says That's Disgusting'). Reported member of the Special Operations Policy Advisory Group (SOPAG).

Executive director of the National Defense Council Foundation (NDCF) in the 1980s. Personal friend of Oliver North and contact of Gen. Singlaub and Dick Cheney. January 3, 1987, National Journal, 'F. Andy Messing Jr.; Unconventional Lobbying For Central America': "F. Andy Messing Jr., executive director of the National Defense Council Foundation (NDCF), is not your typical Washington lobbyist, nor does he pretend to be. Armed with a combat knife, his bulletproof vest and "just enough ammo to shoot and scoot," the 40-year-old Messing ventures into the jungles of Central America regularly, with the aim of returning to Washington armed with facts and photos to influence the less adventurous. Since its inception eight years ago, the NDCF, a research and education foundation based in Alexandria, Va., has taken 38 Members of Congress, journalists and other VIPs to visit areas of conflict in 17 countries. Messing, once an Army platoon leader in Vietnam, swears by what he calls the "IWT," or the "I was there" approach to lobbying, which he says he learned from Rep. Robert K. Dornan, R-Calif., NDCF's chairman and a conservative best known for his vociferous denunciations of Communism. Scornful of liberals "who don't understand that you can't have peace without security and economic stability," and of conservatives "who think that if you throw down money or send in the marines you'll be OK," Messing advocates the integration of the economic, social, political and military aspects of foreign policy. Messing is a "conservative in good standing," according to Gordon S. Jones, vice president for government and academic relations at the Heritage Foundation. "He's a bit flaky -- he enjoys jumping out of helicopters into the bush -- maybe a little more macho than most of us, a little more Ramboesque. But basically he's doing the right work," Jones said. If "you take care of the civilian population, then it stabilizes whole parts of the country," Messing said, explaining NDCF's distribution of 110 tons of food and medical supplies -- worth about $ 10 million -- to refugees in Central America. Seven tons of the medical supplies went to the contras, he said. The foundation distributes the goods through a network that includes Salvadoran officers, U.S. military advisers, business executives and doctors "crazy enough and brave enough" to traipse with him to the front lines. Other high-placed contacts of Messing's include retired Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub, an advocate of private aid in the region, who sits on NDCF's board of advisers, and Dick Cheney of Wyoming, recently appointed the ranking Republican on the select House committee that will investigate the Iran arms affair. Intent on cultivating what he calls "cogent conservaties," Messing has spoken at generally sympathetic foundations, the Naval Academy and various universities. In addition to lecturing, he frequently appears on television, most recently to comment on the plight of ex-National Security Council aide Lt. Col. Oliver L. North, a "personal friend" and recipient of NDCF's National Hero Award for 1986. While serving in Vietnam as an infantry officer, Messing won two Purple Hearts. He is currently a major in the reserves. Most of his military service has been in special operations, making him a persuasive advocate of a larger role for commandos in the Reagan Administration's war on drugs and in so-called low-intensity conflicts. He returned briefly to civilian life to teach elementary school, and then became a congressional liaison officer for the Army, an assignment that taught him, he said, "how to manipulate the bureaucracy." He was executive director of the American Conservative Union from 1977-79, a consultant to the American Security Council and executive director of the Conservative Caucus before founding NDCF in 1978. "He's a bit of the Ollie North mold ideologically and personality-wise," said a Republican congressional aide who has worked with him. Another Republican source went a step further, characterizing Messing as "a menace, a guy who looks for adventure and thrill but does not have knowledge in the [Central American] region." The foundation strives to meet its stated goal of "adjudicating and lowering levels of violence," Messing said, by leading an antidrug coalition of 22 conservative organizations that lobby Congress. NDCF also publishes research papers on such topics as pork-barrel wastefulness in the Pentagon and a possible Middle Eastern oil crisis. Though he's frequently the target of political snipers, Messing says he has no intention of giving up the fight. "I know that one person with a vision can accomplish anything he wants," he said. "The object of the exercise is to have the correct vision -- so far, I've been lucky.""

Source(s): Who's Who

Chemical engineer Kohinoor/Didier-Werke, 1965-69, Nuclear Data, Inc., Palatine, Illinois, 1969-71; production supervisor Searle Corp., Arlington Heights, 1971-74; lead process engineer Austin Co., Des Plaines, 1974-76, Crawford and Russell, Inc., Houston, 1976-77; supervisor process Bechtel, Inc., 1977-80; process manager Litwin Corp., 1980; manager chems., product-chems. line manager Brown and Root, Inc., 1980—; managing director Philip Services Corp., 2001—. Chmn.'s adviser U.S. Congl. Adv. Board, American Security Council Foundation, Washington, 1983-1984.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

December 29, 1915 Education BS, U.S. Military Academy, 1940 Certification Lic. military pilot. Career Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Air Corps, 1940; advanced through grades to general U.S. Air Corps then US Air Force, 1940-71; formerly U.S. rep. to NATO Military Committee, 1940-74 (deputy chair since 1969); vice president board editors US Strategic Institute, Waltham, Massachusetts, 1976— Career Related Board directors Boston University School Communications, US Air Force Falcon Foundation, US Air Force Sci. Adv. Board. Creative Works Contributing Air Force Magazine, 1974—; contributor articles to professional journals., magazines, newspapers. Memberships Mem.: Army and Navy (Arlington, Virginia); Garden Gods (Colorado Springs). Republican. Roman Catholic.

October 12, 1975, New York Times, a summary: "USAF C/S Gen David C Jones and other USAF officers are promoting plan to send tactical air power into virtually any corner of world from US bases, thus impinging on traditional domain of Navy's aircraft carriers. Planes would be refueled in flight, carry out tactical strikes and return after another refueling. Concept has caught attention of Sec Schlesinger as he weighs decisions that will determine structure of Air Force and Navy 20-30 yrs from now. Was voiced by Theodore R Milton, retired USAF gen, in Sept issue of Air Force Magazine. Tech developments bringing global mobility to tactical planes include greater range of new generation of fighters, such as F-15 and F-16, precision-guided 'smart' bombs, new generation of tanker planes, and Airborne Warning and Control System (AWCS) (M)."

Source(s): American Security Council, Benefactors page, President's Circle (December 2010)

Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Freeport-McMoRan Inc. from 1984 to 1997. Chief Executive Officer of FCX from 1995 to 2003. 2010: Co-Chairman of the Board, President and CEO of McMoRan Exploration. Chairman Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold.

Consultant geologist oil and gas industry, New Orleans, 1964-69; vice president founding partner McMoRan Exploration Co., 1969-74; president, chief executive officer McMoRan Oil & Gas Co., 1974-81, 81-85, chairman, chief executive officer, 1985—1997, director, from 1974; vice-chmn. Freeport McMoRan Inc., 1981-85, chairman, chief executive officer, 1984—1997, chairman, 1997—; co-chmn. McMoRan Exploration Co. Member National Petroleum Council, Washington, 1979, Commission on the Future of South, 1986; board directors Louisiana Energy National PAC, Metairie, Louisiana, 1979, World Trade Center, New Orleans, Am. Cancer Society Greater New Orleans, Business Task Force Education, Inc.; chairman board Louisiana Council Fiscal Reform; chairman business council New Orleans and River Region, 1985-87. 2nd lieutenant U.S. Army, 1961-68, captain Reserve retired. Member All Am. Wildcatters, New Orleans Geological Society, Petroleum Club New Orleans, Greater New Orleans Marketing Committee (executive committee 1987), Geology Found University Texas (adv. council 1972-85), Devel. board University Texas, Louisiana Ind. producers Royalty Owners Association South Louisiana Mid-Contintent Oil Gas Association (vice president), Dinner Steering Committee (Disting, Citizen award 1983, 85 Boy Scouts Am. New Orleans div.), Green Wave Club. Republican.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Freedom House. John Norton Moore was or is a Fellow of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the American Law Institute. Moore serves on the Strategy Board of the American Security Council (ASC). The ASC began in the 1950s as a surveillance group for internal "subversives" (i. e. Communists) and since has become a pro-military lobbying group through its Coalition for Peace Through Strength. He also serves, along with Kintner and Liebman, on the board of the intelligence linked U.S. Global Strategy Council. Moore is/was a member of the board of directors of the National Strategy Information Center, a rightwing think tank with a history of promoting a hardline, aggressive U.S. foreign policy.

Born in 1937. Teaching fellow University Illinois, 1962—1963; assistant professor University Florida, 1963—1965, associate professor, 1965—1966, assistant dean, 1964—1966; associate professor University Virginia School Law, Charlottesville, 1966—1969, professor, 1969—1976, Walter L. Brown professor law, 1976—, director grad. program, 1968—1993, director Center Oceans Law and Policy, 1976—, director Center National Security Law, 1984—. Counselor on international law Department State, Washington, 1972-73; chairman National Security Council Task Force on Law of Sea and deputy special rep. of President and ambassador Law of Sea Conference, 1973-76; fellow Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, 1976; adjunct professor Georgetown Law Center, 1978—; member National Adv. Committee on Oceans and Atmosphere, 1984-85; member U.S. del. Conference Security and Cooperative in Europe, 1984; special counsel, deputy agent for U.S. to World Court; former consultant to the Pres.'s Intelligence Oversight Board, Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, U.S. Information Agency; chairman board directors U.S. Institute Peace, 1985-91; co-chmn. with the U.S. deputy attorney general Moscow Seminar on the Rule of Law, 1990; legal advisor during Gulf crisis Kuwait's Ambassador to U.S., Kuwait Rep. to UN Boundary Commission, 1991-94. Sesquicentennial associate Center Advanced Studies, University Virginia, 1971-72; adv. board law of sea State Department, 1977-80, adv. board international law, 1982; chairman board directors U.S. Institute Peace, 1986-89, 89-91; chairman oceans policy committee Rep. National Committee; committee on exploration of the seas National Academy National Research Council, 2002; active Consortium on Intelligence. Member American Bar Association (past vice-chmn. section international law, past 4-term chairman committee on law and national security), Am. Law Institute, Am. Oceanic Organization (past executive council), Marine Tech. Society (past executive council), Rhodes Academy Oceans Law and Policy (founding director), Council Foreign Relations, Order of Coif, Cosmos Club, New York Yacht Club, Freedom House (board directors, chairman, governance and ethics committee member, executive committee member 2008- ), Phi Beta Kappa. Republican. Episcopalian.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

ADMIRAL THOMAS H. MOORER Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, a fervent anti-communist, he was the godfather of a cabal that used dirty tricks and succeeded in removing Richard M. Nixon from the Office of the Presidency. Lt. Bob Woodward briefed him at the Pentagon, and he regularly sent Woodward to brief Haig at the White House.

Vice president of the American Security Council. Co-chairman Coalition for Peace Through Strength.

Moorer sent ASC's Admiral Radford to Kissinger's staff to spy on him. Radford admitted to stealing files from Kissinger.

Cohn -> With Moorer and Singlaub on Western Goals Foundation.

Director National Strategy Information Center anno 1978.

Task Force 157. Hill and Knowlton: reported child abuse.

Commissioned ensign U.S. Navy, 1933, advanced through grades to admiral, 1957; held several fleet commands at sea; chief naval operations, 1967-70; chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff US Department Defense, 1970-74; retired, 1974; director Blount Inc., Montgomery, Alabama, from 1974. Director U.S. Life Insurance Corp., Arlington, Virginia, CACI, Arlington; adviser Center Strategic and International Studies, The Citadel. Chairman Naval Aviation Museum Foundation, Inc. Member U.S. Naval Academy Alumni Association, U.S. Naval Institute, Retired Officers Association, Association Naval Aviation, Chevy Chase Club, Army-Navy Club. Republican. Baptist.

In 1965-66, Moorer created TF-157 whose principal target was the Soviet Navy. TS-157 agents tracked Soviet ships and listened into Soviet naval chatter as well. In order to insure its own secure communications, TF-157 established its own supersensitive channel called the SR-1 channel. The USS Liberty was also part of the TF-157 and NSA-linked eavesdropping mission. Yet TF-157 was not simply an exercise in technology. It also deployed agents across the world whose primary initial objective was the targeting of port facilities in both the East Bloc and Third World where Russian ships might dock. Admiral Moorer also got caught up in an important and highly mysterious sub-plot of the Watergate investigation known as "the Moorer-Radford affair" that also involved TF-157. The story became public in late January and early February 1974 when Senator John Stennis held hearings on the incident in the Armed Services Committee. The story is so bizarre that it can only briefly be summarized here. In 1970-1971 when Henry Kissingerwas planning his back channel negotiations with China, he needed a secure telecommunications channel that could not be intercepted by either the Russians or elements inside the U.S. defense establishment opposed to such a move. For this apparent reason, he turned to SR-1, the apparently unbreakable communications system that TF-157 used for its operations. At the same time that Kissinger was using TF-157 for secure communications, the Pentagon's JCS recruited a young Yeoman named Charles Radford - an aide to Admiral Robert O. Welander - to accompany Kissinger and Alexander Haig on their secret trips as a minor assistant. In the course of these travels, Radford stole and copied secret NSC documents and gave them to his military commanders. In late 1971 Kissinger NSC aide David Young and the "Plumbers" began investigating a "military spy ring" within the NSC that led to Yeoman Radford. Radford was even arrested on charges of leaking copied stolen documents to syndicated columnist Jack Anderson, who quoted from some top secret internal memos intended for Kissinger. Under interrogation, Radford revealed that he had routinely stole documents from the attache cases and burn bags of both Kissinger and Haig. Radford said he gave the documents to his boss, Admiral Welander, who - through intermediaries - gave them to Admiral Moorer. Something like a thousand documents were taken by Radford. Moorer, however, said that he knew what Kissinger was up to via SR-1 and he didn't need the documents. As for the spy network, Radford claimed that it had been organized under Admiral Welander's predecessor, Admiral Rembrandt Robinson, who had died in Vietnam in May 1972. As for Welander, he told the Congress that while he had indeed passed the documents pilfered by Radford to Moorer, he had no idea that they were stolen. Most astonishing of all, Radford later told journalist Jim Hougan -who interviewed him for his book on Watergate called Secret Agenda - that he believed that Kissinger's foreign policy was "catastrophic" by deliberate design. Radford told Hougan that his spying activities were part of an effort to combat a conspiracy that was supposedly conceived by "the Rockefeller family," perfected by the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), and implemented by Henry Kissinger. The purpose of this alleged conspiracy, according to Radford, was to win the Soviets' cooperation in guaranteeing the Rockefellers "continued domination" over the world's currencies - in exchange for which, Radford insists, Kissinger was to construct a foreign policy that would ensure eventual Soviet hegemony and a one-world government. This, at least, is what Radford claims he was told by those who commanded him to spy on the President's national security advisor. (75) Radford said that this conspiracy theory was told to him by Admiral Welander, who, in turn, attributed it to Admiral Moorer! Moorer, however, told Hougan that he held no such views and that the real issue was Moorer's resistance to Kissinger's attempts at detente with the Soviet Union.

May 18, 1977, Washington Post, 'Pentagon to Abolish Secret Spy Unit': "The Pentagon is abolishing its crack, super-secret intelligence unit called Task Force 157. Successful, controversial and extremely secretive, Task Force 157 is the U.S. military's only network of undercover agents and spies operating abroad using commercial and business "cover" for their espionage. Run by the U.S. Navy for seven years from the ninth floor of an Alexandria, Va., office building, the unit has recently controlled as many as 75 contract agents or "spies for hire" who monitor the key ports of the world, Soviet vessels and the shipment of nuclear weapons. The current commander of the unit is Navy Capt. Darryl A. DeMaris. One informed government source last week discussed the reasons for abolishing the unit: "The simple truth is that spies are too hot to handle . . .there were too many questionable business deals. They got the job done, but the potential for abuse was too great." Pentagon and Central Intelligence Agency spokesmen declined comment yesterday, saying that all matters relating to Task Force 157 are still classified. Other sources maintain that the decision to close the unit reflects a sense of caution that is being applied to all intelligence operations. Task Force 157 has been involved in some of the most sensitive intelligence missions of the last decade. The unit's top secret communications channel, for example, was used to set up Henry A. Kissinger's secret 1971 visit to China. The White House at the time considered it more secure from leaks than any such channels run by the CIA. Former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Thomas H. Moorer confirmed yesterday that he had recommended that Task Force 157 provide the communications channel for Kissinger. Moorer was critical of the decision to abolish the unit, saying, "I think there have been requirements for this capability in the past and there will be cases in the future." Task Force 157 was valued in the Pentagon because it was a small, independent intelligence unit that could cut through red tape with speed and secrecy. Some Pentagon officials maintain an important capability is being lost not just to the Navy but to the entire intelligence community. Following the congressional intelligence investigations, Pentagon officials, however, found they lacked the means to fully control the agents working for the small companies, or "cover" firms, called "proprietaries." Sources said that numerous "cozy relationships" were discovered between the contract employees and firms selling equipment and supplies to Task Force 157. The final decision to eliminate Task Force 157 was made last year and was ratified again this year in the Carter administration. All operations are to cease or be transferred to the CIA or other intelligence agencies by Sept. 30 of this year, the sources said. The cover for the task force is the Naval Administrative Services Command and Pierce Morgan Associates Inc., which operates as an international maritime consulting firm. Both have offices on the ninth floor of the Seminary Plaza Professional Building, 4660 Kenmore Ave., Alexandria, Va. One of Task Force 157's highly classified assignments has been on occasion to monitor nuclear weapons shipments aboard Soviet and other vessels as they pass through strategic shipping lane "choke points," or narrow passages, such as the Strait of Gibraltar. The unit was involved in drawing up a report in 1973 saying the Soviets had shipped nuclear weapons into Egypt during the October Arab-Israeli war. That classified a report leaked to the news media at the time. Other Task Force 157 projects have included the assessment of Soviet weapons capabilities for the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), communications monitoring, and intelligence gathering for recovery of downed airplanes and sunken ships. Task Force 157 also has been involved in recruiting foreign espionage agents and infiltrating international maritime unions, the sources said."

February 21, 1974, Seymour Hersh for New York Times, Page 23, column 3: "Yeoman 1/C Charles E Radford tells Sen Armed Services Com how he turned White House clerical assignment at Natl Security Council into 'opportunity to do a job for Joint Chiefs' by illicitly collecting 'top secret' and 'eyes only' messages meant for Pres Nixon and H A Kissinger during '70 and '71. Says Rear Adms Rembrandt C Robinson and Robert O Welander urged him to take what he 'could get my hands on'. Provides no direct evidence on role played by Joint Cs/S Chmn Adm Thomas H Moorer. Says he 'assumed' and 'believed' that Moorer was receiving his purloined material. Says that in July '71 after he returned from Asia with Kissinger to Pres's San Clemente, Calif, home, Welander called him and told him to get advance copy of agenda items for later Pres meeting involving Moorer. Says he did so and Welander later told him he had been big help to Moorer. Says it was after this trip, during which he obtained copy of Kissinger's 'eyes only' rept to Nixon on his conversation with Chinese Premier Chou En-lai, that Moorer's personal aide told him to 'keep up the good work'. Says he was initially instructed by Robinson to maintain files of all purloined documents, including index. Names 10 Pentagon officers who he says recd some of documents, including Moorer, Adm Elmo R Zumwalt Jr and Air Force Gen John W Vogt Jr. Names Navy capts Harry D Train 2d and Arthur K Knoizen as recipients of material. Says he was also asked to filch any memos on meetings involving Alexander M Haig Jr and authorities in Cambodia (L)."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; Member of the original National Strategy Committee: November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (written by ASC founder); 1968 ASC National Strategy Committee list

Born in 1892. Designer resident, engineering construction projects, St. Louis, 1913-17; appointed lieutenant Civil Engineer Corps, US Navy, 1917; advanced through grades to admiral US Navy, 1946, chief Bureau Yards asnd Docks, chief civil engineers, 1937-45; chief material div. Navy Department, 1945-46; retired, 1946; president Jones & Laughlin Steel Company, 1947-52, chief executive officer, 1947-57, chairman board, 1947-58, director, member executive committee, 1947-65. Chairman task force water resources and power 2d Hoover Commission, 1953-55; board visitors U.S. Naval Academy, 1953-55, chairman board, 1955, chairman Special Adv. Commission Future Devel. Academy Facilities, from 1961; member national strategy committee Am. Security Council; (founder and) chairman board emeritus Americans for Constitutional Action. Newcomen Society England, Army-Navy Club (past president) (Washington); Army-Navy Country Club (Arlington, Virginia); Duquesne Club (Pittsburgh).

Clashed with labor unions. His Americans for Constitutional Action (vice chairman was Bonner Fellers) was accused by the ADL in 1964 of being ultra right wing.

Source(s): 1968 ASC National Strategy Committee list; 1975 ASC national strategy committee; American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984; 1993, Peter Dale Scott, 'Deep Politics and the Death of JFK', pp. 34, 292

former McCarthyite and patriarch of every right-wing cause. Lobbied on behalf of General Walker and Otto Otepka (1962-63; State Department and Hoover ally who had handled Oswald's file).

Director WACL U.S.

The Dallas Fascists: Robert J. Morris and Charles A. Willoughby

commander in the Navy with Naval Intelligence during World War II in the Pacific.

served a two-year term as judge in New York City and became counsel to U.S. Senators Hickenlooper and John Lodge on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Coudert Committee from 1946-1950 and the Senate Internal Security Committee with Senator Pat McCarran.

chief counsel to the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Internal Security from 1951 to 1953, and again from 1956 to 1958, a period when the country was tormented by the specter of Communist infiltration at every level of life.

author of five books on geopolitics and human development as well as a columnist on world affairs. A Republican committeeman, he was a member of Elks Lodge 1698 of Point Pleasant.

His wife was Joan. Son is Robert J., jr.

chief counsel to the United States Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security from 1951 to 1953 and from 1956 to 1958. President University of Dallas 1960-62. Founder and president University of Plano.

Director Institute for the Achievement of Human Potential in Philadelphia.

Jack Ruby himself named General Edwin A. Walker as the person in Dallas most closely associated with the JFK murder in sworn Warren Commission testimony. Robert J. Morris defended Edwin A. Walker after his arrest for Insurrection at the Ole Miss riots and Walker ended up in the same prison where Anastase Vonsiatsky was incarcerated for violations of The Espionage Act of 1917 from 1942-1946.]

He formed the Defenders of American Liberties in the summer of 1962, intended to serves as a counterbalance to the American Civil Liberties Union, "but with emphasis on different positions." Among the group's early efforts was to defend former Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker, who had been arrested on federal charges after a riot broke out following protests he organized in September 1962 against the use of federal troops to enforce the enrollment of African-American James Meredith at the racially segregated University of Mississippi.[2] In a telegram to members of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Morris called Walker the "United States' first political prisoner", after Walker was denied bail and placed under psychiatric observation for up to 90 days.

Who was the founder of Defenders of American Liberties? Robert J. Morris. The President of DAL? J. Fred Schlafly. Fred Flick, who was not mentioned in The Manchurian Candidate, shows up later during his involvement with The Cardinal Mindszenty Foundation from St. Louis and The St. Michael’s Abbey from Orange County California on their lay advisory board which also included Dr. Robert J. Morris, L. Brent Bozell, (William F. Buckley’s brother in law), Phyllis J. Schlafly, (J. Fred Schlafly’s wife), Patrick J. Frawley, Jr. (On the Boards of Schick Razor and Technicolor with Robert J. Morris) and General Thomas A. Lane.

the most important books ever written as far as the radical right is concerned: “No Wonder We Are Losing” and “Disarmament, Weapons of Conquest” by Robert J. Morris

He is survived by his wife, Joan Byles Morris; a daughter, Joan M. Barry of Jackson, N.J.; six sons, Robert J. Jr., of Kauai, Hawaii, Paul E., of Montclair, N.J., Roger W., of Mantoloking, William E., of Mantoloking, John Henry 2d, of Bay Head, N.J., and Geoffrey J., of Armonk, N.Y.; two sisters, Alice Gougeon of Stone Harbor, N.J., and Kathleen Reinert of Point Pleasant Beach, N.J., and 12 grandchildren.

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Janet Morris (b. 1946): Freelance novelist, 1975-85; Mid. East expert National Intelligence Study Center, Washington, 1985-88; project director U.S. Global Strategy Council, 1989-90, research director, 1990—; consultant advanced conventional weapons Lawrence Livermore (California) National Laboratory, 1991; senior fellow U.S. Global Strategy Council, Washington, 1993—. Consultant Los Alamos (New Mexico) National Laboratory, 1989-91; chairman, board directors US Intertech., Inc., Arlington, Virginia, 1992—; adj. fellow Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, 1993—; consultant lethal weapons Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, 1994—. Author: Cobra, 1990; co-author: The 40 Minute War, 1985 (Helva award 1986), Non Lethality, 1991, Warrior Class, 1991, American Warrior, 1992. Daughter of Cecil R. and Hannah Anne (Fromm) Freeman; married Christopher Crosby Morris, October 31, 1970.

Christopher Crosby "Chris" Morris (b. 1946) served as Research Director and Senior Fellow (1989-1994) at the United States Global Strategy Council, as well as Adjunct Fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (1993-1995). At USGSC, Morris co-authored the nonlethal weapons concept and the seminal paper, Nonlethality: A Global Strategy,[12] and co-led the USGSC's Nonlethality Policy Review Group. Events surrounding Morris's work in the nonlethal weapons area are chronicled in Chapter 15 of War and Anti-War, by Alvin Toffler and Heidi Toffler, (Little, Brown, 1993). In 1998-1999, Chris Morris was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations Independent Task Force on Nonlethal Technologies and his views are reflected in the associated report, Nonlethal Technologies: Progress and Prospects, Council on Foreign Relations,[13], 1999. He served in 2003-2004 as a member of the Council on Foreign Relations Independent Task Force on Nonlethal Weapons,[14] which produced the report Nonlethal Weapons and Capabilities in 2004. Defense policy and strategy analyst and a principal in M2 Technologies, Inc.

Research Director of the U.S. Global Strategy Council. With Major Richard Groller and Janet Morris as his co-authors, Alexander published "The Warrior's Edge" in 1990.

Janet Morris, co-author of The Warrior's Edge, is best known as a science fiction writer but has been a member of the New York Academy of Sciences since 1980 and is a member of the Association for Electronic Defense. She is also the Research Director of the US Global Strategy Council (USGSC). She was initiated into the Japanese art of bioenergetics, Joh-re, the Indonesian brotherhood of Subud, and graduated from the Silva course in advanced mind control. She has been conducting remote-viewing experiments for fifteen years. She worked on a research project investigating the effects of mind on probability in computer systems. Her husband, Robert Morris, is a former judge and key member of the American Security Council. In a recent telephone conversation with the author, Janet Morris confirmed John Alexander's involvement in mind control and psychotronic projects in the Los Alamos National Laboratories. Alexander and his team have recently been working with Dr Igor Smirnov, a psychologist from the Moscow Institute of Psychocorrelations. They were invited to the US after Janet Morris' visit to Russia in 1991. There she was shown the technique which was pioneered by the Russian Department of Psycho-Correction at Moscow Medical Academy. The Russians employ a technique to electronically analyze the human mind in order to influence it. They input subliminal command messages, using key words transmitted in 'white noise' or music. Using an infrasound very low frequency-type transmission, the acoustic psycho-correction message is transmitted via bone conduction--ear plugs would not restrict the message. To do that would require an entire body protection system. According to the Russians the subliminal messages bypass the conscious level and are effective almost immediately.

Source(s): American Security Council, Benefactors page, President's Circle (December 2010)

Prominent student leader of Pakistan (1976-78). Former Advisor to Sindh Chief Minister (Bhutto tribe of the 1001 Club). Close associate of the former President Pervez Musharraf (ruled Pakistan from 2001-2008) during his last days in power. Member of the advisory board of the Republican National Committee of the United States.

HISTORY PAKISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN (PLUS OPIUM AND TERRORISM)

July 18, 1988, Sydney Morning Herald, 'Poppies may sprout as Soviet troops pull out': "PESHAWAR, Sunday: The withdrawal of Soviet troops from war-torn Afghanistan is likely to produce an explosion in the production of heroin earmarked for the United States, say narcotics experts, diplomats and Government officials in Pakistan. The border region of Pakistan and Afghanistan, which together with Iran forms what is known as the Golden Crescent, already supplies half of the heroin consumed in America. Officials here say that after the Soviets complete the withdrawal of their 115,000 troops at the end of this year or early next, the US market may be glutted with heroin. "I see a horror story coming out of Afghanistan after the Soviet pullout,"said one official who has been watching the south-west Asian heroin pipeline since 1980. The concern focuses on the three million Afghan refugees who have lived in camps along the Pakistani border since Soviet troops moved into Afghanistan in 1979. "As these refugees go back, they'll be desperate," the official said. "They will have no capital to start businesses. Their country has been destroyed by war, and there's going to be a great temptation to make money fast. Unfortunately, that means opium and heroin. "We already have reports of one group of refugees going back to a village in Nangarhar province (in eastern Afghanistan), and ... their current crop is 60 per cent wheat, 40 per cent opium." Officials of the US Drug Enforcement Administration have expressed deep concern about increased heroin production and trafficking in Pakistan itself, which inherited much of the drug trade from its western neighbour after the Soviet intervention there and the revolution in Iran severed heroin land routes to the west. When the heroin boom began here, the Government of Pakistan's President Mohammed Zia ul-Haq responded with an aggressive program of enforcement and eradication of the opium poppy. It was regarded as one of the world's most successful such actions. Production declined in the border area around Peshawar, from an estimated 800 tons in 1979 to only about 40 tons in 1985, according to DEA estimates. Then, suddenly, Pakistan's production of opium, from which heroin is refined, "increased significantly in 1986 to about 140 to 160 metric tons", according to testimony given last year by DEA Administrator Mr John Lawn. Mr Lawn noted that scores of heroin refineries were springing up again in Pakistan's semi autonomous tribal areas near the border, and he attributed this to "improved weather conditions, resistance by growers and traffickers and weak enforcement". For the past two years, visiting State Department officials, international narcotics enforcement agencies and the US ambassador in Islamabad have strongly urged President Zia to renew his anti-heroin crackdown. They said that policy had become lenient in 1985, when Pakistan elected its first civilian Government since Mr Zia overthrew former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in a 1979 coup. Adding to the pressure, the US House Foreign Affairs Committee warned Pakistan last month to get tough on narcotics control or risk seeing US aid reduced. President Zia apparently agreed that Pakistan was not doing enough. He dismissed the National Assembly, the Cabinet and all four provincial legislatures on May 29. A few days later, at a meeting with most of the ambassadors stationed in Islamabad, he said that he was particularly angry that official corruption had led to lax enforcement of narcotics laws. "He acknowledged that the reason opium production has increased so much is because the Government wasn't willing to take the hard decision of going in and destroying the poppy", said a diplomat who was present. The Reagan Administration, which has poured more than $US50 million ($A62.5 million) into Pakistan's anti-heroin programs, is concerned about the impact on democracy of President Zia's dismissal of so many Government officials. But it is also heartened by its expected impact on drug production and trafficking. "At least there's no question that we'll now get tougher narcotics enforcement," one official said. Despite President Zia's tough new attitude, US officials are worried about what will happen next year when millions of Afghan refugees are expected to begin streaming back to their villages. Afghanistan, a tribal-based, impoverished nation of widely scattered villages, has always been a major heroin producer. Accurate figures have been hard to come by since the Soviet intervention, but the last DEA estimate, for 1985, put Afghanistan's annual opium production at 300 to 400 tons. Most is believed to have found its way to heroin refineries across the border. According to Pakistani opposition leaders, a $US2 billion covert Central Intelligence Agency operation that provided arms for the Afghan resistance also fuelled the drug trade. They say that by opening weapons supply routes into Afghanistan, President Zia and the CIA have also opened routes for drugs coming out."

October 8, 1995, Jerusalem Post, 'Home-grown terrorists may return to haunt the US': "Blum says the problem began when the war ended. The Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan, but the training in Pakistan continued. The graduates in sabotage, weapons and bomb assembly and guerrilla warfare practiced their new-found skills around the region. Many joined the secessionist Moslem movement in India's Kashmir region. Others went to fight the regime of President Hosni Mubarak in Egypt. Still others established training camps in other parts of Asia and Africa, particularly Sudan. By the late 1980s, some of these graduates and their Islamic fundamentalist leaders were beginning to penetrate the US. Some of them entered the country on false documents, while others were given permission by the CIA. The US has asked Pakistan to shut down the camps along its border with Afghanistan. Pakistan claims the training has ended and the recruits are gone, but US officials assert that the activity continues. "The Pakistanis are not in control of the border areas," Blum says. "Now the camps are sustained by the drug business. The Pakistani-Afghan border is one of the most drug-infested in the world. The main drug dealers are connected to the (Pakistani) government." Weapons are not a problem, US officials say. For one thing, large numbers of US weapons, including Stinger anti-aircraft missiles, were left unaccounted for in the camps. Blum says he was told of the Islamic blowback in 1988, in the last stages of the Afghan war. Afghan groups warned US officials that Hekmatiar was stealing American weapons, given to fight the Soviets, and selling them. The response in Washington, Blum says, was an embarrassed silence. "Everybody said, 'Shh, shh. You can't talk about it,' " he recalls. "There was substantial denial." For their part, many senior US officials insist that Islamic fundamentalism remains a manageable irritant that does not threaten the Middle East, let alone the US. Instead, they see fundamentalism as a response to poverty. "It is not monolithic, but presents different faces in different countries, according to the different conditions in those countries," says US Assistant Secretary of State Robert Pelletreau in the latest issue of the American publication Middle East Quarterly. "We must deal with fundamentalist Islam in a variety of contexts ..." Privately, some US law-enforcement officials say Washington continues to play down the problem, even as it acknowledges that Islamic fundamentalism, as represented by Rahman, is threatening US interests. They point out that Pakistan has escaped US reproach for allowing the Islamic terrorists to continue training. The Saudis have easily explained away support for the volunteers as being a private and unauthorized effort to support the fundamentalist movement. "Their reluctance to block private contributions to Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad," says a December 1994 report by the Congressional Research Service, "may stem from the unwillingness of the Gulf regimes to offend their wealthy and powerful constituents, or provoke terrorist attacks within their own countries." The fear of some US officials is that a country hostile to Washington will end up using the thousands of recruits to wage a terrorist campaign against the West. "When you combine fundamentalist ideology with the idea that it's all right to do anything," Blum says, "and you can put together money and training, you have something very lethal.""

October 21, 1999, Japan Economic Newswire, 'Pakistan's military ruler names new intelligence chief ': "Pakistan's military ruler Gen. Pervez Musharraf has appointed Lt. Gen. Ahmed Mahmood as director general of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), the country's intelligence organization, military sources Thursday said. Mahmood, who is currently posted in Rawalpindi, was appointed to the post left vacant following the arrest of the Lt. Gen. Zia Uddin, who was designated chief of army staff Oct. 12, a move that triggered Musharraf's coup against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's government. Mahmood played a key role in the Oct. 12 coup and is believed to have led the military contingent that arrested Sharif. Sharif was preparing to air an anti-Musharraf speech when he was detained. Lt. Gen. Mohammad Aziz Khan, chief of the general staff and another close aide of Musharraf, has been appointed to replace Mahmood in Rawalpindi, sources said. Musharraf is still holding talks with military aides about the composition of the National Security Council and his cabinet, sources said."

June 1, 2001, Business Line, 'India: Musharraf: From CIA with love?': "SOME CIRCLES in the US see a link between the recent high-profile visit to New Delhi of the US Deputy Secretary of State, Mr Richard Armitage, the unpublicised visit of the CIA Director, Mr George Tenet, to Islamabad where he had an unusually long meeting with the Chief Executive, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, and the surprise decision of the Prime Minister, Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee, to invite the General to New Delhi for talks without insisting on the stoppage of Pakistani support to cross-border terrorism as a pre-condition for a resumption of the bilateral dialogue at the political level. Mr Armitage, who had spent some years of his career in the CIA/DIA and holds the highest Pakistani civil decoration that can be awarded to a foreigner for his role during the Afghan war of the 1980s, has a large circle of friends in the Pakistani military and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) Directorate. Mr Tenet had worked for some years as an aide to one of the Congressional Intelligence Oversight Committees before he was nominated by Mr Bill Clinton as the CIA Director. Significantly, he is one of the very few (the FBI Director is another) important appointees of the Clinton Administration to have been asked by the President, Mr George Bush Jr., to continue in his post despite the criticism by the Republican campaign of the functioning of the CIA and its failure to detect the preparations for Pokhran II nuclear tests of 1998. ... In the past, India had had no qualms about negotiating with Pakistan's military dictators, but Gen. Musharraf cannot be compared to them:
* The past dictators were either Punjabis or Pakhtoons, who hold the majority of the posts in the military. Gen. Musharraf is a Mohajir, who is looked down upon by the Punjabi officers as a Mohajir parvenu.
* As Qazi Hussain Ahmed, the Jamaat-e-Islami leader, often points out, the past dictators seized power themselves, but it was Gen. Musharraf. 's subordinates who seized power in his absence and made him the ruler. He, therefore, owes his gratitude to them and cannot easily over-rule them.
* The past dictators enjoyed absolute power, but Gen. Musharraf is only the first among equals.
* He has conceded more demands of the Islamic fundamentalists during his 19 months in office than Zia. Till now, he has been extremely amenable to pressure from the Jehadis."

September 8, 2001, The Statesman, 'Musharraf smells plot against govt': "PRESS TRUST OF INDIA ISLAMABAD, Sept. 7. Suspecting a conspiracy to overthrow his government, Pakistan President, General Pervez Musharraf has taken to task the country's intelligence agencies for failing to provide accurate information on the terrorist networks which have made Pakistan one of the "most dangerous" nations in the world. General Musharraf has castigated these agencies, including the ISI, twice in the last three weeks while presiding over law and order meetings, The News reported today. "The continuing cases of terrorism, particularly those targeting the larger cities, represent a wider conspiracy to destabilise Musharraf government," the daily quoted a member of Musharraf's Cabinet as saying. "We in the government are not impressed with the performance of any of our intelligence agencies, at least not so far," he said. The criticism of the intelligence agencies followed manifold increase in violence stemming from growing sectarian divisions between the extremist outfits of Sunni and Shia sects followed by unprecedented increase in terrorist activities. The daily said that the terrorist networks had made the country one of the most dangerous nations in the world, adding that ever since the military coup of October 1999 not a single month had passed when Pakistan didn't make major international news for a deadly terrorist incident. It also said that the military government was more worried about the performance of the intelligence services because at present the in-service military officials were exclusively running the 100,000 men strong intelligence network that consumed a budget of over Rs 2.5 billion per annum. The daily said the ISI monitors the internal and political situation of the country through a Major General, who operates through a brigadier in each province. Each of the Brigadiers has the services of at least 1,000 to 2,000 active military personnel, apart from scores of civilian informers in every province. The intelligence agencies are currently enjoying their most powerful run since General Zia-ul-Haq's martial law as the Pakistan Army General headquarters is firmly controlling the country's entire intelligence network with in-service military officers heading all of them. These officers also direct and monitor the activities of the special branch police."

May 18, 2002, Washington Post, 'A Cloak But No Dagger - An Ex-Spy Says He Seeks Solutions, Not Scapegoats for 9/11' (about Joint 9/11 Intelligence Inquiry): "[Porter Goss] chairs the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence and is one of Congress's most respected voices on terrorism. ... Now the main question facing Goss, as he helps steer a joint House-Senate investigation into the Sept. 11 attacks, is why nobody in the far-flung intelligence bureaucracy -- 13 agencies spending billions of dollars -- paid attention to the enemy among us. ... "We're not in the 'Gotcha!' business," agrees Sen. Bob Graham (D-Fla.), Goss's friend and, as head of the Senate Intelligence Committee, co-chair of the investigation. ... "The contrast is so stark as to be amazing," says Richard V. Allen, President Reagan's first national security adviser, who has long admired Goss's "unassuming" style. If Goss had led the Church Commission probe, "the outcome could be the same, reining in the excesses of the intelligence community," says Allen, "with much less spin." The co-chairmen -- so similar of mind they're like "Frick and Frack," in Goss's description -- vow to pose tough questions and serve as truth-seeking advocates for the citizenry. ... On the morning of Sept. 11, Goss and Graham were having breakfast with a Pakistani general named Mahmud Ahmed -- the soon-to-be-sacked head of Pakistan's intelligence service. Ahmed ran a spy agency notoriously close to Osama bin Laden and the Taliban. A Goss aide handed a note to his boss. Goss read it and handed it to Graham. Soon they would evacuate the Capitol, but not before Goss, the designated speaker pro tempore, symbolically opened the House for one minute."

September 25, 2006, Agence France Presse -- English, ''Strong' words with Pakistan but no bomb threat: Armitage': "Former US deputy secretary of state Richard Armitage admitted Monday having "a very strong conversation" with Pakistan's intelligence chief after the September 11 attacks but denied threatening to bomb the country. The conversation, aimed at getting Pakistan to drop support for the Taliban then ruling Afghanistan, was the day after the 2001 suicide plane attacks in the United States which killed nearly 3,000 people. But Armitage repeated denials that he had threatened US bombing of Pakistan when he spoke to Lieutenant General Mahmood Ahmed, who was head of Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence agency at the time. "This conversation (on bombing) never happened," Armitage told a forum in Seoul, saying he believed the intelligence chief had given an "inflammatory" account of the exchange to President Pervez Musharraf. "I had a very strong conversation with the intelligence chief," Armitage said in answer to a question at the forum. "I told him that for Americans this was a black and white issue. Pakistan was either with us or against us, that US-Pakistan history would begin on that day." Armitage said he asked Ahmed to report back to Musharraf and come to see him the next day and that "if they agreed to help, then I would give them a list of requirements that were not negotiable. "So it was a strong presentation." Controversy over the strength of the message was unleashed by Musharraf's remarks in a television interview ahead of talks with US President George W. Bush. Musharraf said he had been told that Armitage made the bombing threat to compel Islamabad to renounce its historic support for the Taliban, which was sheltering Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden. The Pakistani leader said his intelligence director told him Armitage had said: "Be prepared to be bombed. Be prepared to go back to the Stone Age." "I think it was a very rude remark," Musharraf said. Armitage said he had never made such remarks. "I was not authorized to tell the Pakistani visitor that I would bomb them." "I have never in my life made any threat that I couldn't carry out. Since I wasn't authorized to make that threat, I didn't do it," he added. ... "I have no doubt the intelligence chief was quite inflammatory in the language he used to President Musharraf.""

June 6, 2002, AFX European Focus, 'US' Armitage says Musharraf determined to avoid war with India': "US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage said Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf has assured him he is determined to avoid a war with India over the simmering Kashmir crisis. "President Musharraf made it very clear that he is searching for peace and he would not be the one to initiate war," Armitage said. "I'm very heartened to hear of President Musharraf's desire to have war avoidance." "That is the same case in India and I think we need to do our best, the international community, to bring down the temperature." he said..."

April 21, 2002, Sunday Times, 'The British Jackal': "One boy who was expected to do particularly well when he left to study at the London School of Economics 10 years ago was Omar Saeed Sheikh [supposedly recruited here by MI6]. ... A decade later, 28-year-old Sheikh is on trial for his life with three other men in a cage in a Karachi prison, accused of involvement in the kidnapping and particularly cruel murder of the American journalist Daniel Pearl. ... Sheikh has pleaded not guilty to the Pearl charges; but by his own account, shouted out to reporters during one of his court appearances, he was behind other crimes, including blowing up the Kashmir parliament in October last year, the attack on the Indian parliament last December - which almost resulted in war between India and Pakistan - the kidnapping of Indian businessmen for ransom and the attack on the American Cultural Centre in Calcutta in January. Both the Americans and the British would like to interrogate Sheikh, who is wanted in the United States for his kidnapping in 1994 of an American citizen, as well as for conspiracy to commit hostage taking in relation to Pearl. ... Now the next question: who was Sheikh working for? There was one bizarre clue in the demands made by Pearl's kidnappers, who wanted America to honour an agreement to sell F-16 fighter aircraft to Pakistan. This hardly squared with the outlook of a militant Muslim organisation fighting a jihad in Afghanistan and Kashmir. It did, however - no matter how counterproductively - express the interests of Pakistan's military government, which wanted the fighters so they could be fitted out to carry nuclear warheads. What was going on? The next clue came with the revelation that Sheikh was in custody. On a visit to America on February 12, Pakistan's leader, General Pervez Musharraf, announced that he had been captured by police in Lahore. But Sheikh shouted out in court that he had turned himself in to the home secretary of the Punjab, retired Brigadier Ejaz Shah, on February 5, a full week earlier. Shah, who had served in the Pakistan military's powerful and pervasive Inter-Services Intelligence service (ISI), used to direct the activities of two Islamic terrorist groups fighting in Kashmir. He reportedly passed on the news of Sheikh's surrender to General Mohammad Aziz Khan, chairman of the joint chiefs of staff committee and former head of the ISI section dealing with India and Afghanistan. Khan knew Sheikh personally. It would appear that the ISI had its own reasons for holding Sheikh for a week before announcing to the world that he was in custody. One thing it would have wanted to do was to make sure that its protege did not give more away than absolutely necessary about his relationship with Pakistan's intelligence services. This "missing week" shed new light on unsubstantiated Indian reports last October that Lieutenant General Mahmud Ahmed, director-general of the ISI, had been forced into retirement after FBI investigators uncovered credible links between him and Sheikh in the wake of September 11. According to these reports, the FBI team established that in early September, Ahmed had instructed Sheikh to transfer $ 100,000 to Mohammed Atta, leader of the hijackers who crashed into the World Trade Center. There is a further angle that implicates the ISI. It had strong reasons for tailing Pearl: he was normally based in India, which to the ISI was prima facie evidence that he was reporting back to Indian intelligence. When the ISI discovered Pearl was trying to find out who was financing the HUA, it was the final straw, according to a source in Karachi. "He was beginning to get too close to understanding the links between the ISI and the jihadis," alleged the source. "Sheikh was their (the ISI's) man and he was brought in to deal with Pearl. The ISI knew everything." The Karachi police, who deeply distrust the ISI, leaked details of their interrogation of Sheikh in which he talked about his ISI connections. As a result, ISI operatives broke into the newsroom of The News, Pakistan's largest English language newspaper, in February in an apparent attempt to prevent publication of a leak in which Sheikh was reported to have said that the ISI helped him to finance, plan and execute last December's attack on the Indian parliament. The News is edited by Shaheen Sehbai, the first local journalist Pearl contacted when he arrived in Pakistan. Failing to prevent publication of Sheikh's confession, the ISI demanded an apology from Sehbai, who has fled to America fearing for his life. MJGohel of the Asia-Pacific Foundation, a security and terrorism policy assessment group that has been researching Pearl's murder, said: "Sheikh is a vital key that can open all the doors to the Al-Qaeda network, to the links between the Pakistani military intelligence establishment and the terror groups, and can destroy General Musharraf's credibility with Washington. He is a vital piece in the jigsaw and for that reason it is highly unlikely the US will ever be allowed to interrogate him.""

October 10, 2001, Agence France Presse -- English, 'India accuses ex Pakistan spy chief of links to US attacker: report': "Former Pakistani intelligence chief Lieutenant General Mahmood Ahmad was sacked after arch rival India said it had provided evidence linking him to the US terror attacks, a report said Wednesday. The Times of India newspaper reported the general lost his job after India said he had ordered money to be wired to Mohammad Atta who hijacked one of the planes that crashed into the World Tade Center in New York on September 11. ... A highly-placed government source told AFP that the "damning link" between the general and the transfer of funds to Atta was part of evidence which India has officially sent to the US. "The evidence we have supplied to the US is of a much wider range and depth than just one piece of paper linking a rogue general to some misplaced act of terrorism," the source said. Pakistan has given it support for the US-led war on terrorism and offered Washington use of the country's airspace, as well as intelligence sharing and logistical help."

August 11, 2008, The Nation (Pakistan), 'Setting the record straight': "... Following the end of Afghan War, the CIA and the Americans abandoned Afghans but the ISI continued to play a key role in Pakistan's Afghan policy including training of Taliban in Afghanistan and support of right wing extremists in Pakistan. What complicated the matters was Talibans' involvement with Osama bin Laden. The Taliban regime had provided sanctuary to Osama bin Laden who was wanted by the US even before 9/11. President Clinton ordered cruise missile attacks on Afghanistan in August 1998 on what he described as one of the most active terrorist bases in the world. In his television address on August 20, 1998, Mr Clinton named "exiled Saudi Arabian dissident" Osama bin Laden as the mastermind behind the embassy bombings in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam. On the same day, a spokesman for the ruling Taliban, Mullah Abdullah, told CNN and Reuters that "bin Laden is safe and no damage has been done to any of his companions." The top officials of Clinton administration suspected, even in 1998, that if "Pakistan's ISI wanted to capture bin Laden or tell us where he was, they could have done so with little effort", according to Richard Clarke, the chief of counter-terrorism for Bill Clinton. The ISI's name figured again in the aftermath of 9/11. The DAWN published the following story on October 10, 2001. "Director General of Pakistan's Inter- Services Intelligence (ISI) Lt General Mahmud Ahmed has been replaced after the FBI investigators established credible links between him and Umar Sheikh, one of the three militants released in exchange for passengers of the hijacked Indian Airlines plane in 1999. The FBI team, which had sought adequate inputs about various terrorists including Sheikh from the intelligence agencies, was working on the linkages between Sheikh and former ISI chief Gen Mahmud which are believed to have been substantiated, reports PTI website. Informed sources said there were enough indications with the US intelligence agencies that it was at Gen Mahmud's instruction that Sheikh had transferred 100,000 US dollars into the account of Mohammed Atta, one of the lead terrorists in strikes at the World Trade Centre on September 11, it adds." While this news was disturbing to say the least, the objective fact remains that Gen Mahmud Ahmed, the ISI chief, was replaced barely a month after he had returned from Washington after spending about ten days meeting top officials of the Bush administration. The record speaks for itself. The ISI has played a key role in elections beginning in 1964 and thereafter, and in conducting Afghan policy and operations. The support for Taliban and parties like the JUI and various local militant groups blurred the distinctions between its foreign and domestic roles. We almost never had free and fair elections and Afghanistan crisis now threatens the very survival of Pakistan as it exists today."

December 15, 2004, Indian Express, 'The rich, invisible and sinister enemy': "Laws upon laws, boards upon boards ISI operates through agents it smuggles across, through modules it has set up. And it has been devilishly successful. During two years, our intelligence agencies unearthed and smashed 166 such modules - spread right across the country. That was by every standard an achievement of the first water. But that also showed that ISI had been able to set up at least 166 modules - in every part of the country. But why look at such indirect evidence. The Task Force on Internal Security pointed to an even more glaring device ... The Task Force on Internal Security found that through smuggling of and trading in narcotics, the ISI has made the terrorism it orchestrates in India an almost self-financing operation. It observed, "Pakistan has been systematically promoting narco-trade to fund terrorism and insurgencies in India, with the determined objective of destabilising our established systems and structures. Reports from the central Intelligence agencies indicate that drug money has been and continues to be used by Pakistan for spreading militancy and insurgency in India. This has also been corroborated by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the USA on the basis of firm evidence. As per an input made available by MHA, narcotics valuing about Rs 5,000 crores are being annually smuggled into India from the Golden Crescent countries - Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran (75 per cent of all heroin supplied to Western Europe and 50 per cent of that which goes to USA is from this region). Pakistan's National Development Finance Corporation estimated (August 1992) that the black economy of the nation gained US $ 32.5 billion annually from the cultivation, production and smuggling of illicit narcotics from the Golden Crescent. These illicit gains provide enormous financial support to ISI for carrying out its subversive activities in our country.'' The scale is indeed alarming, the Task Force found. The Northeast in particular is being devastated by the operation: "An indicator of the likely scale of the illicit narco-trade is the growing high incidence of drug abuse in Manipur and Mizoram, and parts of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh where it is spreading. Heroin is being smuggled undetected from Myanmar to cater to the drug addicts in these States."

March 22, 2005, Hindustan Times, 'Pakistan not the most "anti-American" country in the world, says U.S. analyst': "Kronstadt, however, said there was evidence of Pakistan's involvement in heroinsmuggling from Afghanistan. "There is a great deal of largely circumstantial evidence that the Pakistani Intelligence Services at some level, some elements have been involved in the smuggling of heroin from Afghanistan and out of Pakistan. The best piece of evidence came when a former U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan testified to Congress that ISI's involvement in heroin trafficking was substantial. That's the word she used,"said Kronstadt. Pakistan is reportedly used as transit routes for smuggling of heroin from Afghanistan. Afghanistan's opium trade has boomed and is estimated to have earned 2.8 billion dollars this year, up 500 dollars from 2004. Pakistan is part of the "Golden Crescent", along with Iran and Afghanistan, which produces about 85 percent of the world's opium. Heroin is refined from opium. Kronstdat also said Pakistan was fighting internal militancy for it's stability. "The stability of Pakistan, some people believe the actual stability of the country is at risk due to Islamic militancy, so its not just a question of U.S. interests, the Pakistani president is very clear about needing to tackle this militancy problem," he said. Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf has ordered a crackdown on increasing sectarian violence in the country, especially in the Baluchistan province."

August 12, 2009, ABC Premium News (Australia), 'Afghanistan: Fuelling the narco-economy': "President Hamid Karzai is one of the very few Afghan political figures I've met with a reputation for standing above the bog of corruption. But even Karzai's own brother, a leading political figure in Kandahar, is tainted by alleged links to the drugs trade. In 2003, I spent two weeks inside the Presidential Palace in Kabul filming a profile of Karzai, attempting to get a sense of the Afghanistan he was trying to build. (See "Afghanistan: Karzai's War") I accompanied Karzai when he first flew to Islamabad to confront Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf over the initial cross border incursions. Unfortunately Karzai's credibility was immediately undermined by the "form" - to use police parlance - of some senior members of his delegation. It was difficult watching Karzai stand there in Musharraf's headquarters, attempting to read the riot act to the Pakistani leadership when everyone in the room knew that members of his own team were heavily involved in cross border drug trafficking and moving millions of dollars around on behalf of the Taliban. Of course Pakistan's intelligence agency the ISI was - and still is - heavily implicated, but that's another story. Perhaps the US-led coalition can press on and achieve a costly military victory over the Taliban. But unless this recent shift in US political strategy works, once the victory parade is over, the American generals will still be handing over control of the country to a political leadership indelibly stained by the past. As Thomas Schweich, US Ambassador for Counternarcotics in Afghanistan 2007-08 told me, "you can't look for lilywhite purity in Afghanistan; it doesn't exist by our standards"."

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Biographer of the Duke and Dutchess of Windsor and Winston Churchill and a longtime journalist. co-author, with J. Bryan 3d, of ''The Windsor Story,'' published in 1979. Reviewing it in The New York Times, Anthony Howard said it contained ''the best documented and least inhibited account we are ever likely to get of the long lonely years the Windsors spent in exile.'' Mr. Murphy was also the co-author, with John Davenport, of ''The Lives of Winston Churchill'' (1945). Mr. Murphy was born in Newton, Mass., the son of an artist. He entered Harvard College at the age of 16 but left, without graduating, to join the staff of The Associated Press in Manhattan in 1925. He went on to work for the United Press, The New York Evening Post and The New York World before becoming a freelance writer in 1930.

Source(s): January 17, 1987, New York Times, 'Washington Talk: Briefing; Reagan Supporters Unite': "... the American Security Council, a 30-year-old anti-Communist organization whose active advisers until recently included Colonel North."; 1988, Russ Bellant, Old Nazis, the new right, and the Republican party', p. 53 (gave a speech to USCAB in December 1985); March 20, 1988,TASS, 'RIGHT-WINGERS PRESS FOR PRESIDENTIAL PARDON OF NORTH': "AT A PRESS CONFERENCE ARRANGED IN THE U.S. CAPITAL MEMBERS OF THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL, AN ULTRA RIGHT-WING GROUP, CIRCULATED A STATEMENT IN WHICH NORTH IS PROCLAIMED A NATIONAL HERO AND THE MOVE TO BRING HIM TO TRIAL IS REGARDED AS UNACCEPTABLE. ... SIMULTANEOUSLY, THE RIGHTISTS FORMED A SPECIAL ORGANISATION CHARGED WITH TAKING EFFORTS TO GET THE PRESIDENT GRANT A PARDON TO NORTH AND ALSO TO JOHN POINDEXTER..."

Commissioned lieutenant US Marine Corps, 1966, advanced through ranks to lieutenant colonel, 1983, retired, 1990; deputy director polit.-mil. affairs National Security Council, Washington, 1981—1983, counter-terrorism coordinator, 1983—1986; host nat.-syndicated radio program Oliver North Radio Show/Common Sense Radio, 1995—2003; host War Stories with Oliver North, Fox News Channel, 2001—. Founder, hon. chairman Freedom Alliance, Dulles, Virginia, 1990—; former co-host Equal Time, MSNBC; regular commentator Hannity & Colmes. Author: Under Fire: An American Story, 1991, War Stories: Operation Iraqi Freedom, 2003, American Heroes: In the Fight Against Radical Islam, 2008; co-author: (with David Roth) One More Mission: Oliver North Returns to Vietnam, 1993, (with Brian Smith) True Freedom: The Liberating Power of Prayer, 2004, (with Sara Horn) A Greater Freedom: Stories of Faith from Operation Iraqi Freedom, 2004, (with Joe Musser) War Stories II: Heroism in the Pacific, 2004, War Stories III: The Heroes Who Defeated Hitler, 2005, Mission Compromised: A Novel, 2002, Jericho Sanction, 2003, The Assassins, 2005.

May 23, 1987, UPI, 'Casey as mentor, Contra cheerleader': "Lt. Col. Oliver North had a mentor in CIA Director William Casey -- a top supporter of the Nicaraguan rebels with a direct line to President Reagan, testimony in the third week of Iran-Contra hearings showed. There was no doubt, even among conservative loyalists on the House and Senate panels holding nationally televised hearings on the scandal, that Casey emerged as an administration link to private efforts to supply the rebels when official U.S. aid was banned. ''Obviously, Casey has played a very important role,'' Rep. William Broomfield, R-Minn., said at the conclusion of the third week of hearings Thursday. Broomfield, a member of the select House committee, agreed ''absolutely'' that the appearance so far is Casey as the mastermind who guided North, the National Security Council aide fired Nov. 25 for his role in the sale of arms to Iran and the diversion of funds for the Contras."

May 22, 1987, Los Angeles Times, 'North Hired British Mercenary, Singlaub Alleges': "White House aide Lt. Col. Oliver L. North sought out a British mercenary to destroy Soviet-made HIND-D assault helicopters in Nicaragua, retired Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub said Thursday in testimony before the House and Senate congressional committees investigating the Iran- contra scandal. ... In a subsequent letter to Calero, North urged the contra leader to use donations from Saudi Arabia to employ "my British friend and his services for special operations. I can produce him at the end of the month.""

Source(s): American Security Council Foundation board of directors (December 2010; September 2012)

Born in 1945. Mayor City of Peekskill, New York , 1981—1984; member New York State Assembly, 1985-92, New York State Senate from district 37, 1993—1995; associate Dewey, Ballantine, Bushby, Palmer & Wood LLP, 1970-74; partner Plunckett & Jaffe, Professional Corporation, New York City, White Plains,, Albany and Peekskill, 1974-89; co-proprietor Pataki Farm, Peekskill, New York ; governor State of New York , Albany, 1995—2007; counsel Chadbourne & Parke LLP, New York City, 2007—. Member executive board MidOcean Partners LLC, 2008—. Advanceman Friends of Rockefeller Team, 1970; upstate campaign coordinator Committee to Elect Governor Wilson, 1974; member Peekskill Rep. City Committee, 1974—, chairman 1977-83; member New York State Rep. Committee, 1980-85.

In July 2000, Pataki's name surfaced on the short list to be the running mate for Republican presidential nominee George W. Bush. Pataki had strongly campaigned for Bush including an unsuccessful effort to keep John McCain off the New York primary ballot (which Bush ultimately won). Instrumental in bringing the 2004 Republican National Convention to Madison Square Garden in Manhattan. Speculation that he may be a 2012 presidential candidate.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Keith B. Payne is Executive Vice President and Director of National Security Studies at the National Institute for Public Policy in Fairfax, Virginia. He is the author of Nuclear Deterrence in U.S.-Soviet Relations and co-editor (with Colin Gray) of The Nuclear Freeze Controversy (just published). Colin S. Gray is President of the same Institute and the author of American Military Space Policy, Nuclear Strategy and National Style (forthcoming) and other works.

Source(s): 1993, Peter Dale Scott, 'Deep Politics and the Death of JFK', p. 34; 1974, Science Associates/International, inc., Readers advisory service: Selected topical booklists, Volume 1, Numbers 1-35, page xlviii: "WASHINGTON REPORT (American Security Council). 1969-Date. ... Its weekly publication [is]the WASHINGTON REPORT ... Among the writers preparing material for WASHINGTON REPORT are Anthony Harrigan, Richard Ichord, John F. Lewis, William D. Pawley, and Stefan T. Possony" John Fisher's history of the ASC: "Fisher established a Washington Bureau headed by Lee R. Pennington retired FBI Inspector and retired head of the American Legion Americanism Committee. He added just-retired Judge Advocate General of the U.S. Navy, Rear Admiral Chester C. Ward, as editor of the ASC Washington Report newsletter."

Shackley, Dulles, Eisenhower.

Pawley was appointed as U.S. Ambassador by Harry Truman to Peru in 1945. He was named U.S. Ambassador to Brazil in 1948. Postwar, Pawley was an active member of the Republican Party. A close friend of both President Dwight Eisenhower and Central Intelligence Agency director Allen W. Dulles, he took part in a policy that later become known as Executive Action, a plan to remove unfriendly foreign leaders from power. Pawley played a role Operation PBSUCCESS, a CIA plot to overthrow the Guatemalan government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 after Arbenz introduced land reforms and nationalized the United Fruit Company. Pawley is thought to have served in Peru, Brazil, Panama, Guatemala, Cuba and Nicaragua between 1945 and 1960. His final residence was in Miami Beach, Florida, where he died of a self-inflicted gunshot wound, in January 1977, because he suffered from a severe case of the very painful disease - shingles.

1896-1997. Son of Edward Porcher and Irene (Wallace) P.; ed. pvt. schs., Gordon Mil. Acad. (Ga.); A.A. (hon.), Gordon Mil. Coll., 1971; D.Aviation Mgmt. (hon.), Embry-Riddle Aeronautical U., Daytona Beach, Fla., 1975; married Annie-Hahr Dobbs, July 25, 1919 (div.); children—William Douglas, Clifton Dobbs (dec.), Annie-Hahr (Mrs. Hobert Bommer McKay), Irene Wallace (Mrs. C. Jackson Baldwin); married 2d, Edna Earle Cadenhead, June 30, 1943. Organized, became pres. Compania Nacional Cubana de Aviacion Curtiss, Havana, Cuba, 1928 (merged Pan Am. Airways 1932); exec. v.p. Intercontinent Corp., N.Y., 1933; pres. Intercontinent Corp., China Nat. Aviation Corp., 1933; built 3 aircraft factories in China for Nationalist Govt., 1934-38; organized Am. vol. group Flying Tigers, 1940; organized, became pres. Hindustan Aircraft Mfg. Co., Bangalore, India, 1940; built ammonium-sulfate plant, Travancore, India, 1944; Am. ambassador to Peru, 1945-46, to Brazil, 1946-48; organized, became pres. Autobuses Modernos, S.A., Havana, Cuba, 1949; spl. asst. to sec. state, Washington, 1951, spl. asst. to sec. def., 1951-52; spl. assignment Dept. State, 1954; owner, pres. Miami Beach Ry. Co., Miami Transit Co., South Miami Coach Line (sold to Met. Dade County 1962), Clifton Corp.; owner Talisman Sugar Corp., Belle Glade, Fla., 1963-76; dir. Fla. Nat. Bank & Trust Co. Del. Inter-Am. Conf. Maintenance Continental Peace and Security, Petropolis, Brazil, 1947; del. 9th Internat. Conf. Am. States, Bogotá, Colombia, 1948. Mem. Eisenhower Presdl. Library Com.; mem. sponsor’s com. Cuban Families Com. for Liberation Prisoners of War (N.Y.); mem. bd. Greater Miami Philharmonic Soc., U.S. Strategic Inst. Bd. dirs. George C. Marshall Research Found., Lexington, Va.; mem. nat. bd. Boys’ Clubs Am.; trustee Miami-Dade Community Coll. Decorated Medal for Merit (U.S.); Air medal (Peru); grand cross Cruzeiro do Sul (Brazil); Orden del Merito de Duarte, Sánchez y Mella, Gran Cruz (Dominican Republic); Orden del Merito Agrícola e Industrial, grand cross of Carlos Manuel de Cespedes (Cuba); Order of Brilliant Star with spl. grand cordon (Republic of China). Clubs: Indian Creek Country, Bath, La Gorce Country (Miami Beach); Miami; Metropolitan (Washington); Twenty-Nine, Wings, Marco Polo (N.Y.C.); Cat Cay (Bahamas). Home: Miami Beach, Fla.

Daniel Sheehan: William Pawley on June 10, 1963 (20:50): "Don't you worry, John [Martino]. We're gonna kill that motherfucker [JFK]." Pawley was involved in an assassination plot against Castro with Rick Robertson. Supposedly Pawley was a close friend of C.D. Jackson. 17 minutes into Sheehan's Harvard lecture.

John Morrison Birch, namesake of The John Birch Society, who served with the AVG/Flying Tigers/Clair Chennault/CAMCO in China, was an indirect relative to Annie Hahr Dobbs, wife of William D. Pawley. Emma Hahr Dobbs was first cousin to Annie Hahr Dobbs (wife of William Pawley) Therefore, the children of William Pawley & Annie Hahr Dobbs were in fact distant cousins to John Birch. John Birch was born in India where his father was reportedly a minister. It should therefore come as no great surprise that William Pawley helped establish an aircraft manufacturing company in India as well.

William Pawley also contacted Ted Shackley, head of the CIA's JM WAVE station in Miami. Shackley decided to help Pawley organize what became known as Operation Tilt. He also assigned Rip Robertson [thought to be present at Dealey Plaza, tipping his hat moments before the assassination], a fellow member of the CIA in Miami, to help with the operation. David Sanchez Morales, another CIA agent, also became involved in this attempt to bring out these two Soviet officers. In June, 1963, a small group, including Martino, William Pawley, Eddie Bayo, Rip Robertson and Richard Billings, a journalist working for Life Magazine, secretly arrived in Cuba. They were unsuccessful in their attempts to find these Soviet officers and they were forced to return to Miami. Bayo remained behind and it was rumoured that he had been captured and executed. However, his death was never reported in the Cuban press.

JOHN MARTINO:

In an article published in January, 1964, Martino claimed in had important information about the death of John F. Kennedy. He argued that in 1963 Fidel Castro had discovered an American plot to overthrow his government. It was therefore decided to retaliate by organizing the assassination of Kennedy. Martino and Nathaniel Weyl both claimed that Lee Harvey Oswald had been in Cuba in 1963 and had been recruited by Cuban intelligence to kill Kennedy. Martino told his friend, Fred Claasen, that he was not telling the truth about the Cubans being behind the assassination of Kennedy. He admitted that he had been involved in the conspiracy by acting as a courier delivering money. He also told the same story to his wife Florence Martino. Shortly before his death in 1975 Martino confessed to a Miami Newsday reporter, John Cummings, that he had been guilty of spreading false stories implicating Lee Harvey Oswald in the assassination. He claimed that two of the gunmen were Cuban exiles. It is believed the two men were Herminio Diaz Garcia and Virgilio Gonzalez. Cummings added: "He told me he'd been part of the assassination of Kennedy. He wasn't in Dallas pulling a trigger, but he was involved. He implied that his role was delivering money, facilitating things.... He asked me not to write it while he was alive." Fred Claasen also told the House Select Committee on Assassinations what he knew about Martino's involvement in the case. Florence Martino at first refused to corroborate the story. However, in 1994 she told Anthony Summers that her husband said to her on the morning of 22nd November, 1963: "Flo, they're going to kill him (Kennedy). They're going to kill him when he gets to Texas."

Source(s): Wiki: "[Pearson] served on editorial board of the several institutions, including the Heritage Foundation, the Foreign Policy Research Institute, and the American Security Council, and that a number of conservative politicians"; 1989, Edward S. Herman and Gerry O'Sullivan, 'The "Terrorism" Industry': "Roger Pearson, the anti-Semite, racist, and neo-Nazi, has been a director of one of its [the ASC's] subsidiaries, the American Foreign Policy Institute."

President Council on American Affairs.

In 1958, Pearson, living in London, led the Northern League. This white-power organization included former Nazi SS officials. Willis Carto, founder of the anti-black and anti-semitic Liberty Lobby, arranged a 1959 U.S. speaking tour for him. Pearson soon moved to the U.S. to edit the neo-Nazi publication Western Destiny.

This track record won Pearson influence in Washington, DC. In 1975 he became editor of the journal of the American Security Council...

Served on editorial board of the several institutions, including the Heritage Foundation, the Foreign Policy Research Institute, and the American Security Council. Chairman of the World Anti-Communist League 1978-1980. Replaced by Gen. Singlaub after his extreme right connections were criticized by the Washington Post. As late as 1986 Covert Action criticized his continued association with James Angleton, former chief of CIA Counter-Intelligence, General Robert C. Richardson, and other American Security Council members. Served on editorial board of the several institutions, including the Heritage Foundation, the Foreign Policy Research Institute, and the American Security Council,

Ph.D. University of London 1969. Chairman Pakistan Tea Association, 1963-64; managing director Octavius Steel & Co. of Pakistan Ltd., Chittagong, East Pakistan, 1959-65; chairman Plummer Brothers, Ltd., East Pakistan, 1959-65, Chittagong Warehouses, Ltd., Chittagong, East Pakistan, 1960-65; chairman department sociology and anthropology Queens College, Charlotte, North Carolina, 1970-71; chairman department anthropology University Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg, 1971-74; dean academy affairs, director research Montana College Mineral Sci. Tech., Butte, 1974-75; executive director Council for Economic and Social Studies, Washington, 1975— Creative Works Author: Eastern Interlude, 1954, Introduction to Anthropology, 1978, Anthropological Glossary, 1985, Race, Intelligence and Bias in Academe, 1991, Shockley on Eugenics and Race, 1992, Heredity and Humanity, 1996, Cultural Anthropology, 2002; editor: Ecology and Evolution, 1982, (journal) Social Political and Economic Studies, 1976— Civic Trustee, Benjamin Franklin University, Washington, 1984-87. Served to lieutenant Brit. Indian Army, 1945-48. Family

March 4, 1990, The Independent, 'Academics 'were funded by racist American trust'': "AN AMERICAN trust which supports research asserting the genetic superiority of whites has funded studies by leading British academics. Hans Eysenck, emeritus professor of psychology at the University of London, and Richard Lynn, professor of psychology at the University of Ulster, have received research money from the Pioneer Fund, which has ties with extreme right-wing political activists. The fund, which is tax-exempt in the US, was founded in 1937 by a reclusive textile millionaire, Wickliffe P Draper, who promoted sending American blacks back to Africa. Its charter says that it will help research into ''problems of heredity and eugenics in the human race'' and into ''problems of race betterment''. It is being investigated by an American university over its grants for research which concludes that blacks are unsuitable for some professional work because of low IQ. Through its financial support for Mankind Quarterly, it is linked to former Nazi geneticists. The magazine, dedicated to ''race science'' and ''racial history'' has been edited by an expatriate British academic, Roger Pearson, since the late 1970s. Mankind Quarterly has had links with former Nazi geneticists and been accused of acting as a forum for the dissemination of neo-Nazi racism. American academics have called it the ''mouthpiece of the New Eugenics''. Professor Lynn is an honorary associate editor of the magazine. He confirmed that Otmar, Baron Von Verschuer, was an editorial adviser during the 1970s but said he did not know him personally. Verschuer was director of the genetics and eugenics programme at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute during the Second World War. He recommended his student, Joseph Mengele, as camp doctor at Auschwitz. Both Professor Eysenck and Professor Lynn support the view that intelligence is largely determined by genes. Both have studied IQ differences between the races. Professor Eysenck, based at London University's Institute of Psychiatry, has received more than $ 250,000 from the Pioneer Fund since 1986. According to US tax records, grants were for research into ''cross-cultural studies of reaction-time.'' Experiments were conducted in the Irish Republic, India, Japan and Hong Kong. Professor Eysenck denied the work was ''racist'' but admitted that the study of ''race differences'' was involved. The research was ''very much needed'' and criticism was ''McCarthyite''. Dr Stuart Checkley, dean of the Institute of Psychiatry, said that the money had not been cleared by the academic board, which vets projects. After an investigation, further contributions from the fund had been prohibited. Professor Eysenck said that he had received no money from the fund since 1988. Professor Lynn confirmed receiving Pioneer Fund grants, but refused to say how much. He said that grants were used for research into the comparative intelligence of races and the development of IQ over time. He argues that the oriental peoples are more genetically evolved than other races. To claim there are genetic differences ''could be called racist'', he said. He denied this was the same as advocating that ''some races are superior''. The Pioneer Fund was ''the only body that would fund this kind of research'', he said. Funding had been turned down by the Economic and Social Research Council. Professor Lynn said he knew nothing of Roger Pearson's past. Mr Pearson, an anthropologist, was born in London in 1927. In 1958 he founded the ''Northern League'' to ''foster the interests, friendship and solidarity of all Teutonic nations''. Early recruits included Hans Gunther, who was awarded a Goethe medal in 1941 for his work on Nordic racial philosophy, Ernest Sevier Cox, an American leader of the Klu Klux Klan, and Dr Wilhelm Kusserow, a former SS Untersturmfuhrer. During the 1970s Mr Pearson worked at a number of US universities and received several grants from the Pioneer Fund. He came to prominence in 1978 as the organiser of the eleventh annual conference of the World Anti- Communist League. Pearson was forced to resign from the league in 1980 after being accused of membership of neo-Nazi organisations. In 1982 he received a letter from President Reagan, after sending him copies of the Mankind Quarterly. The letter praised ''your substantial contributions to promoting and upholding those ideals and principles we value at home and abroad''. The University of Delaware is investigating Pioneer Fund grants for allegedly racist research undertaken by a contributor to the magazine, Linda Gottfredson, an associate professor of educational studies. The National Association for the Advancement of White People magazine, edited by a former Ku Klux Klan leader, David Duke, reported: ''Her voluminous research shows that negroes have a superior education . . . often rack up job-performance records as poor as their poorly-educated and poorly-trained counterparts.'' Other contributors to Mankind Quarterly include Professor Eysenck and J Philippe Rushton, professor of psychology at the University of Western Ontario in Canada, who was born in Bournemouth and educated at the London School of Economics. Professor Rushton was investigated by Canadian police under the hate propaganda laws last year. His research is financed by the Pioneer Fund. He argues that orientals who have larger brains, and smaller penises, are more intelligent than whites. He claims that blacks are genetically the least evolved and most prone to criminality as well as Aids. Professor Rushston said his research followed directly from the evolutionary theory of Darwin. Accusations of racism reflect a ''refusal to see what everybody used to believe''. Donald Swann, assistant professor of the University of Southern Mississippi, is also supported by the Pioneer Fund. He was prosecuted in 1966 for mail fraud. Police found Nazi paraphernalia and a picture of him with members of the American Nazi party. His lawyer said that the picture was ''one of Swann and his college buddies'' and that memorabilia was collected by his father during the war. Harry F Weyher, a New York lawyer and president of the fund, was educated at the University of Glasgow. He has been on the board since 1958 and denies charges of racism. He said the aim of the fund was ''to study these racial differences and see what useful things can be done with them . . . There's not what you or I would call a Nazi anywhere in the picture''. He said that academics undertaking projects, paid for by the fund, in Africa and in Israel, on the heritability of schizophrenia, were ''gunshy'' and wished to remain anonymous. He added that the study in Israel probably ''would be Arab and Jews''.l He denied any political or propagandist intentions which would contravene the fund's tax-exempt status. But in a letter dated 13 November 1989, the fund proposes the abandonment of current social, educational, and housing policies geared towards mixing races, arguing that a better environment will not reduce differences between them. ''Raising the intelligence of blacks or others still remains beyond our capabilities.'' Besides its support of Roger Pearson, the fund has been associated with other extreme right- wing political activists. Among the former directors is Thomas Ellis, who was a Reagan nomineee for a US government post who was forced to withdraw after he was linked with racist organisations."

Source(s): November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation': "Fisher established a Washington Bureau headed by Lee R. Pennington retired FBI Inspector and retired head of the American Legion Americanism Committee. He added just-retired Judge Advocate General of the U.S. Navy, Rear Admiral Chester C. Ward, as editor of the ASC Washington Report newsletter."

Senior FBI agent who worked closely with J. Edgar Hoover. Also was a secret CIA informant. Specialized in identifying left-wing activists. Supplied a great deal of information to the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HCUA). During this period he met Lou Russell and James W. McCord. Retired from the FBI in 1953 as the third highest in ranking. Went to work compiling files on domestic "subversives" for the American Legion's National Americanism Commission". Director Washington office of the American Security Council. Accused of having destroyed the records of his friend James W. McCord, after the latter was caught during the Watergate break-in. William Colby was eventually given the Pennington file. On 28th June, 1974, he reported to Howard Baker: "The results of our investigation clearly show that the CIA had in its possession, as early as June, 1972, information that one of its paid operatives, Lee R. Pennington, Jr., had entered the James McCord residence shortly after the Watergate break-in and destroyed documents which might show a link between McCord and the CIA." Died of a heart attack in October 1974.

CIA DOMESTIC SURVEILLANCE

January 12, 1975, Chicago Tribune, 'CIA: Our spies were spying on us': "In documents turned over to the Senate Watergate committee last year, the Agency admitted employing Lee R. Pennington as a domestic agent and dispatching him to the home of James McCord, Watergate burglar and former CIA man. Pennington helped McCord's wife burn documents linking McCord to the agency. Howard Osborne, then chief of CIA security, sought to mask the existence of Pennington who sources said had "been doing CIA work on Capitol Hill." The CIA tried to trick the FBI into believing Pennington was someone else. Osborne retired. "Sure Howard [Osborne] employed domestic agents," a CIA friend said. "He had one of the biggest responsibilities at the agency. There were a lot more Penningtons.""

January 12, 1975, Chicago Tribune, 'CIA: Our spies were spying on us': "In secret testimony before a congressional panel, former CIA Director Richard Helms reportedly claimed that James Angleton, chief of CIA's counterintelligence, was the one man who knew the details of U.S. counterintelligence operations, both foreign and domestic. Angleton's associate in these endeavors, Richad Ober, now a National Security Council staffer, is also known to have played a key role in embroiling the agency in questionable practices. ... A former top Nixon administration official said the CIA was thrust more deeply into domestic matters because of the Nixon White House's strong suspicions that U.S. protest leaders were inspired and financed by Communist countries thru United Nations' missions. ... [The CIA] assisted its former agent, Howard Hunt, in recruiting and equipping a break-in team to burglarize the office of Dr. Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist. The CIA psychiatrists, under orders from former Director Helms, compiled a psychiatric profile on Ellsberg, the chief figure in the leaking of the Pentagon Papers. ... Hans V. Tofte, former CIA official, charged that in 1966 CIA operatives broke into his home and made off with his wife's jewelry to mask the real reason for the break-in. The real reason was, CIA officials later admitted, to locate "thousands of CIA documents" they believed he had. One of the "dirty jobs" intelligence operatives don't like to discuss are the break-ins at foreign embassies to setal written material to break codes. A former FBI official indicated this had been the mission of the FBI but that Hoover in later years declined to do it, presumably out of his jealousy of the CIA. At least two members of the Watergate plumbers have confided to friends, according to sources, that the CIA employed them to break into the Chilean embassy in 1971 after Hoover had rejected CIA and National Security Agency entreaties. Other government sources contend a break-in at the Israeli embassy, which U.S. intelligence officials regard as being a headquarters for one of the most sophisticated espionage operations in the world, as having been a CIA responsibility. One issue that confuses even some CIA insiders is the operation of the CIA's controversial Domestic Operations Division [DOD], which the agency acknowledges has officies in at least 20 cities and maintains "contact" agents in countless others. Hunt testified that the domestic operation was set up in 1961 under the Division of Plans and Operations, which also houses the counterintelligence office. Hunt related that his duties included formation of a phony news service to feed propaganda to the foreign press and to do a little spying in 1964 on the Washington headquarters of Barry Goldwater, Republican Presidential candidate. One of Hunt's Cuban followers has told investigators that even before the abortive Bay of Pigs operation he was recruited by the CIA to counter Cuban anti-Kennedy domonstrations in Miami. Hunt's Cuban band conducted similar operations for President Nixon, trying to stir up trouble among anti-war demonstrators on the Capitol steps in an attempt to make the protesters appear violent on the evening television news shows. The DOD, CIA officers contend, is restricted to recruiting; arranging to question Americans about what they saw or learned in certain foreign countries, such as China and the Soviet Union; finding American businesses to operate as cover for CIA operations abroad, and to deal with CIA fronts, such as Air America. ... Colby, according to one source, has admitted to President Ford that when the CIA was unable to interrogate a prominent New Yorker about a foreign visit, and had its request for help turned down by the FBI, it set up a phony private detective operation to shadow the New Yorker. ... The CIA admitted in testimony before a Senate group that when Hunt sought assistance in recruiting some brak-in specialists the agency referred him to a Virginia security firm which the CIA acknowledged was an "agency front." There has been even speculation among some former agency officials that the counterintelligence branch might not be above using the Mafia to channel secret money around."

January 12, 1975, Chicago Tribune, 'CIA: Our spies were spying on us': "One well informed source said some FBI domestic intelligence operations were carried out behind the late FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover's back. They were approved, he said, at a lower level and conducted by field agents without any papers ever reaching Hoover's desk. Hoover's opposition, they said, often forced the CIA to carry out its own illegal moves on domestic turf. Hoover, a government official said, "absolutely hated the CIA. When the CIA would ask for a surveillance or something, he'd say, 'Let the CIA do its own work.' If they got involved in domestic surveillance, it was because the FBI - Hoover - forced them into it. Under the surface was the White House's dissatisfaction with the intelligence it was getting. At one point, sources said, Nixon aides convinced the then President to fire Hoover. But Nixon couldn't bring himself to do it. Hoover, however, was able to convince Nixon at one point, a source said, that if he were allowed to open some offices abroad the FBI would be able to do a better job than the CIA. Nixon authorized the opening of seven overseas posts associated with American embassies."

January 13, 1975, Newsweek, 'Blue-Ribbon Treatment For the CIA': "Meanwhile, the disclosures continued. New York Times reporter Seymour M. Hersh, who broke the first story of the CIA's domestic intrusions, turned up one of the agency's former undercover agents in New York who claimed to have followed and photographed student antiwar demonstrators and to have taken part in break-ins and wiretaps to keep tabs on them. ... The simmering scandal in the Central Intelligence Agency boiled hotter last week, and Gerald Ford moved to cool it by naming a "blue ribbon" panel to investigate the charges that the CIA's domestic snooping had violated its charter. There was still no clear documentation that the excesses were as massive or as illegal as first charged by The New York Times, but new disclosures kept trickling out and more light than ever before was was being focused on the super-secret agency. The panel, made up of seven aristocrats and one labor leader for balance, is to be headed by Vice President Nelson Rockefeller - his first assignment in his new job. ... 'Cover': As explained by CIA sources and outside investigators, many agency proprietaries were developed over the years to provide "cover" for agents on foreign assignments. They included airlines, public-relations firms, private security services, even travel publications such - at one time - as the Fodor guidebooks, it was reported last week. Agents also infiltrated existing U.S. organizations such as labor unions and the National Student Association. While that practice was supposedly terminated after the revelations of the mid-'60s, some sources said the agency had withdrawn only from groups that had been compromised. Beyond that, the CIA regularly lends agents to other arms of government - the Secret Service and Drug Enforcement Administration, for example - and it generally enjoys the sympathy of agency alumni (some perhaps still on the payroll) working in other critical positions. For example, NEWSWEEK learned, the Assistant Postmaster General in charge of domestic-mail surveillance went directly there from the CIA. ... Most prominent of these was James J. Angleton, chief of counterintelligence, who resigned a fortnight ago after being linked to the illegal domestic surveillance (NEWSWEEK, Jan. 6). Last week, Angleton's three top aides at CIA also resigned, raising even more questions about the section's past activities. Entries: Angleton and his aides had not been solely responsible for CIA excesses in domestic surveillance. NEWSWEEK learned that at least some of the questionable conduct was attributable to the agency's Office of Security, whose former director, Howard Osborne, also retired suddenly last year - reportedly after some of his Congressional testimony proved disturbing to Colby. His section was responsible for the security of CIA buildings, personnel and records, and also operated as the agency's internal police force - making literally thousands of investigators of citizens who came into contact with the CIA through employment applications or proprietary organizations.It was the security office that made one of the illegal entries to which the CIA admits - to recover classified documents that veteran agent Hans Tofte had carelessly left around his Washington home. Under the Directorate of Operations, an agency euphemism for clandestine services and "dirty tricks," are two units besides Angleton's whose domestic activities could easily cross the line of legality. One is the Domestic Operations Division, ostensibly responsible mainly for recruiting and for interviewing travelers returned from abroad. Actually, this division has also been infiltrating outside groups, sotting up agency proprietaries or fronts and keeping track of most citizens with whom its agents came into contact. Another center of domestic activity is Division D (formerly called Staff D), which handles intelligence relating to communications. That includes "bag jobs" aimed at getting at getting foreign diplomatic codes and some opening of mail to and from U.S. citizens. In San Diego last week, former CIA staffer Mel Crain - now a political-science professor - said he operated under Staff D authority for such a mail-opening operation in the late 1950s. Mail from U.S. citizens to countries behind the Iron Curtain was scientifically opened, copied and resealed without a trace, Crain said. The CIA was reportedly prompted to take on increasingly broad domestic responsibilities in the 1960s as Presidents Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon grew increasingly dissatisfied with the work of J. Edgar Hoover's FBI. The big break came in 1970 over an incident in which the CIA refused to tell Hoover the name of an FBI agent who had given the CIA some useful information. In a rage, Hoover abruptly abolished a seven-man liaison office through which the FBI had traditionally dealt with the larger U.S. intelligence community. Slack: That left the agency more on its own than ever. Without the FBI to handle the domestic end of counterespionage investigations, for example, Angleton relied more heavily on the CIA Office of Security and perhaps the Domestic Operations Division. Some sources said he took up the slack with a special 50-man unit within his own CI section. That unit, which apparently dated to 1968, was directed by career intelligence officer Richard Ober, now a staffer at the National Security Council (though still on the CIA payroll, he concedes). And it was Ober who was originally named as the man responsible for briefing former CIA director Richard Helms on the progress of the domestic-surveillance program, which reportedly flourished under Helm's administration. Helms, now the ambassador to Iran, was sure to face strenuous questioning on the whole controversy. Back in the U.S. last week for home leave after a brief vacation in Europe, he was quickly summoned to a breakfast with Secretary of State Kissinger and then met with President Ford. Helms was also expected to testify on Capitol Hill, where the question of perjury has been raised in connection with his numerous denials of illegal CIA domestic surveillance. And some suspected that he might well lose his diplomatic post before long."

HOWARD J. OSBORN:

June 27, 2007, Washington Post, 'The Keeper of Secrets Earned His Reputation': ""Mr. Helms instructed me to restrict knowledge of the existence of the letter to an absolute minimum number of people." So said Howard J. Osborn, the CIA's director of security, in a sworn affidavit that sat for decades in the agency's secret files until it was released yesterday. ... In this case, Osborn reported that James W. McCord Jr., the head of the Watergate burglary team and Osborn's predecessor as the CIA's chief of security, had written a letter in August 1972 to Helms. Osborn, according to his affidavit, said he "felt strongly" that it should be turned over to the FBI, which was supposedly conducting a rigorous investigation of Watergate. ... McCord's letter to the CIA could have been important evidence; according to later testimony, he was seeking assistance from the CIA, where he had worked for decades, and was on the verge of blowing the whistle about Watergate, as he did months later in a famous March 21, 1973, letter to Judge John J. Sirica. ... The CIA of that era was the perfect Watergate enabler, as these new documents suggest in telling detail. The White House wants a lock-picker. McCord threatens to tell all. The CIA keeps mum."

September 18, 1977, Washington Post, 'Hunt Claims Authorship of CIA Article': "In its October issue, More says Helms gave Hunt information about Soviet syping prepared by Howard J. Osborn, the CIA's chief of security, and asked him to write an article. "When the director called me up and says, 'I've got a couple of files here. I want you to do a story about 800 words and I'll try it out on Cy Sulzberger,' I do it," Hunt told More. Osborn, now retired from the CIA, said the column "has the ring of truth to it. This would be the type of thing I would report to Helms on.""

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Asa E. Phillips Jr. of Ogunquit, Maine, and Washington, D.C., an attorney who helped draw the United Nations charter, died Sunday in Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston. He was 83. Born in Washington, Mr. Phillips graduated from Phillips Exeter Academy, Harvard College, and Harvard School of Law. He served briefly as an officer in the Navy during World War II before becoming chief counsel of the compliance division of the war production board. He then was an assistant to secretaries of state E.R. Stettinius Jr. and James F. Byrnes, whom he assisted in drawing the UN charter from the Dunbarton Oaks …

Source(s): American Security Council, Benefactors page, Executive Associate (December 2010)

Following his graduation, Pickens was employed by Phillips Petroleum. He worked for Phillips until 1954. In 1956, following his period as a wildcatter, he founded the company that would later become Mesa Petroleum. By 1981, Mesa had grown into one of the largest independent oil companies in the world. Pickens led Mesa's first major acquisition, a takeover of the Hugoton Production Company, which was 30 times the size of Mesa. Pickens corporate acquisitions made him a celebrity during the 'deal-making' 1980s. His most publicized deals included attempted buyouts of Cities Service, Gulf Oil, Phillips Petroleum, and Unocal. In 1997 Pickens founded BP Capital Management (then called BP Energy Fund) — the initials standing for "Boone Pickens" and not related to British Petroleum. He holds a 46% interest in the company which runs two hedge funds, Capital Commodity and Capital Equity, both of which invest primarily in traditional energy companies such as oil, natural gas, and nuclear power corporations like Occidental Petroleum, Transocean, Suncor, Halliburton, Schlumberger, Fluor, Chevron, McMoRan, and Shaw Group. November 30, 2005, Amarillo Globe News, 'Where's Cheney? We think he's here visiting Pickens': "Word was that Vice President Dick Cheney landed in Pampa on Tuesday afternoon for a visit with T. Boone Pickens, who owns a home in southern Roberts County. ... Jennifer Mayfield, an administrator in the vice president's office, said Cheney was in Texas for a few days and would return to the office Friday. Pickens, chairman and chief executive officer of Mesa Inc., is an oil entrepreneur and also has been involved in projects attempting to sell Panhandle groundwater. Jay Rosser, Pickens' media representative, said he was unable to comment on the vice president's schedule. Pickens could not be reached for comment." If you are unfamiliar with Pickens, he is an energy maverick and his fund returned 300% in 2005. He is a big advocate of Peak Oil Theory and runs an energy-centric hedge fund based in Dallas, Texas. Although he typically holds numerous positions in oil, he is also big on alternative energy (except ethanol) and has numerous holdings there as well. He most recently advocated a large natural gas position and has additionally made a big bet on wind energy. Since 1980, Pickens has made over $5 million in political donations. He was a financial supporter of President George W. Bush and contributed heavily to both his Texas and national political campaigns. In 2004, Pickens contributed to Republican 527 groups, including a $2 million contribution to the Swift Vets and POWs for Truth which ran an advertising campaign asserting that Bush's rival, John Kerry, and $2.5 million to the Progress for America advocacy group. In 2005, Pickens was among 53 entities that contributed the maximum of $250,000 to Bush's second inauguration. On July 16, 2007, Pickens wrote an article for the National Review supporting Rudy Giuliani for President. Pickens chaired the celebration of the 40th anniversary of the American Spectator, a conservative U.S. monthly magazine covering news and politics. Since 2005, Pickens has been married to Madeleine Pickens, the widow of Allen E. Paulson who founded Gulfstream Aerospace.

Source(s): November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation', p. 3 (written by ASC founder)

Motorola vice president and former assistant Director of the FBI.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Member faculty Harvard University, 1950—1996, professor history, 1958-75, Frank B. Baird Junior professor history, 1975-96, Baird professor emeritus, 1996-98, Baird Research Professor, 1998-2001, Baird professor emeritus, 2001—. Fellow Am. Council Learned Societies, 1965, Center for Advanced Study in Behavioral Scis., Stanford, California, 1969—1970; associate director Russian Research Center, 1962—1964, director, 1968—1973; senior consultant Stanford Rsch Institute, 1973—1978; director East European and Soviet affairs National Security Council, 1981—1982; lecturer Norwegian Nobel Peace Institute, Oslo, 1993. Chairman Government Team B to Rev. Intelligence Estimates, 1976; member Reagan transition team Department State, 1980; executive member Committee on Present Danger, 1977—1992. Fellow: Academy Arts and Scis.; mem.: Polish Academy, Council Foreign Relations.

Professor at Harvard 1950-96. Consultant to Sen. Henry Jackson, discovered by Richard Perle. Member Committee on the Present Danger 1977-1992. Chair “Team B”, which selected leading neoconservatives (selected Wolfowitz at the recommendation of Perle). Jonathan Institute 1979. Director East European & Soviet Affairs at the NSC 1981-82. Anti-Soviet author. Former member of the National Advisory Council of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, together with Jack Kemp, Senator Claiborne Pell, Senator Bob Dol and Cercle participants Edwin Feulner, Jeane Kirkpatrick, Brian Crozier and Zbigniew Brzezinski. Member Benador Associates, with Lord Lamont, Alexander Haig, Paul Vallely, James Woolsey and Richard Perle. His son, Daniel Pipes, has become a leading neoconservative war mongerer and was involved with PNAC. His son also was an advisor to the campaign of Rudolf Giuliani in 2008. On July 16, 2002, Daniel Pipes wrote in The New York Post that the differences between the United States and Europeans over the coming invasion of Iraq represented a part of a long term shift rather than a temporary event. He argued that differences were "likely to grow with time" and that "Americans need pay it less and less attention" while instead looking "increasingly to countries outside Europe... for meaningful military alliances."

September 9, 2004, ACPC member Richard Pipes in a New York Times article called 'Give the Chechens a land of their own': "A clever arrangement secured by the Russian security chief, Gen. Alexander Lebed, in 1996 granted the Chechens de facto sovereignty while officially they remained Russian citizens. Peace ensued. It was broken by several terrorist attacks on Russian soil, which the authorities blamed on the Chechens (although many skeptics attributed them to Russian security agencies eager to create a pretext to bring Chechnya back into the fold)... This history makes clear how the events in Russia differ from 9/11. The attacks on New York and the Pentagon were unprovoked and had no specific objective. Rather, they were part of a general assault of Islamic extremists bent on destroying non-Islamic civilizations. As such, America's war with Al Qaeda is non-negotiable. But the Chechens do not seek to destroy Russia - thus there is always an opportunity for compromise... Russia, the largest country on earth, can surely afford to let go of a tiny colonial dependency, and ought to do so without delay."

May 6, 1980, The Gleaner, 'Soviets and terrorism': "The Jonathan Institute of Jerusalem, Israel, has published a pamphlet on "International Terrorism: The Soviet Connection". The pamphlet consists of a number of presentations made at the Jerusalem Conference on International Terrorism held July 2-5 last year... The first contributor, professor Richard Pipes [ASC] of Harvard, ... stated "The Soviet Union has enjoyed great success with terror and profited from it in many ways... We must expose its support of terrorism as widely as possible, and make the public aware of Soviet complicity... Brian Crozier [Le Cercle], Director of the Institute for the Study of Conflict in London [and still chairman of Le Cercle], discussed the direct support that the Soviet Union has given to terrorist movements... Mr Crozier declared that the Soviets have provided training for terrorists within the USSR. He goes on to note the use of proxies by the Soviets Libya for example benefited from one of the biggest arms deals in history, an estimated $12 billion worth of arms were sold here by the Soviets in 1976... The other contributors, Ray S. Cline [ASC], Executive Director of the Centre for Strategic Studies at Georgetown University, Robert Moss [Le Cercle], Editor of the Economist Foreign Report, Congressman Jack Kemp [ASC], Major General George J. Keegan [ASC], and Senator Henry Jackson [ASC]also look closely at Soviet involvement in terrorism."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Herminio Portell Vila, a Cuban historian of Cuban-United States relations who taught Fidel Castro, gave him some unheeded advice and left Cuba after the rebel leader seized power, died on Monday at his home in Miami. He was 90 years old.

Source(s): Who's Who (regular member)

Born in 1937. Structures engineer Rockwell International, Los Angeles, 1959-60; senior project engineer General Dynamics Corp., San Diego, 1960-92; retired, 1992—. Fellow American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics (associate, treasurer 1970-71, Outstanding Contributor award 1969); member National Management Association, Am. Security Council. Clubs: U.S. Senatorial (Washington). Republican.

Source(s): November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation', p. 7 (written by ASC founder): Dr. Edward Teller and Dr. Stefan Possony were added to the National Strategy Committee in 1962 during the Cuban Missile Crisis (the board now supposedly represented a mixture of "knowledgeable liberals, moderates and conservatives"); American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Born in Vienna. Earned a doctorate in history and economics at the University of Vienna. Left Austria for Paris in 1939. After working as an adviser to the French foreign and air ministries, drawing up a target list in Germany for the French Air Force and helping with propaganda broadcasts to Austria, Possony again escaped, this time to the US - where he continued with the broadcasts - just before the fall of France in 1940. In 1940, he came to the United States and worked as an officer and analyst for naval intelligence during and after World War II. A highly original strategic thinker, he built his wartime reputation as an advocate of the strategic bombing of industrial targets, working at the Princeton Institute for Advanced Studies and later the Pentagon. Rather than carpet-bombing cities, Possony advocated targeting industrial bottlenecks, likeball-bearings manufacturers and oil refineries, without which a modern war machine could not function. He also served on the committee which drafted the proposal to the Japanese emperor on the declaration of surrender, which led to a lifelong interest in the psychological utility of monarchies in the modern nation state. In the fifties he was one of the key figures drawing up strategic targets in the Soviet Union. He later helped to define the targeting rationale of first and second, and even subsequent, nuclear strikes. Served as a specialist on the Soviet Union and communism for the Air Force and as a consultant to the Eisenhower Administration. He was the author of "A Century of Conflict: Communist Techniques of World Revolution" (Regnery, 1953) and "A Forward Strategy for America," with Robert Strausz-Hupe and William Kintner (Regnery, 1961), in which the authors expressed their concern that the United States was losing the cold war. The book rejected coexistence as a foreign policy, and argued for “a strategy of active pressures directed against the communist bloc,” wherever it was seen to be vulnerable. In 1961 he became a senior fellow and director of international political studies at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University. He was given emeritus status in 1985. From his new base at Stanford's Hoover Institution, Possony tried but failed to get the US to promote the exiled monarchies of eastern Europe during the cold war. He had more success with his insistence that the Pope would be a key figure in propaganda efforts in eastern Europe. In 1965, he wrote a much-noted study urging a "forward strategy" to win the war in Vietnam. Among other things, it proposed a commitment of "sufficient American ground forces" to do "the necessary job." In 1965, Congressional investigators asked him to testify on the radicalization of the American campus in light of the student disorders at the University of California at Berkeley. Communists, he told the lawmakers, had turned such scenes into a "spectator sport," but said he doubted that they could control the "radicalinskis" who had forced the pace. First devised the concept of a space-based system of anti-missile defences in 1973, and was one of the most influential civilian strategic planners in the Pentagon. Possony's concept of using directed-energy weapons from space caught the imagination of Ronald Reagan, then beginning his long campaign for the presidency. And Possony's constant campaign that the US and the West should use their technological supremacy to aim for victory in the cold war became a theme of the Reagan years. Almost unknown to the public, Possony's influence in the Pentagon and among conservative civilian theorists was very strong. Fittingly for a man whose strategic ideas came close to science fiction, Possony's most influential book, The Strategy Of Technology, was written with the science fiction writer Jerry Pournelle. The book acquired cult status in the Pentagon and the rarified world of new weapons systems, and helped inspire that aspect of the Strategic Defence Initiative which is now closest to achievement, "Brilliant Pebbles" - little more than a precise optical-sensing system heavy and fast enough to destroy whatever it hit by kinetic energy. Some of Possony's campaigns as a Pentagon civilian intelligence adviser - such as his proposal to destroy the North Vietnamese army divisions surrounding the Khe Sanh outpost with three megatons of nuclear weapons - fortunately did not succeed. And some of his strategic theories were wrong, or at least mistimed. In 1972, he started with a modest newsletter what later became a small empire of defence and foreign affairs publications. The second edition predicted that Egypt's Anwar Sadat was about to evict the Soviet military advisers. Mocked by the US intelligence establishment, the prediction was fulfilled within six months. In 1982, he suggested that the Sino-Soviet split, if it ever had been as serious as Western analysts assumed, was close to being healed. The Soviet Union would be able to bring the bulk of its 50 divisions from the Siberian front to Europe, giving it the conventional capacity to defeat Nato. Simultaneously, China would be encouraged to build up its navy and invade Taiwan. Although wrong at the time, Possony's belief that China would develop a maritime strategy is being vindicated. Director WACL U.S.

Director Council for the Defense of Freedom (founded as the Council Against Communist Agression in 1951 (due to the Korean War) by Arthur G. McDowell, a director of International Labor Relations of the Upholsterers' International Union of North America. His CACA was set up with funding from the Upholsterers Union. In 1980 the CACA changed it name to Council for the Defense of Freedom). Sen. William Dannemeyer (of the CNP and Andy Messing's National Defense Council Foundation) was a director.

Thought Oswald was a KGB agent.

November 21, 1983, Washington Post, 'Kid With a Chemistry Set Blooms as an Eclectic Entrepreneur': "Like warning flags, nameplates for six of the companies with which Carl Schleicher is associated deck the door of his office overlooking the Silver Spring Metro station. They have names such as Mankind Research Unlimited Inc. ... There are other warning flags: * These companies' products have included a device for converting sunlight into electricity to zap plants into growing faster, a technique for depicting an unexplained aura around animate objects, and a system designed to ease learning large amounts of material by piping recordings of music in one ear while the material to be learned is going in the other. ... * Some of these products have found buyers. Among them is a device that helps patients with neuromuscular problems to walk by electrically stimulating muscles (purchasers include a Veterans Administration hospital) and an electric stud finder imported from Germany and adapted to ferret out concealed weapons and letter bombs (purchasers include law enforcement agencies and embassies). * He does hold patents, including one for the Sunstick, the plant-stimulation device. ... Schleicher was graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy in 1956, served in the Navy for 10 years in communications electronics and then worked for area research and development companies before acquiring Mankind Research Unlimited in 1974 from D.C.-based Syscon Corp., which had formed it as a subsidiary to develop new programs and technologies. Among his other privately held companies is the Center for Preventive Therapy and Rehabilitation Inc., which was spun off from Mankind Research to engage in holistic medicine, an approach to health care that treats all aspects of the patient as a functioning whole, beginning with conception. There also is a nonprofit Mankind Research Foundation to develop inventions. Schleicher says that neither he nor the other three directors draw salaries from the foundation. He also started Solartherm Inc. in 1978 to manufacture and sell solar energy products, but it was merged into Baltimore-based Solar Energy Systems Inc. this spring. Schleicher said that he got overextended, and "I'm basically an R&D research and development person, and they had a management team that can do it.""

(Weberman, A.J., "The Story of Mankind Research Unlimited, Inc.", CoverAction Information Bulletin, #9, 6/80, pg 15-21)

Director of Mankind Research Unlimited. Among the other reported directors was Berthold Eric Schwartz:

Expert on the effects of LSD on hypnotically-induced seizures. Ufologist, and has written on the link between UFO contactees and psychic phenomena. As of 11/94, semi-retired.

As a valued member of the United States Psychotronics Assn., Schleicher had access to a wide range of the most innovative minds imaginable. As a former intelligence agent, he had access to classified materials and experts. Associates included Dr. Eldon A. Byrd, Dr. Stanley Krippner, Dr. Georgi Lozanov, Dr. Emanuel Revici, Christopher Bird, Stefan Possony, physicist Richard Alan Miller.

Possony spoke at two conferences of the Fusion Energy Foundation in the 1970s. Through Possony, Larouche tried to bring Edward Teller into the FEF.

As in many historic cases of pseudo-science, the motives of critics were impugned to divert attention from theoretical and research flaws. This is where the LaRouchians played their most insidious role. In an atmosphere in which a scientist as important as Roy Woodruff could be demoted at Lawrence Livermore for questioning dubious data, hundreds of Fusion and EIR articles accused SDI critics—or persons such as General Graham, who advocated technological approaches different from Teller's—of being unpatriotic or worse. Although Teller himself denounced an especially nasty EIR attack on Graham, many SDI supporters continued to chat with the LaRouchians (for instance, Dr. Robert Jastrow, who told a Fusion reporter in 1984 that it would take a psychologist to explain the attitudes of anti-SDI scientists).

WACL?

Director American-Chilean Council. Director American Council for World Freedom.

with L. Francis Bouchey, 'International Terrorism: The Communist Connection'.

Staff member of Mankind Research Unlimited, a Washington, D.C., CIA-funded, Psychic Warfare Think Tank. Mankind Research Unlimited was headed by Karl Schleicher.

Source(s): Member of the original National Strategy Committee: November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (written by ASC founder)

1905-1970. Son of Thomas S. and Mary (Rice) P. Entered service, 1928; grad. A. C. Primary Flying Sch., 1928. Advanced Flying Sch., 1929; LL.D., U. Akron, 1963, Creighton University, 1964, Saint Mary’s College, 1964; married to Mae Ayre, Apr. 3, 1936. Commd. 2d lt. advanced through grades to gen. USAF, 1957; pilot N. Africa, Italy, 1942—43; comdr. 314th bomb wing 21st Bomb Command, 1944—45; asst. chief staff operations U.S. Strategic Air Forces, 1945; asst. dep. task force comdr. for air Operation Crossroads, Bikini Atoll, 1946; dep. asst. chief air staff operations USAF hdqrs., 1947; vice comdr. SAC, 1948—54; comdr. air reserach and devel. command, 1954—57; comdr.—in—chief SAC, Offutt AFB, Neb., 1957—64, dir. Joint Strategic Target Planning Staff, 1960—64, dir. Joint Strategic Target Planning Staff, 1960—64; retired, 1964; vice chmn. bd. Eversharp, Inc.; dir. Hedge Fund of Am., Inc., Summit Capital Fund, Inc., Bucyrus—Erie, Inc. Decorated Distinguished Service medal (2), Silver Star, Legion of lferit with oak leaf cluster, D.F.C., Bronze Star Medal, Air Medal with oak leaf cluster, Commendation Ribbon with one cluster, Croix de Guerre with palm; recipient H. H. Arnold award Air Force Assn., 1959; named Knight St. Sylvester with grand cross by Pope Paul, 1964. Author: Design for Survival, 1965. Home: Palm Desert, Cal. Executive of Schick Safety Razor Co. .

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Democrat Congressman from Illinois.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; Member of the original National Strategy Committee: November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (written by ASC founder)

1896-1973. Commanded carrier groups during WWII. Commander of the U.S. Pacific Fleet 1949-1953. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under Eisenhower. Continued to advise Presidents Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson after his retirement. Member of the Draper Committee. Supporter of Col. Sleeper's Project Control. Member of the 1958 Draper Committee with William H. Draper and John McCloy. Appointed to the advisory committee of the Foreign Policy Research Institute in 1958.

Grad. U.S. Naval Acad., 1916; commd. ensign U.S. Navy, 1916, advanced through grades to adm., 1949; duty Atlantic and Pacific Fleets, 1918-19; flight tng. Naval Air Sta., Pensacola, Fla., 1920; with Bur. Aero., Navy Dept., 1921-23; joined Aircraft Squadrons, Battle Fleet, and subsequently served in air units attached to U.S.S. Colorado and U.S.S. Pennsylvania; duty Naval Air Sta., San Diego, 1927-29; then officer charge Alaskan Aerial Survey, 6 months; assigned U.S.S. Saratoga, 1929-30; aide and flag sec. on staff, comdr. aircraft Battle Force, U.S. Fleet, 1931-32; assigned Bur. Aeron., 1932-35, then served as navigator U.S.S. Wright; assigned U.S.S. Saratoga, 1936-37; comdr. Naval Air Sta., Seattle, 1937-40; at sea in U.S.S. Yorktown, 1940-41; dir. aviation tng., Bur. Aero. 1941-43; assigned Pacific, 1943-44; asst. dept. chief naval operations for air, Navy Dept., 1944 (acting dept. June-July 1944); various commands, 1945-49; comdr. in chief Pacific and U.S. Pacific Fleet, and high comdr. Trust Ty., 1949; comdr. Philippine-Formosa Area, 1952; chmn. Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1953-57; retired, 1957; cons. devel. fgn. and domestic business Bankers Trust Co., from 1957; dir. U.S. Freight Co., Molybdenum Corp. Am., Witco Chem. Co., Decorated D.S.M. with gold star, Legion of Merit with gold star, Victory medal, Atlantic Fleet clasp, American Def. Service medal, Fleet clasp, Asiatic-Pacific area campaign medal, World War II Victory medal: companion Order of Bath (Eng.). Home: Washington D.C

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1882-1961. Democratic lawmaker from Bonham, Texas, who served as the Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives for 17 years, the longest tenure in U.S. history.

Source(s): November 19, 1984, Christian Science Monitor, 'Pentagon view of Nicaragua, arms control debate': "the President warmly welcomed representatives of the American Security Council Foundation and the Coalition for Peace Through Strength (of which Mr. Reagan was an early member) to a White House reception."

Long-time member ASC or CPTS before election as president.

March 23, 1981, Time. 'Freeing the CIA': "Spooks want to spy at home During the Viet Nam era, the Central Intelligence Agency collected files on 7,200 American citizens, as it and the FBI tried to link domestic dissenters with foreign plots—an activity that it was not empowered to pursue. After Watergate, and the disclosure of CIA misdeeds, Presidents Ford and Carter issued Executive orders to curb the agency's activities and protect American civil liberties. But Ronald Reagan's election has evidently emboldened the CIA to try to roll back some restrictions. Under consideration is a proposed Executive order that, if signed by the President, would give the CIA extensive domestic power. The proposal, believed to have been drafted by mid-level career CIA agents, would permit the agency to undertake covert operations within the U.S. and, in fact, spy on American citizens. The CIA would no longer be required to collect information by the "least intrusive means possible," thus making possible warrantless searches, surreptitious entries and infiltration of political organizations. The push for a new Executive order has been made in the name of combatting terrorism. At a National Security Council meeting held during the first two weeks of the new Administration, some participants stressed that limits put on the CIA had prevented the agency from following suspected terrorists once they had entered the U.S. Criticism of the proposed order has been sharp. Says Don Edwards, chairman of the House Civil and Constitutional Rights Subcommittee: "This draft order would put the CIA back in the business of domestic spying." The FBI does not like the proposal because it would reduce the bureau's traditional jurisdiction over domestic counterintelligence. Attorney General William French Smith is determined to maintain Justice Department supervision of the CIA. Even top CIA figures have not endorsed the proposal. Vice Admiral Bobby Inman, the agency's deputy director, announced that if "repugnant changes" were made to existing limitations on the CIA, he would resign. It is doubtful that such "repugnant changes" will occur. Insiders believe that Reagan's final Executive order will be less restrictive than Carter's, but more protective of American freedoms than last week's draft proposal. Interestingly enough, Ronald Reagan, then a private citizen and former Governor, was a member of the presidential commission headed by Vice President Nelson Rockefeller in 1975 that recommended many of the present restrictions. The commission's conclusion: "Presidents should refrain from directing the CIA to perform what are essentially internal security tasks.""

Source(s): 2008, Glen Yeadon, John Hawkins, 'The Nazi Hydra in America: Suppressed History of a Century'. p. 161: "William Regnery also was one of the founders of the American Security Council; his son, Henry, later replaced him. The American Security Council had a great influence on the Reagan administration, and on many of the more hotly debated issues of the 1950s-1980s. Regnery and two other isolationalists began broadcasting "Human Events" and, in 1947, started Regnery Publishing. Interestingly enough, the first two titles publsihed by Regnery were critical of the Nuremberg Trials. The third was another pro-Nazi book attacking the Allied air campaign. In 1954, Regnery published two books for the John Birch Society. He also was the publisher of William F. Buckley Jr.'s God and man at Yale. According to Howard Hunt, the CIA subsidized Regnery Publishing because of its pro-Nazi stance. Henry Regnery and Bunker Hunt funded Western Goals..."

Seemingly the fater of Henry Regnery (1912–1996). Deeply involved in the America First Committee with family. Henry became the founder of the Conservative publishing company Henry Regnery & Co.

KEN STARR (of Monica Lewinsky fame) was a friend of the late Henry Regnery and is a friend of ALFRED REGNERY, Henry's son. ALFRED'S grandfather, William Regnery was a founder of the American Security Council and an important financier of the America First Committee.

In the 1950's, Regnery Publishing was subsidized by the Central Intelligence Agency, according to Howard Hunt, as was Fredrick Praeger Publishing and Fodor's travel guides. Henry Regnery funded Western Goals, and organization headed by Dan Smoot. In 1955 Smoot left H.L. Hunt's operation and established the Dan Smoot Report along with Jew hater Gerald L.K. Smith.

Regnery published these titles: Inquisition : The Persecution and Prosecution of the Reverend Sun Myung Moon by Carlton Sherwood. Regnery also published the work of fascist Ezra Pound. He has also published Alexander Lebed. When LINDA TRIPP secretly taped conversations in which her young friend Monica Lewinsky claimed to have had an affair with the president, she tried to sell a book about the Clinton White House for as much as $500,000, to Regenery Press. The book was offered to Regnery in mid-1996 by New York agent LUCIANNE GOLDBERG.

Friedrich A. Hayek, Individualism and Economic Order (Chicago, Illinois: Henry Regnery Co., 1948)

Back Door to War: The Roosevelt Foreign Policy, 1933-1941 - by Charles Callan Tansill - Henry Regnery Co., Chicago - 1952

Ludwig von Mises, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics, 3rd revised edition (Chicago, Illinois: Henry Regnery Company, 1963)

"Anatomy of a Phenomenon, Unidentified Objects in Space - A Scientific Appraisal," Henry Regnery Co., Chicago, 1965. Jacques Vallee.

VALLEE, JACQUES & JANINE Challenge To Science; The UFO Enigma Chicago, Regnery 1966]

BOWEN, CHARLES (ED.) The Humanoids 1969

J Allen Hynek's The UFO Experience: A Scientific Inquiry was originally published by Henry Regnery Co. in 1972. [critical of the Condon Report]

HYNEK, J. ALLEN What You Should Know About UFOs Health Research The Edge Of Reality : A Progress Report On Unidentified Flying Objects Chicago : Regnery, c1975. The Hynek UFO Report Pine Brook,Dell Publishing, 1977

Passport to Magonia: From Folklore to Flying Saucers. Chicago, IL, U.S.A.: Publ. Henry Regnery Co.. 1969.

Schreiber, Flora Rheta. Sybil. Chicago, IL: Henry Regnery Co., 1973. a 1973 book by Flora Rheta Schreiber about the treatment of Sybil Dorsett (a pseudonym for Shirley Ardell Mason) for dissociative identity disorder (then referred to as multiple personality disorder) by her psychoanalyst, Cornelia B. Wilbur. The book was made into two movies of the same name, once in 1976 and again as a television movie in 2007.

DRAKE, RAYMOND W. Gods & Spacemen In The Ancient East

1973 Extraterrestrial Visitations From Prehistoric To Present

Harold Sharfman, Jews on the Frontier, Henry Regnery Co., 1977

The Directory of the Occult, Hans Holzer (UFOnauts), 1974

In Darkest Germany (1947)

Source(s): Online Archive of California, Henry Regnery Papers, "Box/Folder 3 : 10: American Security Council, 1957-1967"; various sources mention that Henry followed up his father at the ASC; Director Institute for American Strategy (later ASCF) on an August 12, 1960 IAS document.

His son, Henry Francis Regnery Jr., died in a 1979 plane crash.

Another son, Alfred S. Regnery: Publisher of American Spectator since 2003. Advisory board Jamestown Foundation. Young Americans for Freedom. American Foreign Policy Council. McCain 2000. McCain-Palin Victory 2008.

Alfred Regnery's cousin, William Regnery II, is founder of the Charles Martel Society, named for an eighth-century Christian warrior who defeated a Muslim army, thus, in the Martel Society's view, preserving Europe for Christian civilization. The group publishes The Occidental Quarterly, promoting anti-immigration policies so enthusiastically it has been listed by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a white supremacist organization. William Regnery has also attempted to start a dating service for "heterosexual whites of Christian cultural heritage".

Source(s): Who's Who (advisory board since 1981)

Research assistant University Tennessee Space Institute, Tullahoma, 1972-76; principal analyst Teledyne Brown Engineering, Huntsville, Alabama, 1976-78; senior analyst Science Applications International (SAIC), 1978-82; senior member tech. staff Mitre Corp., Colorado Springs, Colorado, 1982-83; senior engineer analyst Science Applications International (SAIC), Huntsville, 1983-84; project manager Systems Development Corp., Dayton, Ohio, 1984-85; business associate Booz Allen & Hamilton Inc., 1985-87; project director Bell Technical Operations (taken over by Dyncorp), Sierra Vista, Arizona, 1987-90; partner Ricco-Thompson Consultant Engineers, 1990-92, Gazelle Affiliates, Sierra Vista, 1992—; senior engineer, scientist SAIC, 1992-95; principal scientist Anteon Corp. (became General Dynamics Information Technology in 2006), 1995—. Member adv. board Am. Security Council, Arlington, Virginia, 1981—.

Source(s): 1967, American Security Council national strategy committee report, 'The changing strategic military balance, U.S.A. vs. U.S.S.R.', a study prepared for the House Armed Services Committee, pp. 8-9: “[Introduction letter] Signed, General Bernard A. Schriever, USAF (Ret.), Chairman. General Paul D. Adams, USA (Ret.). Lt. General Edward M. Almond, USA (Ret.). Prof. James D. Atkinson. Admiral Robert L. Dennison, USN (Ret.). Vice Admiral Elton Watters Grenfell, USN (Ret.). Admiral Ben Moreell,CEC, USN (Ret.). Dr. Stefan T. Possony. General Thomas S. Power, USAF (Ret.). Brig. General Robert C. Richardson, USAF (Ret.). Vice Admiral W. A. Schoech, USN (Ret.). General Bernard A. Schriever, UAF (Ret.). Dr. Edward Teller. Rear Admiral Chester C. Ward, USN (Ret.). General Albert C. Wedemeyer, USA (Ret.). Major General W. A. Worton, USMC (Ret.).": 1988, Russ Bellant, 'Old Nazis, the new right, and the Republican party', p. 51: "When the ASC put together the "In Defense of America" project, they assembled a strategy board for the ASC Foundation. It included two former directors of covert operations of the CIA, and two former intelligence operatives involved in organizations aiding the illegal shipments of lethal material to libya under the direction of former CIA operatives Edmund Wilson and Frank Terpil. One of the operatives involved in the Wilson-Terpil arms trade was Brig. Gen. (retired) Robert C. Richardson III. He was Vice-President of Consultants International from 1973-77, a front company used in the Lybian operations. ... he is an associate of Roger Pearson. ... Black and Richardson also serve on the ASC National Strategy Committee."; Wikipedia (associate editor of the ASC's Journal of Intl Relations.);

Born in 1918. Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army, 1939; advanced through grades to brigadier general US Air Force, 1960; squadron comdg. officer Ascension Island, 1942-43; (Army Air Force Board), Orlando, Florida, 1943- 44; assigned U.K. and France, 1944-45; comdg. officer 365th Fighter Group, 9th Air Force, 1945-46; assigned joint war plans committee Joint Chiefs Staff, NATO, 1946-49, Washington and Paris, 1949-54; U.S. military rep. European Defense Community, 1954-55; comdg. officer 83d and 4th Fighter Wing, Tactical Air Command, 1956-58; assigned plans div. Hdqrs. US Air Force, 1958-61; military rep. NATO Council Paris, 1962-64; deputy chief staff for sci. and tech. Air Force Systems Command, 1964-66; deputy Commander, field command Defense Atomic Support Agency Sandia Base, 1966-67, retired, 1967; senior associate Schriever & McKee Assos., Inc., 1967-70; policy consultant, president Encabulator Corp., 1970-80; president Global Activities Ltd. Vice president Consultants International Inc., 1973-77; deputy director High Frontier Inc., 1981—; president Exim Corp., 1977-82. Contributor numerous articles on atomic warfare, NATO, strategy and concepts. Board directors, sec./treas. Am. Cause, 1975-80, Security and Intelligence Fund, 1977-90; executive director Am. Foreign Policy Institute, 1976-86; board directors, sec.-treas. Space Transportation Association, 1991—.

June 14, 1981, New York Times, 'The Qaddafi connection': "Wilson went to work for the C.I.A.'s Office of Security in 1951 and, after serving in the Marines, became a full-time C.I.A. contract employee in 1955. In the late 60's, he helped organize a Washington firm called Consultants International Inc. for the C.I.A. and the Navy. The firm's ostensible purpose was to conduct export-import operations, but that function was a cover for classified intelligence operations. Over the next few years, his intelligence activities were combined and mingled with his private operations. He hired a number of associates, many of them with military or intelligence backgrounds, and, according to Federal officials, was routinely receiving huge kickbacks from American manufacturers and foreign governments on his procurement contracts. The men working for him were convinced that he was still active in C.I.A. intelligence operations. ''I thought he was reporting directly to the President,'' one former associate recalls. ''Ed still must be sanctioned by the U.S. Government. The people I met were impressive.All of a sudden I'm on a first-name basis with big names in Congress and the Senate. It was always like the Government was supporting us.'' Robert Keith Gray, an influential public-relations man known for his close ties to the Eisenhower, Nixon and Reagan Administrations, was among those listed as a member of the board of Consultants International for five years, beginning in 1970. However, Gray, who served as co-chairman of Reagan's Inaugural Committee, expressed surprise in an interview upon being told of his official listing. ''I never knew I was on the board,'' Gray said. ''I never was invited to a board meeting.'' He acknowledged that he has had a social and business relationship with Wilson, whom he described as ''charming and very much a red-blooded American.'' In 1971, Wilson dropped his C.I.A. connection and was a part of Task Force 157, a secret Navy intelligence unit that employed 50 to 75 agents to monitor and collect information on Soviet shipping. It reported not only on routine cargo items but also watched for the covert shipment of military goods and nuclear weapons. The unit also was charged with the responsibility of picking up intelligence operatives from Taiwan and secretly ferrying them inside mainland China, where they would implant sensitive seismic monitors and radio equipment. Those operations were stopped after President Richard M. Nixon's visit to Peking in 1972, and C.I.A. officials were astonished to learn later that some of the sensitive equipment, designed solely for use inside China, was appearing for sale in the international arms market."

1986 affidavit of Daniel Sheehan: "Some were set up inside the United States by Edwin Wilson. Some of these were: (6) Orca Supply Company in Florida and (7) Consultants International in Washington, D.C.. Through these corporations, members of Theodore Shackley's "Secret Team" laundered hundreds of millions of dollars of secret Vang Pao opium money pilfered Foreign Military Sales proceeds between 1976 and 1979."

By the Winter of 1977-78 Angleton became one of two Associate Editors of the Journal of International Relations under General Editor Roger Pearson. The other Associate Editor was Gen. Robert C. Richardson III; the Publisher was John Fisher, President of the American Security Council.

2005, Joseph J. Trento, 'Prelude to Terror', p. 143: "The Israelis needed reassurance about his operations and his sources, especially Wilson. Angleton would be able to tell his Israeli associates if Shackley and his cohorts were playing it straight with them. Angleton had the perfect resource in an old friend, General Robert Richardson [ASC], who ran Exim, one of Wilson’s companies supplying Libya. Angleton’s courting of Wilson began in 1977 and continued up until Wilson’s indictment in 1980. Wilson said, “Old General Richardson was a real close friend of Angleton’s. About once a week he’s say, ‘Come on, Eddie, go to lunch with Angleton at the Army Navy Club.’” When Wilson’s name first surfaced in the investigations by the CIA Inspector General and the Office of Security, Angleton offered Wilson some advice: he suggested that Shackley was playing him for a fool. But Wilson ignored most of it. In retrospect, Wilson admits that when “I first had this trouble out there … Angleton was really trying to help me.” Angleton also warned Wilson that Erich von Marbod was not his friend, but again Wilson did not listen. “I drifted off and he drifted off. Richardson stuck with me as long as he could. He really tried to help. Angleton was right; he was on the right track.”"

Roger Pearson, an anthropologist known for strong, sympathetic views on racism and former chairperson of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), was an editorial associate of the ASC's Journal of Intl Relations. (21) Pearson's associate editors were James Jesus Angleton, a former CIA agent well known for his anti-Soviet conspiracy theories, and General Robert C. Richardson III, executive director of the American Foreign Policy Institute. (22)

January 30, 1979, EIR, 'Haig, Kennedy: A rigged choice': "This scenario was spelled out in a recent interview by a close personal friend of Haig's, Bob Richardson of the American Security Council .... "

He was also at Institut Europeen pour la Paix et la Securite.

Winter 1986, issue 25, Covert Action Information Bulletin, 'Knights of Darkness - The Sovereign Military Order of Malta', pp. 27-28: "By the Winter of 1977-78 Angleton became one of two Associate Editors of the Journal of International Relations under General Editor Roger Pearson. The other Associate Editor was Gen. Robert C. Richardson III; the Publisher was John Fisher, President of the American Security Council. Pearson is perhaps the most important neo-Nazi contact and racist propagandist in the U.S. today and had been a former Editor of Willis Carto's Western Destiny. According to Replica of January 1978, when the Executive Committee of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) met December 10 and 11, 1977 to plan for their upcoming conference in Washington D. C., ''The main speaker was ..... General Robert C. Richardson III who delivered a brilliant speech on the theme of USA-USSR nuclear balance ...... [and] ......... Dr. Roger Pearson [President of North American Regional WACL and later President and host of WACL in 1978] also made a brilliant exposition." ... According to Joseph C. Goulden [The Death Merchant: The Rise and Fall of Edwin P. Wilson (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1984), p. 47], "Brigadier General Robert C. Richardson ........ had served as deputy chief of staff for science and technology for the U.S. Air Force Systems command; he later was a field commander of the Defense Atomic Support Agency at the supersecret Sandia Base, New Mexico. When Richardson retired in 1967 he became a consultant in defense affairs; one of his positions, which he was to take in 1973, was a vice-president of Ed Wilson's Consultant's International.''5 Gen. Richardson is today one of the key members of the American Security Council (ASC) and the Coalition for Peace Through Strength (CPTS) and is Executive Director of the American Foreign Policy Institute of which Pearson, John Fisher, Gen. Lyman Lemnitzer, and Gen. Daniel O. Graham are members of the seven member Board of Trustees. Angleton today is the Chairman of the Security and Intelligence Fund whose President is former Ambassador Elbridge Durbrow (the Chairman of the American Foreign Policy Institute) and whose Secretary-Treasurer is Robert C. Richardson III. Until its move in late 1984 to 1010 Vermont Avenue, N.W. in Washington, D.C., it shared offices with the ASC and the CPTS. The letter heads of the three organizations show extensive membership overlaps. ... McCone is listed as a member of SMOM in the 1980 list."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Texas oil man. Richardson and a business partner, Clint Murchison, Sr., amassed $1 million in the oil business in 1919-1920, but then watched their fortunes wane with the oil market, until business again boomed in 1933. president of Sid Richardson Gasoline Co. in Kermit, Sid Richardson Carbon Company in Odessa, and Sid W. Richardson Inc., in Fort Worth, and was a partner in Fort Worth-based Richardson and Bass Oil Producers.

With Murchison a good friend of J. Edgar Hoover since the late 1940s. Richardson had originally been a supporter of the Democratic Party and was associated with a group of right-wing politicians that included Dwight Eisenhower, Richard B. Russell, Robert Kerr, Sam Rayburn and Lyndon B. Johnson. However, in 1952 he became a supporter of Dwight Eisenhower. He joined forces with Clint Murchison and J. Edgar Hoover to mount a smear campaign against Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic candidate for the presidency.

After his death in 1959, Richardson named John B. Connally, the future Texas governor (who sat in the car with JFK when he was shot), as co-executor of the estate, a designation which provided Connally with steady income for years thereafter.

Unknown: "For years before Clint married Virginia--and later when Virginia was away traveling--Clint and Sid (Richardson) spent many nights together, sleeping in the same room."

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984; Who's Who

Chief of the U.S. Army Reserve 1971-1975. Executive Director of the Reserve Officers Association 1975-1984. Director and Congressional Liaison for the Space Transportation Association. Chair of the Committee for a Free Afghanistan. Director WACL U.S.

Commissioned 2d lieutenant infantry U.S. Army, 1940, advanced through grades to major, 1944, discharged, 1945; member U.S. Army Reserve, 1946-70; with 1st battle group U.S. Army Reserve 314th Infantry Regt., Pittsburgh, 1947-62; Commander combat command section 79th Command Hdqrs., 1962-64; with Office Chief Information, Department Army, Washington, 1964-67; Commander 99th Army Reserve Command, Pittsburgh, 1967-70, promoted to major general, 1971; deputy chief U.S. Army Reserve, Washington, 1970-71, chief, 1971-75; executive director Reserve Officers Association U.S., Washington, 1975-84; pub. The Officer magazine, 1975-84. President National Intelligence Study Center; secretary, treasurer High Frontier, Arlington, Virginia, 1996-2000. Chairman Young Reps., Allegheny County, Pennsylvania, 1952-54; executive vice president Wind Symphony Orchestra, Pittsburgh, 1961-62; board directors Pittsburgh Civic Light Opera, 1958-70; chairman Committee for Free Afghanistan, 1983-93; president National Hist. Intelligence Museum. Member Reserve Officers Association (past chapter officer), Am. Security Council, Association U.S. Army, Military Order World Wars, Retired Officers Association, The Dwight D. Eisenhower Society (chair 1992—), Society of Cincinnati, Sons of the American Revolution, VFW, Am. Legion, Army-Navy Club (Washington), Fort Myer (Virginia) Officers Club, Capital Hill Club, Masons.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Shortly after Castro's takeover, Nelson's brother David became president of Chase which had controlled Cuba's credit for half a century. David was also director of Punta Allegre Sugar Corporation, the second largest producer of Cuba's primary export. Rockefeller family advisor A.A. Berle, Jr. was chairman of SuCrest, the largest sugar refiner on the East Coast. According to biographers Peter Collier and David Horowitz, "When the National Security Council made its decision to invade Cuba, five of those present were David's close friends or associates (Secretary of State Rusk, Secretary of the Treasury Dillon, CIA chief Allen Dulles, Presidential Assistant McGeorge Bundy, and Berle)."

George Brown, George de Mohrenschildt's mutual friend with Howard Burris and Lyndon Johnson, was president of the CIA-conduit Brown Foundation.

The Free Cuba Committee was headed by David Ferrie's friend, Eladio Del Valle, and Citizens for a Free Cuba was founded by Guy Banister.

Co-founder American-Israel Friendship League in 1971 with Henry M. Jackson.

2000, Robert G. Kaufman, 'Henry M. Jackson: a life in politics', pp. 333-335: "In the final days [of his 1976 presidential campaign], Jackson also had to divert precious attention from the Pennsylvania campaign to deal with a bizarre and totally false charge levied against his two most trusted foreign policy aides by Vice President Nelson Rockefeller. The vice president told a private session in Georgia on April 15 that communists might have infiltrated Jackson's staff. Rockefeller accused Dorothy Fosdick and Richard Perle of harboring such sympathies. ... She and Jackson had impeccable credentials as two of the toughest anticommunists and anti-Soviets ever to walk on Capitol Hill. ... He and Perle suspected that [Rockefeller's confidential source] was [Rockefeller's] old protege and close friend Henry Kissinger, whose policy of detente Jackson had excoriated for four years running. They also surmised that a desire to protect Kissinger and discredit his most outspoken congressional critic had motivated Rockefeller. Nationally syndicated columnist, George Will, a close friend of Jackson's and Fosdick's, commented in that vein: "The most likely explanation of Rockefeller's exercise in slander is that he is serving his former servant Henry Kissinger, who is known to resent Dickie and Richard, as he resents all the few remaining pockets of independent foreign policy judgment in government. It is a measure of Rockefeller's mind that he would try to peddle the idea that Jackson, of all people, is harboring a nest of sympathizers." ... Rockefeller relented in the face of this mounting pressure. ... he formally apologized on April 27 to the Senate and to Senator Jackson." ... It was not to be. [The Rockefeller-supported] Carter had too much money and momentum. Organized labor did not deliver for Jackson. Carter rolled to victory in Pennsylvania, winning 37 percent of the vote to Jackson's 25 percent..."

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Head of Cornell Aeronautical Laboratory.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Born in 1913. Son of Victor A. and Lillian (Helman) R.; m. Edna Berman Greenberg; children: Victor A. D., Jessica, Charles Nicholas. AB, Yale University, 1933. LLB, Yale University, 1937. AM, Yale University, 1944. Postgrad., King's College. Postgrad., Cambridge University, England, 1934. MA, Cambridge University, England, 1959. Practice in New York City, 1937-38. Member faculty Law School Yale, 1938–, professor law, 1944-84, professor emeritus, senior research scholar, from 1984, dean, 1955-65, Sterling professor law and pub. affairs, 1964-84. Master Trumbull College, 1966. Distinguished visiting research professor law and diplomacy National Defense University, 1984-90, 92—; under-sec. state for political affairs, 1966-69; president Atlantic Treaty Association, 1973-76; visiting professor University Chicago, 1941; Pitt professor Am. history and institutions, professorial fellow King's College, Cambridge University, 1959-60; William W. Cook lecturer Michigan University, 1958; John R. Coen lecturer University Colorado, 1961; Leary lecturer University Utah, 1965; Brandeis lecturer Brandeis University, 1965; Rosenthal lecturer Northwestern University, 1965; George Eastman visiting professor, fellow Balliol College, Oxford (England) University, 1970-71; Adviser Department State, 1942-44; assistant executive secretary Economic Commission for Europe, UN, 1949-50; member Judicial Council of Connecticut, 1955-66, Attorney Gen.'s National Committee Study Antitrust Laws, 1954-55. Chairman executive committee of the Committee on the Present Danger, 1976-81, 86-92. Director National Strategy Information Center anno 1978. Director Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, 1981-83. Fellow Am. Academy Arts and Scis.; member Am. Law Institute, Phi Beta Kappa, Alpha Delta Phi, Elizabethan Yale Club, Century Association New York City Club, Cosmos Club Washington. Democrat. Jewish. Advisory board Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs. Died in 2002.

2003, Edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, Probe magazine on JFK, MLK, RFK , and Malcolm X: "It appears that the idea of a Presidential commission to report on the assassination of President Kennedy was first suggested by Eugene Rostow, Dean of the Yale Law School, in a telephone call to LBJ aide Bill Moyers during the afternoon of November 24th. Although the time of this call is missing from the White House daily diary, it is possible to identify the period during which the call was made. Rostow refers to the killing of Oswald, so the call had to be after 2:07 p.m. EST, the time Oswald was pronounced dead. The call appears in the White House daily diary prior to a conversation at 4:40 p.m. between President Johnson and Governor Pat Brown of California. Rostow tells Moyers that he is calling to make a suggestion that a "Presidential commission be appointed of very distinguished citizens in the very near future." ... Eugene Rostow is either the originator of the idea, the first active promoter, or both. We don't know the identity of the individual or individuals with whom he was discussing this on the afternoon of the 24th. ... In 1971 Lyndon Johnson himself provided important parts of the truth. His statement was closer to an accurate account than what was provided by the HSCA six years later. The Committee totally ignored LBJ's account and, as far as the author is aware, so did everyone else for over 20 years. In his book The Vantage Point, Johnson said that Eugene Rostow called the White House on November 24th and suggested a commission, and that Joe Alsop and Dean Rusk also recommended a commission. This account, although brief and incomplete, was closer to the truth than anything said about this between 1963 and 1993. Perhaps it is a tribute to LBJ's lack of credibility that no one paid any attention to this for over 20 years (including the author). The commission idea comes from Rostow, Alsop, and Acheson. It has immediate support from individuals at the Washington Post (James Wiggins) and the New York Times (James Reston). The idea is then supported by Secretary of State, Dean Rusk. "

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Intelligence officer for his army unit in Vietnam when he was captured. One of only thirty-four American prisoners of war to escape captivity during the Vietnam War. Colonel Rowe was credited with developing the rigorous Survival, Evasion, Resistance and Escape (SERE) training program taught to high-risk military personnel (such as Special Forces and aircrews) and the U.S. military doctrine which institutionalizes these techniques and principles to be followed by captured personnel. An Order of Knighthood priory of DeMolay International in the state of Florida was named in his memory.

Battalion Commander for the 5th Special Forces Group. In 1987 appointed chief of the army division of the Joint U.S. Military Advisory Group (JUSMAG) providing counter-insurgency training for the Philippine military. In this capacity, he worked closely with the CIA, and was involved in its nearly decade-old program to penetrate the communist New Peoples' Army (NPA) and its parent communist party in conjunction with Philippine's own intelligence organizations. Nick proved to be the right man for the job quickly earning the respect of the Philippine government and the hatred of the communist guerrillas who hoped to disrupt President Aquino's democratic Philippine government.

Chief of the Army Advisory Group in the Philippines in the 1980s. Suspected to have been assassinated in April 1989 by Harari for inquiring into ties between him and Edwin Wilson, Thomas Clines and Manuel Noriega. Had tried to get CBS' 60 Minutes interested in Operation Watchtower, which didn't work out.

Born in 1938. Died April 21, 1989.

In 1985 it was Colonel James N. Rowe who hired Master Savelli to teach Kung-Fu to the Army Special Forces

Assassinated by guerilla insurgents in the Philippines.

In 1989 Colonel James N. Rowe, who was serving with the United States Joint Military Advisory Group, was assassinated near the United States military compound in Quezon City. (In February 1991, two communists were sentenced to life imprisonment for the murder of Rowe.)

A few years ago, Rowe brought his beautiful family to the Philippines and was quietly working at the US Embassy in Manila. As he drove home, two young Filipinos pulled up beside the car and, in a hail of gun fire, murdered him. His crime: he was an American; His executioners: the New People’s Army (NPA).

The communists, however, never forgot Lt. Nick Rowe. They never forgot the threat men such as he posed to them and their view of world domination. Shortly before 7 a.m. on April 21, 1989, a small white car pulled alongside a gray, chauffeur-driven vehicle in a traffic circle in the Manila suburb of Quezon City. The barrels of an M-16 rifle and a .45-caliber pistol poked out the window of the white car and spit out more than two dozen shots. Twenty-one of them hit the gray car. One of the rounds hit Col. James "Nick" Rowe in the head, killing him instantly.

"Nick" Rowe was assassinated in Manila, Philippines on April 21, 1989 while riding in an unarmored limousine. As it would happen, the vehicles' air conditioning was not working that fateful day yet the vehicle was used to transport Colonel Rowe nonetheless. In order to escape the intense heat, the side windows were opened to allow for some air flow. As the Colonel was attacked, a bullet entered one of the windows and he was killed instantly.

By February, 1989, Colonel Rowe had developed his own intelligence information which indicated that the communist were planning a major terrorist act. As a result of the intelligence and his analysis of the situation in the Philippines, Rowe wrote Washington warning that a high-profile figure was about to be hit and that he, himself, was No.2 or No.3 on the terrorist list. Nick knew that his death would be a real propaganda victory for the communists. The communist guerillas had put a price on his head hoping to kill him and embarrass the Philippine government. In mid-April, 1989, Nick sent his green beret and bible home to his wife for safekeeping along with a letter informing her that he expected the NPA communists would be intensifying their actions with a planned major terrorist acts against U.S. military advisors their most likely action. Nick assured his wife that he was taking every precaution. On April 21, 1989, Nick was returning to the US Embassy in an armored limousine when hooded members of the communist New Peoples' Army (NPA) attacked his vehicle with automatic weapons. Under normal circumstances these weapons alone would not have been a threat to the occupants of the vehicle. However, "Murphy's Law" of "Whatever can go wrong will go wrong" was in full force. The vehicle's air conditioning had broken down earlier making the inside of the vehicle almost unbearable in the Philippine heat. To compensate but still provide safety, the driver had opened the small window vent to allow fresh air to circulate into the car. Several rounds found their way through the open vent killing Nick instantly. The US State Department called it a "Random Terrorist Act", however evidence suggests that Nick's Vietnam experience was not coincidental to his selection as a target. In June of 1989, from an NPA stronghold in the hills of Sorsogon, a province in Southern Luzon's Bicol region, senior cadre Celso Minguez told the Far Eastern Economic Review magazine that the communist underground wished to send "a message to the American people" by killing a Vietnam veteran. "We want to let them know that their government is making the Philippines another Vietnam," Minguez, a founder of the communist insurgency in Bicol and participant in the abortive 1986 peace talks with President Corazon Aquino's government told the REVIEW. In May 1989, U.S. Veteran News and Report reported that according to a source who had served under Col. Rowe, the Vietnamese communist also wanted him dead and very likely collaborated with the Philippine insurgents to achieve that goal. The source who wished to remain anonymous said that prior to Col. Rowe being assigned to the Philippines in 1987, at one point in Greece while he was on assignment, Delta Force, the U.S. anti-terrorist organization, moved in, secured the area and relocated him. They had received reports that Vietnamese communist agents were planning an action against him. "He was a target when he went over there because of his dealings with the North Vietnamese and his time as a prisoner," Robert Mountel, a retired Special Forces colonel and former commander of the 5th Special Forces Group, subsequently explained, confirming what the other source had said. "They had him on their list." There are several unanswered questions. Among them: How did the Guerilla's know where Colonel Rowe would be? Only the Embassy allegedly knew the route that Colonel Rowe was to take that day. Colonel Rowe consistently varied his schedule and routes of travel. Why is it that he was ordered NOT to be armed, though his name was known to be on the communist guerillas' "hit" List? And why did President Aquino, who Colonel Rowe was in the Philippines to help, later grant freedom to all of his killers?

As a prospective student once long ago, Savelli showed me video of Special Forces soldiers using his techniques and documentation carried out by a UNC researcher of the effects of his "death stare" on the goats who were used by SF medics for training. All I seem to remember is that Savelli was proud in the changes of the heart rates in the goats (as documented) and he never claimed to have brought one down. There was also quite a bit of documentation showing Savelli's relationship with Colonel Nick Rowe, former POW and founder of the SF's SERE school. (Rowe was murdered in the Philippines in 1989). According to Savelli, Rowe somehow found him and was so impressed with Savelli's brand of martial arts (according to Savelli, his martial arts techniques were the closest thing that Rowe had seen to what his Vietnamese captors had practiced) that he brought him down to Fort Bragg to train SF personnel.

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The Cutolo affidavit, the drug operation, and deaths, were the subject of a one-hour television documentary on A&E Investigative Reports (March 22, 1999).

NOT EVEN A&E, which aired a 6/98 documentary entitled "Murder at Fort Devens" on Green Beret Bill Tyree, has all of this material. Understand why Tyree is suing CIA, George Bush, Ollie North, Bill Clinton and the CIA for $63 million and a new trial in the murder of his wife. 163 pages including the Cutolo affidavit, supporting affidavits from eyewitnesses in the military, admissions from the Middlesex DA of blackmail by Special Forces and CIA and even CIA and Army documents which admit the existence of the Watchtower missions. These papers are included in the $63 million Federal lawsuit filed against George Bush and the CIA on Sept 4, 1998. They are authorized for release by Tyree's attorney exclusively through From The Wilderness. ---seemingly also a 2000 episode.

NY Times: "This {\documentary}, part of the {#Investigative Reports} series from {@A&E}, explores the hidden secrets behind the murder of Army soldier {%Elaine Tyree} at Fort Devens in Massachusetts. Narrated by {#Investigative Reports} host and producer {$Bill Kurtis}, this program explains how clues from the case began to be silenced by Army Intelligence and other governmental officials. Her husband, Green Beret {%Bill Tyree}, and an accomplice were indicted for the murder, even though {#Investigative Reports} reveals that a witness claims to have seen someone else running from the scene of the crime. This witness was never called to testify in court. The military might also have been involved in bugging the courthouse during the probable cause hearing for the husband and the accomplice. Some possible reasons for these lies and deceptions come out on this video, in addition to interviews with Army and governmental officials who talk at length about this case. ~ Cecilia Cygnar, All Movie Guide"

--

Somewhat related. Gunther Russbacher: CIA and ONI (Rodney Stich). Wife of Rayalan Allen of Rumor Mill News. Claimed that a nuclear device had been built into UN headquarters. Claimed that John McCain is a manchurian candidate.

Sarah McClendon/Barbara Honegger. Honegger’s later works include "The Pentagon Attack Papers," published as an appendix in Jim Marrs’ “The Terror Conspiracy,” 2006, taking her squarely into this blog's turf. In her Pentagon analysis, she argued against a big plane and for a traditional bombing.

Rodney Stitch, Drugging America: A Trojan Horse, p. 22. Feels that Rickbacher has been very truthfull about his conspiracy revelations. Stitch questioned him for "thousands of hours". Revealed many details of CIA drug trafficking to him.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; 1964, ASC Press, Guidelines for Cold War Victory', pp. 9-10 (national strategy committee).

Founded Western Geophysical, a petroleum exploration company, in 1933. Sold the company in 1960 to devote time to politics. Founding stockholder of the National Review, founded by William Buckley Jr. in 1955. Nixon supporter. Chaired Barry Goldwater's election campaign in 1964. Behind Reagan.

Source(s): January 26, 1986, Washington Post, 'Angola Rebel Chief to Receive U.S. Praise, and Possibly Aid' (Washington visit supported by the ASC)

From Angola. Spoke seven languages: four European and three African. As a Chinese-trained communist he fought against the Portuguese colonists from 1966 (war began in 1961) until independence in 1975 along with the MLPA. In 1975 the MPLA got into power and as a result Savimbi allied with the West and began fighting the still communist-backed MPLA. Since 1974/1975 supported by Lonrho/Britain/South Africa and after Reagan came to power also by the U.S., through the Heritage Foundation and other think tanks. Savimbi fell out of favor with the West in 1992 after he did not accept the results of an internationally supervised election. In 1993 UNITA rebels in Angola seized the port of Soyo, and closed its oil installations. The Portuguese and the British Executive Outcomes drove him from the oil fields and diamond fields in the brief war that followed. Eventually murdered in 2002.

August 3, 1998, The Independent, 'Will Tony Buckingham be the next Tiny Rowland?': "With a large house in Guernsey, which he shares with his wife, Bev, Mr Buckingham is a very wealthy man. ... Mr Buckingham's roots are somewhat mysterious. Even business partners know little of his past. In company records he gives his nationality as British and date of birth as 28 November 1951. But there is no birth certificate for him in the public records on that date. He has not denied a special forces background, believed to be in 22 SAS - the territorial regiment. His business partner, Simon Mann, is also a former SAS officer. As the archetypal frontiersman, Mr Buckingham got his first break in the great business frontier of the 1970s - the North Sea - as a diver. The small band of professional divers working on the offshore platforms could make good money. "It was here that he got his great love of the oil business," said a colleague. In the 1980s, Mr Buckingham moved into the business side of oil and spent much of his time abroad doing deals. Premier's Charles Jamieson said: "At one stage he worked with Bunker Hunt Oil in Pakistan and the Canadian Nova Corp in Africa." In 1987, Mr Buckingham appears as a director of a company called Sabre Petroleum Ltd. On the board were the wealthy Jivraj brothers, who listed UAE Investment Ltd among their directorships at the time. His big business breakthrough seems to have come with his close friendship with Jack Pierce, the head of Ranger Oil, a well-known Canadian company in the North Sea business. In 1990, Mr Buckingham suggested that Ranger take a slice of the Angola offshore oil field. Mr Buckingham made the introduction to the Angolan government. Ranger's executive, John Faulds (Mr Pierce died six years ago) said: "Tony was one of [the] business associates and this was Tony's original concept. Ranger wanted to diversify and this was the ideal project." The company got the concession in 1991 and it has produced a steady flow of oil since. Mr Buckingham's Bahamas-registered company Heritage Oil and Gas took a share in the profits. When the rebel forces of Unita captured the vital oil town of Soya in 1993, Mr Buckingham suggested to the Angolan government that it should hire mercenaries. He introduced officials to his friend Ebben Barlow, a former South African special forces officer and head of Executive Outcomes, whose hired hands recaptured the town. Although Mr Buckingham remains a director of Ranger (West Africa) Ltd, according to Mr Faulds "He is no longer a working partner - he sold out." By the early 1990s Buckingham was moving in influential circles. He became a close friend of Andrew Gifford, a founder of the lobby firm GJW Government Relations, that was at the centre of the recent Labour Party lobbyist controversy. Mr Buckingham describes him as "a close friend who I have been shooting with." Mr Gifford was Lord (David) Steel's former adviser and at his behest, Lord Steel joined the board of Heritage Oil and Gas. He resigned just before the Papua New Guinea scandal broke. It is the mineral business that has been most lucrative for Mr Buckingham. He is a director of a publicly quoted Canadian mining company, DiamondWorks. DiamondWorks has projects in Africa and elsewhere. Mr Buckingham runs Branch Energy Ltd, a wholly owned subsidiary. It holds diamond concessions in Angola and Sierra Leone. Branch Energy owns a number of companies, including Indigo Sky Gems, in Namibia. This company and its subsidiary, Camelthorne Mining Ltd, have the concession to prospect for tourmaline at the Neu Schwaben mine in Namibia."

October 30, 2002, Africa News, 'Conflict and Security; Marketing the New 'Dogs of War'': "As the company wound down during 1990, Mann's old-boy network had put him in touch with oil entrepreneur Anthony Buckingham. Buckingham, also ex-military, has been described in some press accounts as a former member of Britain's naval special forces, the Special Boat Service, although the description has never been confirmed. ... In May 1993, UNITA rebels opposing the Angolan government of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos had seized Heritage's oil installations in Soyo and shut down the oilfield. After losing control of Soyo, the Angolan government asked for more mercenary help. Their request was directed to Ranger Oil, which ran Angola's offshore oilfields. The approach led Buckingham to hire what had been up to that time an exclusively South African mercenary group, Executive Outcomes. According to a classified 1995 British Defense Intelligence Staff (DIS) report, Ranger then gave Buckingham and Mann a $30 million contract to set up a defense force. On Sept. 7, 1993, according to the intelligence report, Mann and Buckingham registered Executive Outcomes as a U.K. company to run the joint venture with the South African EO. The British intelligence report on Executive Outcomes is classified "Secret U.K. Eyes Alpha," a special security designation indicating that it should not be given to or seen by U.S. or any other friendly intelligence agencies. Sections of the report are based on South African intelligence service reports of the same era, which could have been obtained through bilateral exchange or through secret operations. The report stated that South African intelligence suggested "so successful has EO [Executive Outcomes] proved itself to be, the OAU [Organization of African Unity] may be forced to perhaps offer EO a contract for the management of peace-keeping continent-wide." British intelligence's assessment of the situation also described the rise of Executive Outcome's "widespread activities" as a "cause for concern." Information about the real owners of Executive Outcomes (U.K.) does not appear on British company records. According to these public records, the owners and directors of EO were Eeben Barlow and his wife Sue. The names of Buckingham and Mann are not listed. Barlow was a former officer of the South African Defense Forces (SADF), who helped found the original South African Executive Outcomes in 1989. Barlow and his wife gave an address in Alton, Hampshire, England. But Barlow's real location was Pretoria from where, together with fellow ex-SADF officer Lafras Luitingh, he directed his company's forces in their battle against UNITA. He recruited 500 men, "mostly ex-members of the SADF special forces," according to the intelligence report. At least 24 SADF officers were also persuaded to resign and join Executive Outcomes. Troops were ferried to Angola from a small airport near Johannesburg. Although the company's primary interests were in Angola and Sierra Leone, the British Defense Intelligence Staff suggested that Executive Outcomes also had "involvement," or at least had sought contracts, widely throughout the continent, including in Zambia, Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire. It also noted the new modus operandi, which Buckingham and Mann had introduced on joining forces with EO. "It has secured by military means key economic installations (diamonds, oil and other mineral resources) [and] secured for itself substantial profits and disproportionate regional influence." "It appears that the company and its associates are able to barter their services for a large share of an employing nation's natural resources and commodities," the report said, concluding that, "On present showing, EO will become ever richer and more potent, capable of exercising real power even to the extent of keeping military regimes in being . [I]ts influence in sub-Saharan Africa could become crucial." Like Executive Outcomes, the entrepreneurial Buckingham had been gaining influence, but his area of interest was the United Kingdom. He added corporate financial and lobbying expertise to Plaza 107, which he had started in 1994. An experienced financier, Michael Grunberg, resigned his partnership in a prominent management accountancy firm and joined Buckingham's King's Road-based network. The entrepreneur also persuaded the leader of Britain's Liberal Party, David Steel, to become a director of Heritage Oil and Gas. The one-time marine and diver - the sort of man whom colleagues considered as quite ready to lift his fists for a pub brawl - was gradually securing influence and access at every level of the British establishment that counts. Buckingham also recruited a former British secret service "friend" - that is, a former SIS intelligence officer - to support his activities that could embarrass those establishment connections. Rupert Bowen, whose overt career as a British diplomat in Europe and Namibia was later identified as cover for Secret Intelligence Service work, left his post in Namibia and joined Buckingham's growing oil and military empire at the start of 1994. Bowen at first worked alongside a public relations company, GJW Government Relations, which supported Buckingham's activities, and later took a post with his Branch Energy group. He did not officially take part in EO operations. GJW Government Relations denied that Bowen had ever been an employee, but conceded that their founder director Andrew Gifford was also at that time a director of Buckingham's Heritage Oil. Bowen could not be reached for comment. In March 1995, Buckingham traveled to Baghdad to attend a meeting with Safa Hadi Jawad, Iraq's oil minister. The Iraqi government was seeking foreign partners to invest in its oil industry once sanctions were lifted. They were offering the inducement of stakes in some of the world's biggest oil fields. Among the 200 oil executives who smelled fresh money in the Baghdad air, there was no one from the United States or the United Kingdom - except Tony Buckingham. On their journey across the lobby of the Al Rasheed Hotel, they tramped over a floor mosaic depicting a snarling, feral image of former President George Bush. Some stopped for photographs. By 1995, the presence of the South African mercenaries in Angola had made a significant impact on the war between government and UNITA forces. Soyo and its oil installations were recovered, and a peace protocol negotiated. Meanwhile, Buckingham and Executive Outcomes were moving in on Sierra Leone. In May 1995, the Freetown government confidentially advised the British and American ambassadors that the country had contracted for South African military assistance. Subsequently, Bowen disclosed that the government was hiring Executive Outcomes. Thus began a two-year Executive Outcomes operation to "pacify" Sierra Leone, which ended in February 1997."

January 26, 1986, Washington Post, 'Angola Rebel Chief to Receive U.S. Praise, and Possibly Aid': "In what is becoming a crescendo to the acrimonious debate over U.S. policy toward Angola, Washington is preparing to play host for two weeks to the man who stands in the center of the controversy -- a burly, bearded guerrilla chieftain of considerable charm named Jonas Malheiro Savimbi. Heralded by President Reagan as an exemplary "freedom fighter" and embraced by conservatives as "the Che Guevara of the right," Savimbi is vilified as a "terrorist" by the Soviet and Cuban-backed Marxist government he has fought for a decade. To most of black Africa, he is a "stooge" of South Africa's white rulers. Whatever he is, Savimbi is about to officially and publicly receive the blessings of the administration -- including the personal benediction of President Reagan and Secretary of State George P. Shultz, who will heap praise on the Angolan rebel as the leader of a grand anticommunist crusade. Conservative groups, such as the Heritage Foundation, the American Conservative Union and the American Security Council, are orchestrating a welcome for Savimbi unlike anything Washington has ever seen for an African guerrilla leader. After his arrival Tuesday, Savimbi will use his appearances before the groups and elsewhere as a platform from which to launch his plea for military and nonmilitary assistance from the United States. Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly, a public relations and lobbying firm with a $600,000 contract to represent Savimbi's UNITA group, is helping to stage-manage much of the visit with a goal of exposing him to "all segments" of the U.S. foreign policy community, a spokesman for the firm said. It has arranged a whirlwind schedule of government and congressional appointments, as well as media and think tank appearances. Savimbi is already assured a Sunday night segment on CBS' "60 Minutes," followed by appearances on ABC's "Nightline" and PBS' "MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour," as well a possible cover story in Time magazine. He is giving the keynote speech at the Washington banquet of the American Conservative Union one night after Reagan addresses the group. Virtually every East Coast think tank from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington to the Council on Foreign Relations in New York has scheduled seminars, meetings or chats with Savimbi. As an indication of Savimbi's ascent to the top of the administration's foreign policy agenda, the UNITA leader is scheduled to give the National Security Council staff a private briefing on the battlefield status of his guerrilla war; he also will make a closed-door speech to State Department officials. The questions of whether Savimbi will receive U.S. aid and whether it will be delivered overtly or covertly remain undecided and hotly debated. The White House has submitted to the House and Senate Intelligence Committees an initial plan for $10 million to $15 million in covert military aid to be funneled to Savimbi through the Central Intelligence Agency."

March 30, 1981, Newsweek, 'Reagan and South Africa': "The sub rosa visit of four South African officers--a violation of a 1965 U.S. ban on such contacts--signaled a brash-new mood of confidence in Pretoria. The circumstances in which they obtained their visas remained something of a mystery. Pretoria submitted a request for visas but neglected to specify that the applicants were military men. South Africa's behavior, said one red-faced U.S. official, was "just short of fraudulent." Before the State Department blew the whistle on them, the South Africans briefed the American Security Council, a rightwing lobby group in Washington. One of them called on officials of the Defense Intelligence Agency, while another met with a low-ranking member of the National Security Council staff. "They were testing the waters," one U.S. official said after the State Department politely asked the South Africans to leave. Nudging: The new Administration has given no sign of retreating from opposition to apartheid..."

March 3, 1986, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, 'In Brief; USA subsidising UNITA ''cut-throats''': "We are leaving with a firm promise from President Reagan that we shall be given all necessary aid, said Savimbi, ringleader of the counter-revolutionary grouping UNITA, on his departure from Washington. It has become known that during his stay in the USA Savimbi held talks with the US Defence Intelligence Agency, receiving information of strategic importance concerning Angola and obtaining approval for extended deliveries of armaments. What Savimbi called ''a promise of aid'' is already finding expression in covert deliveries of death-dealing equipment worth 15,000,000 dollars. Apart from that, the White House has officially announced the allocation of 27,000,000 dollars to the bandits, which will naturally be spent on armaments. Washington cannot fail to know that each dollar allocated to the bandits gets soaked in the blood of peaceful inhabitants. The UNITA cut-throats attacked the village of Ambaca in the Angolan province of Cuanza Norte, killing 107 people, including women and children. The US State Department has published a report on the situation in the sphere of human rights in various countries of the world. Naturally it does not say a word about the rights of the inhabitants of Angolan settlements who were tortured and killed."

June 9, 1988, Associated Press, 'Mobutu Praises Reagan, Disputes Charges of Human Rights Abuse': "President Reagan joined with President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire in offering praise Thursday for Jonas Savimbi, the guerrilla leader trying to overthrow Angola's communist government, the White House said. ... The White House issued a statement later Thursday saying Reagan and Mobuto agreed to support the goal of independence for South Africa-controlled Namibia and peace and reconciliation between the Angolan government and the UNITA guerrillas in Angola. Accusations that Zaire tortures prisoners and commits other human rights abuses were not raised at the White House session, Fitzwater said. The accusations were disputed by Mobutu in a brief talk with reporters."

March 14, 1989, The Independent, 'Witch-burning and torture claims ruin Savimbi's image': "Reports that Jonas Savimbi, the Angolan rebel leader, has burned witches to death and had dissidents beaten and tortured, have finally destroyed his image as the pro-Western leader of a democratic liberation movement. In Washington, the State Department said it would 'investigate the allegations of human rights abuses' against Mr Savimbi, but said that 'all appropriate US assistance' (the usual code phrase for military aid) would continue. ... But Mr Jeffrey Gayner, a Heritage international affairs expert, said the reports, even if proved to be true, would not necessarily diminish the Foundation's support for Mr Savimbi. 'These are the kinds of things which happen in a civil war,' he said. ... Rumours of killings and disappearances have circulated for some time. They have been finally substantiated by Fred Bridgland, a long-time supporter of Mr Savimbi and his biographer, and two Unita members. In an article entitled 'Savimbi: fallen idol of Angola?' in The Sunday Telegraph, Mr Bridgland gave details of people being burnt as witches at the Unita headquarters and the detention and torture of senior Unita officials. ... He said that possibly seven family members, including his father and grandfather, both heroes in Unita's hall of fame, were in fact murdered by Mr Savimbi. He said that several other officials who had crossed Mr Savimbi in the past had been tortured or killed and that in 1983 at least 12 people, including a child, were burnt to death accused of witchcraft. ... Mr Savimbi is now in deep trouble. South Africa has stopped supplying arms and oil in large quantities and the flow of US arms is said to be dwindling to a trickle. The Luanda government is reported to be preparing to launch an attack on Unita strongholds. ... Just before he was sworn in as President, George Bush wrote to Mr Savimbi assuring him of his support."

March 14, 1989, Washington Post, 'New Reports Charge Abuses By UNITA Rebels in Angola': "The New York Times, British commercial television's Channel 4 and British freelance journalist Fred Bridgland writing in The Sunday Telegraph all quoted UNITA defectors about the alleged abuses, which ranged from burning families alive in bonfires on charges of witchcraft to torturing prisoners. ... The charges were made as the first group of the estimated 50,000 Cuban troops was preparing to leave Angola under a tripartite peace agreement signed last year providing for Cuban withdrawal over 27 months and independence elections for South African-administered Namibia. South Africa pledged under the accord to stop supporting UNITA, which has received $ 15 million in annual U.S. aid in recent years. ... Gillian Nevins, a researcher at Amnesty International, said only one case had been considered sure enough for inclusion in the human rights organization's latest annual report, issued last October. That case involved Aurora Katalayo, one of at least 12 people, including the parents and three children -- aged 7 to 15 -- of the same family, who were burned to death on public bonfires at Jamba on witchcraft charges in September 1983. Nevins also said Amnesty International had received reports of an earlier bonfire, in 1982. ... The Sunday Telegraph quoted one defector, writer Sousa Jamba, as saying he was one of many UNITA members who "kept quiet until now about killings within the movement in the interests of the wider struggle against Cuban and Soviet domination." He decided to speak out because of Chingunji's detention, "which stretched our loyalty beyond the breaking point. If we wait, others may die," he told the Telegraph."

Source(s): His foundations have financed the American Security Council. ($40,000 in total)

Arkansas Project. American Spectator. Clinton 'took cocaine in office'.

1981, Karen Rothmeyer, Citizen Scaife: " Where the money goes Some of the larger or better-known conservative and New Right groups to which Richard Scaife has given substantial funding since 1973 are listed below. Amounts, which in- clude grants fn)ni the Carthage and Sarah Scaife Founda- tions and the Irust for the Grandchildren oí Sarah Mellon Seaife. are approximate. Defense The Center for Strategic and International Studies, $5 3 million Georgetown University (Washington, D.C) The Committee (or a Free World (New York)'t $50,000 Committee on the Present Danger (Washington, $360,000 D.C,)t Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, $3.5 million Stanford University (Stanford, Calil.) Institute tor Foreign Policy Analysis (Cambridge)*t $1.9 million National Security Program, New York University!, $6 million and National Strategy Information Center (New York)t Economics Foundation for Research in Economics and Educa- $1.4 million tion (Westwood, Calif ) International Center tor Economic Policy Studies $150,000 (New York)t International Institute lor Economic Research (West- $300,000 wood, Calif )n Law and Economics Center, originally at Miami Uni- S3 million versity, now at Emory University (Atlanta)*! World Research, Inc. (San Diego) $1 million Media Accuracy m Media (Washington. DC) $150,000 Alternative Educational Foundation {The American $900,000 Spectator magazine, Bloomington, Ind ) The Media Institute (Washington, D.CJ't $475,000 WQLN-TV (Erie, Pa ) $500,000 Think-tanks The Heritage Foundation (Washington, D.C.)*t $3.8 million The Institute for Contemporary Studies (San $1,7 million Francisco)*!"

Kenneth Star

Born in 1932. BA in English, University Pittsburgh, 1957. Trustee, The Heritage Foundation, 1985-; Chairman, trustee Sarah Scaife Foundation, Inc.; donor, chairman, trustee Carthage Foundation, Allegheny Foundation. Owner, pub. Tribune-Review Publishing Co. Republican.

Official (financial) supporter of the Belgian Herbert Hoover Exhibit, together with Jacques Solvay and honorary committee members Count Maurice Lippens, Baron Jan Huyghebaert and Baron Jean-Pierre Berghmans.

Involved with the Foreign Affairs Research Institute (FARI).

His foundations have given millions to the American Enterprise Institute, Accuracy in Media, Freedomworks (involved with Tea Party), Hoover Institution, Manhattan Institute, CSIS, Maldon Institute, etc.

Supporter of Goldwater, Nixon and Reagan. Important owner of Newsmax.

Provided FreedomWorks $2,960,000

September 12, 2009, Fox News, 'Tea Party Express Takes Washington By Storm': "Some signs, reflecting the growing intensity of the health care debate, depicted President Obama with the signature mustache of Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler. Many made reference to Obama as a socialist or communist, and another imposed his face on that of the villainous Joker from "Batman." Other protesters waved U.S. flags and held signs espousing fiscal conservatism, declaring "I'm Not Your ATM" and "Go Green Recycle Congress." The rally, and others like it, have been billed as "tea parties," part of a movement that takes its cue from the Boston Tea Party and other imagery from the days of the founding fathers. ... FreedomWorks Foundation, a conservative organization led by former House Majority Leader Dick Armey, has organized several groups from across the country for the Saturday event, dubbed a "March on Washington." Demonstrators chanted "enough, enough" and "We the People." Others yelled "You lie, you lie!" and "Pelosi has to go," referring to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif. Some carried signs with slogans such as "Obamacare makes me sick""

In 1965, Crozier was notified that his recommendations of professionalizing the Spanish-language services were accepted by the CCF. Therefore the CIA's CCF had attracted John Hay Whitney to gather the necessary funds to accomplish this. Brian Crozier now accepted the part-time job to reconstruct Forum Service (funded by the CCF), made it Forum World Features (FWF), and became its president until the early 1970s. Crozier wasn't to happy that John Hay Whitney had changed most of the terms that were orally accepted to, but nevertheless accepted the position. Whitney bought FWF in 1966. Richard Mellon Scaife bought FWF in 1973, until he quickly dissolved it in 1975, just before Time out magazine exposed the role of FWF as a counter to communist propaganda.

Tried to get initial funding by John Hay Whitney (through this person's financial advisor, John Train, a very close associate of Sir James Goldsmith), the CIA, the IRD, and MI6, but failed. Received some initial, but very limited funding from BP and Shell. Soon thereafter, through his CIA contacts, he met with the now quite controversial Richard Mellon Scaife, who granted $100,000 a year to Crozier's ISC. Scaife was part heir to the Mellon fortune, a major shareholder in Gulf Oil, and the person who took over Crozier's FWF in the early 1970s. When the ISC took off, Crozier developed a closer relationship with the CIA and met with its representatives about 4 times a year in Langley.

August 31, 2010, Slate Magazine, 'The Kochs Should Come Out of the Closet': "Exhibit A: Richard Mellon Scaife. In the early 1970s, the Pittsburgh tycoon and conservative activist realized that his aid to the Republican Party didn't mean much if liberals controlled academia, the media, and Washington think tanks. He was merely the wealthiest of many donors who started pouring serious money into organizations like the Heritage Foundation. It wasn't until 1986 that journalists fully realized the power of what Scaife was doing, and it wasn't until the 1990s that Scaife himself was really demonized. The reason? He was putting millions of dollars into the American Spectator and other media outlets that obsessed over the sexual life of Bill Clinton."

March 8, 1998, Philadelphia Inquirer, 'A benefactor to many, but not to Clinton': "Scaife, 65, is the biggest contributor to many groups attacking Clinton. That puts him at the heart of what Hillary Rodham Clinton, rightly or wrongly, has characterized as a "vast right-wing conspiracy" to get the President. That characterization aside, what is indisputable is that Scaife, heir to Pittsburgh-based fortunes in banking, oil and aluminum, has pumped $200 million since the 1960s into numerous conservative groups. Most are pillars of the mainstream conservative policy establishment like the Heritage Foundation, Cato Institute, and the American Enterprise Institute. But Scaife also has backed some real street fighters who have done their best to hang trouble around the Clintons' necks and keep it there. American Spectator magazine, which has speculated that President Clinton governs under the influence of cocaine and depicted Hillary Clinton as a broomstick-riding witch, is one example. Accuracy in Media, ardent challengers of findings that the death of former deputy White House counsel Vince Foster in 1993 was a suicide, is another. In 1996, the latest year for which complete information is available, Scaife foundations provided $400,000 of AIM's $1.3 million in revenues. Sometimes Scaife-aided groups work together. That was evident in 1994 after the Spectator published stories of Arkansas state troopers who said they had arranged liaisons with women for Clinton when he was governor. The mainstream press largely ignored the story, so in April 1994 Accuracy in Media took out advertisements in the Washington Post and the New York Times, scolding the newspapers for ignoring the Spectator's work. A month later, one of the women referred to by the Spectator, Paula Jones, decided to sue Clinton. Her lawyer, Daniel Traylor, got free advice and an offer of free, expert co-counsel from the Landmark Legal Foundation, a conservative Kansas City-based civil-liberties group. (In fact, Jones found new lawyers without taking Landmark up on its offer.) Of Landmark's $909,000 in 1995 revenues, Scaife foundations provided $440,000. The Free Congress Research and Education Foundation Inc., to which Scaife has contributed more than $6 million in the last 10 years, also tried to help Jones and her lawyers. It rented a billboard in Arkansas to urge women who believed they had been harassed by Clinton to call a toll-free number. Are Scaife or Richard Larry, president of the Sarah Scaife Foundation and treasurer of the Carthage Foundation - the two most politically active Scaife entities - coordinating an anti-Clinton campaign? They're not talking about any aspect of Hillary Clinton's conspiracy allegations. "This whole thing is so silly that we're not going to dignify it by commenting on it," said Yale Gutnick, Scaife's personal lawyer, in a telephone interview. Retired FBI agent Gary Aldrich - whose White House assignment was the basis of Unlimited Access, a best-seller about drugs, sex and irreverence in the Clinton White House - was another recipient of help from Scaife-aided nonprofit organizations. Aldrich, who was nearly broke, needed legal help to get Justice Department clearance to publish the book. He turned to the Southeastern Legal Foundation in Atlanta. Southeastern paid for his legal work. Without that assistance worth "several hundred thousand dollars," Aldrich wrote in his book's acknowledgments, "there would have been no book." A Scaife foundation contributed $50,000 of Southeastern's $624,000 in receipts in 1996. Southeastern's budget grew to $3.4 million last year, and Scaife's contribution remained the same. Sometimes it seems that Scaife's name comes up merely because he has helped nearly every conservative cause. Thus, every time anyone scores against Clinton, he is linked to it, like a bettor with money on every horse. Also, the community of eminent conservatives isn't huge. ... Two long anti-Clinton campaigns that Scaife has bankrolled suggest that he has at least sometimes been at war with the President, personally. One is the American Spectator's Arkansas investigation. The other is the Vincent Foster case. Although FBI investigators, two independent counsels and two congressional committees have concluded that Foster shot himself in a suburban Virginia park in July 1993, Scaife has rejected their findings. Indeed, between 1994 and 1997 Scaife had a reporter pursuing the Foster case full time at the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, a suburban-based newspaper Scaife owns. The reporter, Christopher Ruddy, explored inconsistencies in police and medical reports on Foster's death. He added unproven speculations about Israeli intelligence, hideaway apartments, and unsubstantiated rumors that Hillary Clinton had an affair with Foster. The Western Journalism Center, a Sacramento-based foundation that gets Scaife money, has paid for Washington Times ads reprinting Ruddy's stories, and for ads in the New York Times and other leading newspapers, criticizing them for ignoring Ruddy's work. In 1995, a Scaife foundation donated $230,000 of the center's total receipts of $501,318. Its sole mission, according to founder and director Joseph Farah, is questioning the official Foster findings. Last December, when American Spectator columnist John Corry sharply criticized Ruddy's book, The Strange Death of Vincent Foster, Scaife phoned Spectator editor R. Emmett Tyrrell and told him he would get no more Scaife money. Scaife's break with the Spectator came shortly after its publisher for 30 years, Ron Burr, began questioning Scaife's Clinton investigation. Burr, fired by Tyrrell over the matter, has reached a settlement with the magazine that bars him from discussing the Scaife grants that funded the investigation. Those grants averaged more than $400,000 a year. Washington lawyer Stephen Boynton, who got the money, according to American Spectator Foundation records, referred questions to Terry Eastland, the new publisher."

January 4, 1981, Washington Post, 'Conservatives: A Well-Financed Network': "With the 1964 Republican presidential nomination of Sen. Barry Goldwater the "movement" gained serious recognition for the first time and began to shed its image as a fringe group composed of trigger-happy generals and members of the John Birch Society. ... "For a long while you could not get money out of conservative businessmen," says Washington public relations executive Hugh C. Newton, who represents the Heritage Foundation. "H. L. Hunt would take you to lunch and give you a ham sandwich out of his desk. Now you've got people interested in building the network, in changing the American mind." Ten years ago, for example, the Sarah Mellon Scaife Foundation in Pittsburgh, with assets of nearly $100 million, gave mainly to traditional community causes such as the opera and the United Negro College Fund Today its list of "public affairs" recipients reads like a Who's Who of the conservative network, a shift reflecting the interests of Richard Mellon Scaife, the foundation's chairman and a Republican campaign contributor. Institute for Contemporary Studies, Hoover, Georgetown Center for Strategic and International Studies, Mid-America Legal Foundation. Institute for Research on the Economics of Taxation, Freedoms Foundation Center for Entrepreneurial Development, Council for Basic Education, Ethics and Public Policy Center, Law and Economic Center, and the Center for the Study of American Business. The recent aggressiveness of the John M. Olin Foundation is another sign that entrepreneurial money is increasingly willing to support organizations of the right. In 1977, industrialist John M. Olin, then 84, brought in former treasury secretary William E. Simon as president. "Bill Simon is determined to get results out of our grantees," says the foundation's director, Michael Joyce. Joyce sees the swing as natural. "When foundations started they did a lot of things that since have been taken over by the government, such as medical and health. Now they're sensitive to the need to protect the private sector. I think people are convinced that bureaucracy has run amok. The right is protecting the ideas of Burke and De Tocqueville.""

May 2, 1999, Washington Post, 'Decades of contributions to conservatism': "Over the past four decades Richard Mellon Scaife has contributed to hundreds of organizations that in different ways have been pursuing the same goal: spreading the conservative faith while encouraging implementation of conservative policies. ... These are the groups that Scaife money has supported most generously. They tend to be aggressive, adept at public relations and often effective at promoting their agendas. David Abshire, a founder and longtime president of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, described CSIS as action-oriented, not "book-based." The Heritage Foundation spread its word through short policy papers, news releases and seminars designed to fill the needs (but not overburden the schedules) of Capitol Hill aides and reporters. ... Scaife's trusts and foundations have given at least $ 146 million to university programs over the last 40 years -- the equivalent of $ 373 million in inflation-adjusted dollars. At least two-thirds of that was directed to supporting conservative intellectuals and funding research on topics of interest to conservatives. ... Scaife has been subsidizing publications and broadcasts supporting conservative positions since his first grant to the American Spectator magazine in 1970. The Spectator has been the biggest recipient of this kind -- $ 3.2 million for the magazine, plus nearly $ 2.3 million for the "Arkansas Project." Scaife ended grants to the Spectator in 1997. Scaife has supported the Public Interest and the National Interest, both associated with Irving Kristol, the neoconservative intellectual; the New Criterion, a cultural review edited by Hilton Kramer, former New York Times art critic; Reason, the organ of the libertarian Reason Foundation; and Commentary, the monthly magazine of the American Jewish Committee, edited for years by Norman Podhoretz. All of these are published by tax-exempt, nonprofit foundations, so they are eligible to receive grants from Scaife's foundations. Scaife also gave money to Encounter magazine, once supported indirectly by the Central Intelligence Agency. Altogether these publications have received nearly $ 10 million. Scaife undertook one unusual media enterprise in his own name. In 1968, he agreed to replace John Hay Whitney, last owner of the New York Herald Tribune, as the head of the parent firm of Forum World Features, a London-based news agency that received subsidies and guidance from the CIA. The proprietor of Forum, Brian Crozier, has said he was introduced to Scaife by the CIA. Scaife has never spoken publicly about this."

March 14, 1999, AP, 'Billionaire Probes Man's Suicide': "Conservative billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife has a private investigator digging into the background of a man who killed himself in a bathroom outside Scaife's office, to see if he was being stalked by the man. Steven R. Kangas, 37, who championed liberal causes with a Web site titled ''Liberalism Resurgent,'' died of a gunshot wound to the head on the 39th floor of One Oxford Center on Feb. 8. Scaife did not run into Kangas on the day of his death. For the last month, private investigator Rex Armistead of Mississippi has been traveling the country to investigate Kangas. The Pittsburgh Post-Gazette said Scaife is interested whether Kangas was after him because Scaife funded conservative causes, including giving a magazine, the American Spectator, $1.8 million to investigate President Clinton. Scaife has questioned the finding of suicide in the death of White House aide and former Arkansas lawyer Vincent Foster. Scaife has said Foster's death is the ''Rosetta stone'' of the Clinton administration. The Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, where Scaife is publisher, reported that Kangas posted a message on the Internet six days before his death blaming Scaife for all of Clinton's troubles. ''Clinton is, in my mind, a moderate Republican, and it is only the insanity of Richard Mellon Scaife that is causing them to go after this man,'' Kangas wrote. Kangas' Web site also criticized Scaife, the Knights of Malta, and Washington Post Publisher Katharine Graham. Kangas had recently sold his share of a gambling business in Las Vegas. On Feb. 8, building engineer Don Adams checked a men's room down the hall from Scaife's office and found Kangas alive and lying on the floor. Adams asked ''Are you OK?'' and Kangas mumbled something in return, police said. Adams went for help, and when he returned he found Kangas seated on a toilet with a gunshot wound to the head, according to a police report. Police said they found a pistol Kangas had bought two weeks earlier in Las Vegas. He had $14.63 in his pockets and his backpack contained 47 rounds of ammunition and a copy of Hitler's ''Mein Kampf.'' Kangas' blood-alcohol level was 0.14 percent. In Pennsylvania, a driver is considered drunk at 0.10 percent. Kangas' mother, Jan Lankheet, said One Oxford Center officials showed her a videotape indicating her son was in the building nearly nine hours before Adams found him. ''We still don't know if Steve was running or if he was after somebody,'' Lankheet said."

March 15, 1999, Washington Times, 'Gadfly's suicide tied to Scaife': "Until January, Mr. Kangas lived in Las Vegas, where he had worked until last year for a company that uses computer technology for gambling on horse races. Friends told the Tribune-Review that Mr. Kangas left the company and failed in an effort to launch an Internet pornography venture called "Sunset Dreams." He began drinking heavily and spending money on Las Vegas strippers. Mr. Kangas' "Liberalism Resurgent" Web site won a 1997 "Excelsior Award," given by the Robert F. Kennedy Democrats to sites that "communicate the highest progressive ideals." The site invited visitors to "Help Fight the Right!" and provided such information as a "statistical overview . . . debunking the Reagan Myth and supply-side economics." Mr. Kangas, born in Michigan, described himself on line: "I left religion at 12, and conservatism at 26, to become a godless pinko commie lying socialist weasel." His father told the Tribune-Review that Mr. Kangas "was raised in a religious, conservative Republican family" until his parents divorced. Mr. Kangas' obsession with Mr. Scaife was apparent in two on-line essays, "The Origins of the Overclass," and "Myth: There's no 'vast right-wing conspiracy' to get Clinton." Citing sources that included The Washington Post, Mother Jones magazine, the on-line magazine Salon, CNN, and the National Education Association, Mr. Kangas portrayed Mr. Scaife as part of a "New Overclass." This "political machine," as Mr. Kangas called it, involves the CIA, "Big Business," the Roman Catholic Church, the Knights of Malta and several conservative foundations, which he said "undemocratically control our government, our media, and even a growing part of academia." Mr. Kangas purchased his pistol in Las Vegas. According to the Tribune-Review, he then bought "a bottle of Jack Daniels whiskey and a bus ticket to Pittsburgh," arriving Feb. 8. He entered One Oxford Centre about 2 p.m., and nine hours later was found lying in a stall in the restroom near Mr. Scaife's office. Mr. Kangas was drunk but unharmed, according to police reports. The worker who found him went to get help from another maintenance worker, and when they returned, they found Mr. Kangas' body - shot through the head, the pistol lying nearby. Yale Gutnick, an attorney for the Scaife foundations, said that after receiving the police report on Mr. Kangas' death, he determined the incident was "very suspicious." His concern led Mr. Gutnick to commission a private investigation of Mr. Kangas' background, he said. "I think we have a very troubled and confused young man that was pushed over the edge," Mr. Gutnick said. "It's sad.""

Source(s): 1968 National Strategy Committee list (co-chairman); American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Ballistic missile program. In mid-1954, he set up his project office, with the bland and unenlightening name of "Western Development Division (WDD)", in Los Angeles, California, not far from the Ramo-Wooldridge office. The Air Force staffers of the WDD went to work in civvies to avoid attracting attention.

1910-2005. Came to U.S., 1917, naturalized, 1923. Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army Air Force, 1938; advanced through grades to general U.S. Air Force, 1961; Commander ICBM Program, 1954-59. Commander Air Force Systems Command (AFSC), 1959-66; retired, 1966. Co-founder Aerospace Corporation in 1960. Chairman board Schriever & McKee, Washington, 1971-87; consultant B.A. Schriever, from 1987; with %LB Dion, Mc Lean, Virginia, from 2005. Hon. fellow American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics; member NAE, Am. Astronomical Society, Air Force Association Clubs: Burning Tree. After retirement from the air force: chairman of the President’s Advisory Council on Management Improvement. Member President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board during the Reagan and Bush 41 administration. Member Defense Science Board. Member Ballistic Missile Defense Organization Advisory Committee. Director Wackenhut since 1974. April 30, 1974, Wall Street Journal, p. 21: "Wackenhut Corp elects Gen S J McKee, Gen B A Schriever and C L Wright dirs. Gens M W Clark and K P McNaughton resign as dirs." Known to have been a minor shareholder in Wackenhut in 1986. Director of American Medical International, Control Data Corporation, Eastern Air Lines and Emerson Electric. Member National Security Advisory Council, Center for Security Policy from the 1990s until at least 2003.

Source(s): January 17, 1985, Washington Post, 'Inaugural Parade Of Parties' (invited to an ASC meeting)

Vang Pao

Source(s): American Security Council, Benefactors page, President's Circle (December 2010)

Tom Schweich started his civil service career in 1999, when he was named chief of staff of former Senator John Danforth's investigation of the Waco incident. John Danforth later appointed him to be his chief of staff when he was the United States Ambassador to the United Nations. Schweich also served as chief of staff to the next two ambassadors to the United Nations, Anne W. Patterson and John R. Bolton. American politician and lawyer who has served as Coordinator for Counternarcotics and Justice Reform in Afghanistan. In this position, he was in charge of the effort to stop the illegal drug trade in Afghanistan. While in that position, he was given the rank of Ambassador by U.S. President George W. Bush. In 2010, Schweich sought and won the Republican nomination for Missouri State Auditor. Prior to the primary results, Schweich was supported by Lieutenant Governor of Missouri Peter Kinder, former Governor of Missouri John Ashcroft, former Governor of Massachusetts Mitt Romney,

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Wife of Col. William F. Scott.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Adjunct proffessor at the Defense Intelligence College, Washington. U.S. Air Attache in Moscow 1962-1964. Defense attache in Moscow

Harriet Fast Scott has lived and traveled extensively throughout the Soviet Union as wife of Colonel William F. Scott, U.S. Air Attaché in Moscow, 1962-64. Her fluency in the Russian language and her familiarity with Russian military writing have been reflected in articles in Military Review and in selections and translations from the Soviet military press appearing in the Pentagon’s Current News and The Friday Review of Defense Literature.

Source(s): June 3, 1978, Washington Post, 'Ex-General Criticizes the Military: Chiefs Ignored, Too Many Women'; 1988, Russ Bellant, 'The Coors connection', p. 49: "The ASCF also created a "Strategy Board" in the early 1980's that included a number of persons with covert operations backgrounds Major General John Singlaub; the late Edwin Black ... Ray Cline; and Ed Feulner."; American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Born in 1921. OSS. CIA China Desk 1948-49. Deputy CIA station chief in South Korea 1950-52. Battalion commander 3rd Infantry Division during Korean War. Central figure in developing the Ranger Training Command at Fort Benning, Georgia after the Korean War. Head of Special Operations Command in Vietnam 1966–1968 (MACV-SOG), with Thomas G. Clines as his deputy and Lt. Oliver North and Lt. Col. Richard Secord also working under him at some point. Commander U.S. Army Readiness Region VIII, Rocky Mountains, 1973-76. Chief of staff U.N. and U.S. army forces South Korea 1976-77. Dismissed by Carter. Co-founder Western Goals Foundation 1979. Chair WACL 1984-1986 (and Jose Desmarets 1986-87). Governor and member Council for National Policy. Chair Special Operations Policy Advisory Group (SOPAG) 1980s. Advisor to GeoMiliTech Consultants Corp. since its founding in 1983. Chair OSS Society anno 2006.

March 02, 1989, Los Angeles Times, 'Singlaub Tells of Work With North : He Testifies Colonel Oversaw Arms Shipments During Ban': "Although acknowledging his friendship with North and criticizing the "irrational" Boland Amendment--the congressional prohibition against U.S. military aid to the Contras--Singlaub provided testimony that clearly helped prosecutors establish much of their case against North ... It was clear, he added, that the amendment did not apply to private citizens such as himself who wanted to raise money to help the Nicaraguan resistance. At the same time, he said, "we agreed that Col. North could not direct me . . . that I would work with Adolfo Calero (a Contra leader) and if I did not do something dumb, I would take North's silence to be approval of my actions.""

2005, Joseph J. Trento, 'Prelude to Terror', p. 35: "The colorful "special operations" expert John K. Singlaub, General John K. Singlaub, worked in Laos and Cambodia with Shackley. Under Singlaub during this period were Secord and a young Marine named Oliver North. Years later, Secord and North would control portions of the Iran-Contra operations for America's private intelligence network. Secord answered to both Singlaub and General Harry "Heinie" Aderholt, who headed the Military Assistance Command in Thailand. Both Singlaub and Aderholt would later become paws of the network. All these men socialized with one another over the years, and with opium warlord Vang Pao. ... One of his [Secord's] first assignments for Shackley was to drop dishwashing soap on the Ho Chi Minh Trail in the rainy season. The CIA had concluded that this would make the trail to slippery for the enemy to use. (Like most of what the CIA attempted in Asia, it did not work.)"

2005, Joseph J. Trento, 'Prelude to Terror', pp. 36-37: "Another man who assisted Shackley in the secret war in Laos was a Bronx-born Green Beret named Michael Hand. Hand had enlisted in the special forces in 1963. On June 9, 1965, he held off a Viet Cong at the Special Forces camp at Dong Xaoi. ... By 1966, Hand was already working for the CIA. He helped the Montagnards get their poppies to market via Air America. ... By 1967, Mike Hand was the bagman between the opium warlords and a banking conduit set up to launder drug profits. He used Air America pilots to move the drugs and the money and then, working with [Bernard] Houghton, Shackley, and Colby, used the Royal Thai Military Bank--a connection set up during Helliwell's time in Bangkok--to launder the money, kicking back a percentage of the funds to Thai officers already under CIA control. As Shackley later explained it to the FBI, the Royal Thai Military Bank was set up to provide loans, jobs, and sources of cash to keep the Thai military establishment happy. Shackley said, "High Thai officials could exert influence on the bank in respect to loans, whereas it is most unlikely outsiders could." ... Eventually both Houghton and Hand became key players in establishing the Nugan Hand Bank..."

May 25, 1987, Los Angeles Times, 'Singlaub Tells of Drive to Aid Rebels in Laos': "Singlaub has been linked to support of anti-Communist groups elsewhere in the world, including Afghanistan and Angola, in addition to the rebels in Nicaragua. Three-Year Endeavor Singlaub said he has been supporting the Laotian resistance for about three years, to keep up the pressure on the Communist government there and to maintain sources of information about U.S. servicemen that he believes are still being held in Southeast Asia. He told the newspaper that he met Vang Pao, leader of the largest Laotian resistance group, and was represented at a recent meeting in Thailand of the leaders of 22 hill tribes who are trying to form a united front against the Vietnamese."

February 7, 1991, Miami Herald, 'Retired general says U.S. should consider using nuclear bombs': "President Bush announced a month ago that we were not going to use nuclear weapons," said Singlaub, 69, a staunch conservative fired by President Carter in 1977 after predicting that plans to withdraw most American forces from Korea would lead to war. "I think that was a wrong thing." Singlaub addressed more than 200 at the Palm Beach Round Table, where many in the audience sported glue-backed American flags on their lapels. A few clutched copies of The National Review, William Buckley's journal of conservative politics. A student choir from King's Academy sang spiritual and patriotic songs, much to Singlaub's delight. Aside from his brief comments on the war in the Middle East, Singlaub focused on the Soviet Union, saying the nation still poses a military threat, despite a lengthy period of glasnost. He said there have been five other times this century when the United States and Soviet Union eased tensions, only to lapse back into Cold War. So, he said, there's still plenty to fear from communism. "You would think a nation that is starving would take some steps in reducing military spending," he said. "The war is not over.""

March 3, 1985, Manchester Guardian Weekly, 'Moon in Latin America: building the bases of a world organisation': "Moon's press group, Time-Tribune Corporation, and the Washingion Times are also funding another organisation founded by Moon, the World Conference on Communications Media which since 1978 has been trying "to inspire a crusade (. . .) so that the media may contribute to establishing a lasting peace and avert the destruction of mankind". Since it was founded the World Conference on Communications Media has thrown open its forum to speakers such as former Colombian President Miguel Pastrana Borrero, former South Vietnamese Prime Minister General N'Guyen Cao ky, the leader of the World Anticommunist League General John Singlaub, and Jacques Soustelle (of France) who was co-director of the Conference in Cartagena, Colombia, in 1983."

May 31, 1984, Associated Press, 'Pentagon Warned Against Escalating Salvador War': "A panel of counter-insurgency experts [SOPAG], headed by retired Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub, has warned the Pentagon against escalating and Americanizing the war in El Salvador, sources familiar with their report say. In a classified report submitted last week, the eight-member advisory group opposed sending sophisticated military hardware, aerial bombs, napalm or American combat troops, according to several sources who insisted on anonymity. The group also said the U.S. government should avoid setting timetables for victory, recognizing that an "unconventional" war against a guerrilla army can last for decades. And the panel advised against use of covert operations that circumvent the law or could prove embarrassing if discovered, according to the sources. ... Pentagon officials declined to release the report or discuss its contents but confirmed they had talked with Singlaub and others recently about U.S. military aid to Central America. "The suggestions made by these individuals are being considered," said Col. Richard Lake, a Pentagon spokesman. ... Singlaub, the panel's chairman ... Also on the panel, selected by the Defense Department, was retired Maj. Gen. Edward G. Lansdale ... Other panelists were Col. John Waghelstein, chief of the U.S. military advisory group in El Salvador in 1982-83; retired Brig. Gen. Harry C. Aderholt, who directed covert air operations during the Vietnam War; Edward N. Luttwak, a Pentagon consultant and senior fellow at the Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies; Seale Doss, a philosophy professor at Ripon College in Wisconsin; and F. Andrew Messing Jr., executive director of the Conservative Caucus and a former Special Forces officer. Specifically, the group criticized the Pentagon's supplying the Salvadoran army with sophisticated artillery. The panel advocated instead greater use of mortars, which, it argued, are less expensive and easier to maintain. The group also advocated supplying attack helicopters armed with machine guns instead of fixed-wing aircraft using bombs, which have been accused increasingly of inflicting civilian casualties in El Salvador. ... While opposing military escalation, the panel recommended that Congress permit the United States to train Salvadoran police to improve the professionalism of the security forces that have been accused of human rights abuses. The panel also complained that in general, the Defense Department devotes too much money to conventional warfare while spending too little on so-called "unconventional" or guerrilla warfare. It said these low-level conflicts account for more 30 wars currently occurring in the world."

June 19, 1996, Federal News Service, 'Hearing of the Senate Select Committee: subject: Vietnamese commandos': "GEN. SINGLAUB: I was selected by the chief of staff to take command of the MAC V SOG organization, at that time commanded by Colonel Don Blackburn. I was a colonel at that time. I started my briefings in February of 1966 and departed the US in April of that year, and actually took command in May of 1966, and I retained command of MACSOG until August of 1968. I think it's appropriate to make some reference to what MACSOG, MAC V SOG actually was. There appears to be some confusion on that subject. MAC V SOG was a DOD established joint unconventional warfare task force. It was the US component of a combined unconventional warfare task force to conduct covert operations in enemy-controlled areas in Southeast Asia, that is, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. MAC V SOG was truly a joint command. It had all of the services represented in the joint table of distribution, and it had special US ground, sea and air units that were assigned to MACSOG for the conduct of its covert operations. The basic concept of the operation was that the Vietnamese government would provide the operational personnel while the US would provide the advice, training assistance, technical support, and ultimately, of course, the funding, as it did for all of the forces engaged in that conflict. The commandos belonged to one of the parts of that organization referred to as OP 34 Alpha. It was a relatively small part of the total SOG program. This particular program was initiated in 1960, as has been indicated by CIA, and transferred to the Department of Defense in January of 1964, when MACSOG was established, and these covert operations as opposed to clandestine operations were transferred to the Department of Defense. And the mission was to introduce these intelligence assets into North Vietnam to perform basically three missions. First was to collect positive intelligence on the North Vietnamese in North Vietnam. The second was to conduct limited and very specific sabotage activities, and finally, their mission would be to perform or to become a cadre for a resistance operation against the North Vietnamese communist regime. Now, the third phase or the third mission was never fully implemented by the OP 34 teams. Now, it's important --"

January 3, 1987, United Press International, AM Cycle, Domestic news: "Lt. Col. Oliver North, a key figure in the Iran arms-Contra aid scandal, once belonged to the ''Phoenix Project,'' a 1960's operation that conducted political assassinations in Southeast Asia, the New York Daily News reported Sunday. While a member of that government project, North met men who would later have roles in selling weapons to Iran and cash from those sales to Nicaraguan rebels, according to a federal lawsuit filed in Washington, the Daily News said. Until now, North's activities during the Vietnam War have been described only as part of highly classified operations. The suit against the federal government charges North's assignment was the ''special operations group'' that supervised the murders of low-level officials in Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Thailand, the Daily News said. ''In fact, membership of the Phoenix team reads like a 'Who's Who' of current IranCon figures,'' the News said. The Washington-based Christic Institute filed the suit on behalf of American journalists killed and injured in a bombing attack on a maverick Nicaraguan rebel Eden Pastora. The suit said the special operations group supervised Meo tribesmen who ''secretly assassinated over 100,000 noncombatant village mayors, bookkeepers, clerks and other civilian bureaucrats in Laos, Cambodia and Thailand.'' The Phoenix Project introduced North to Air Force Maj. Gen. Richard Secord, who was a deputy within the group, and Gen. John Singlaub, who went on to run a major fund-raising effort for the Contras, who are attempting to overthrow Nicaragua's Sandinista government, the suit said. Secord is suspected of becoming involved with North in arranging Iranian arms shipments. The Phoenix Project was run by then-CIA officers Theodore Shackley and Thomas Clines between 1966 and 1971, the News said."

Korean Central Intelligence Agency was founded in 1961.

June 7, 1998, Associated Press, 'Report: U.S. used nerve gas used against defectors in Vietnam': "The U.S. military used nerve gas on a mission to kill Americans who defected during the Vietnam War, CNN and Time Magazine said Sunday in a joint report. The so-called Operation Tailwind was approved by the Nixon White House as well as the CIA, the report said, quoting as it's main source retired Adm. Thomas Moorer, a Vietnam-era chief of naval operations and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Former military officials who participated in the operation said their job was to kill defectors from the U.S. military, but it was not known for sure whether the suspected defectors died during a preparatory nerve gas assault or a subsequent assault with conventional weapons carried out by Special Forces troops. A companion story on the eight-month investigation in which 200 people were interviewed appears in the current edition of Time magazine, written jointly by a CNN producer and correspondent. "It was pretty well understood that if you came across a defector, and could prove it to yourself beyond a reasonable doubt, do it, under any circumstance, kill them," said 1st Lt. Robert Van Buskirk, who was a platoon leader in the operation. "It wasn't about bringing them back. It was to kill them." ... Several officers who served in Operation Tailwind told the premier episode of "NewsStand: CNN & Time" that the government liked to call the gas "incapacitating gas" or "knockout gas" -- but that its true makeup was widely known. "Nerve gas, the government don't want it called that," said Mike Hagen, a platoon sergeant in Operation Tailwind. "They want to call it incapacitating agent or some other form but it was nerve gas." The report said Moorer, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in 1970, did not admit on camera that nerve gas was used, but confirmed off camera that it was. "I would be willing to use any weapon and any tactic to save the lives of American soldiers," Moorer said on camera, adding that he had no figures on how often lethal gas was used during the war. "I never made a point of counting that up," he said. "I'm sure you can find out from those that have used them." The soldiers involved in the nerve gas operations were part of the Studies and Observations Group, or SOG, a small, elite unit of the Special Forces. CNN quoted John Singlaub, a former SOG commander, as saying it could be more important to the survival of U.S. troops to kill defectors than enemy soldiers because the defectors' knowledge of communications and tactics "can be damaging." Van Buskirk said the team attacked a village base camp in Laos after observing American men - believed to be defectors - among the people. He said he even threw a hand grenade down a hole to kill two American men who were fleeing. "We basically destroyed everything there," Hagen said. Van Buskirk described the scene as "a mess." "It was just pieces of human beings," he said, adding that among the more than 100 bodies, soldiers saw more than a dozen Americans they believed to be defectors. But the gas use didn't stop there, the news show reported. Former military officials said the gas was used a second time to get the team out of the area after enemy troops arrived. "They were told to put on their funny faces (gas masks) because war daddy said we are coming in with gas," said Capt. Eugene McCarley, who led Operation Tailwind but says he never considered the use of lethal gas. McCarley also denies that Operation Tailwind's mission was to kill defectors. "We weren't looking for any village. We stumbled upon it by accident," he said. One Tailwind veteran described seeing the enemy forces throwing up and in convulsions on the ground. "I looked down into this valley. All I see is bodies," Van Buskirk said."

May 8, 1999, Washington Times, 'Producer fired by CNN files suit; 'Tailwind' based on fact, Oliver says': "Fired CNN producer April Oliver yesterday sued her former employers at CNN and Time Warner and countersued a retired Army general she described as a "confidential source" over the infamous "Tailwind" report. In her lawsuit filed in D.C. Superior Court, Mrs. Oliver said she was "wrongfully dismissed" by CNN following the June 1998 debut of "NewsStand," a collaborative effort of CNN and Time magazine. The discredited report said that the U.S. military used deadly sarin gas and killed U.S. defectors during the Vietnam War. "This is an action of last resort. The Tailwind report was accurate. My co-producer Jack Smith , and I stand by the story," she said in a statement. In her suit, she charges she was dismissed "as a direct result of military and political pressure" brought by retired Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub, veterans groups, and President Nixon's former national security adviser, Henry Kissinger. Gen. Singlaub of Arlington was the target of her countersuit, also filed yesterday. She named Gen. Singlaub as a "confidential source" for the "NewsStand" program about Operation Tailwind, a 1970 raid of a camp in Laos. The segment, called "Valley of Death," said lethal, illegal nerve gas was used in the mission. It also claimed many women and children were killed in the camp. On Sept. 14, Gen. Singlaub filed a defamation lawsuit against CNN, Time-Warner Corporation, Time magazine, CNN reporter Peter Arnett and Mrs. Oliver over that broadcast and another dealing with Tailwind, which aired on CNN's "Impact" in September 1997. The suit seeks both compensatory and punitive damages. In an interview yesterday, Gen. Singlaub said both programs contained information that was "completely false." Since the "Valley of Death" show aired, Gen. Singlaub has publicly denied its assertions. But in her lawsuit and in a conversation yesterday, Mrs. Oliver said she interviewed the general three times before the show aired and that he had confirmed both the use of nerve gas and the targeting of U.S. defectors in the 1970 Tailwind raid in Laos. Gen. Singlaub, however, also interviewed yesterday, strongly denied Mrs. Oliver's contentions. Of her countersuit, he said, "This is obviously an effort to generate some anti-Singlaub sentiment to try to get me to cancel my lawsuit against her, but it won't work." Lawyers for Mrs. Oliver served Gen. Singlaub yesterday as he was leaving court in a hearing on a motion to dismiss his lawsuit. No ruling was rendered yesterday. Gen. Singlaub commanded an elite unit within Special Forces, known as the Studies and Operations group, earlier in the war, from 1966 to 1968. As for how much she's seeking in damages from her two suits, Mrs. Oliver said the suit against CNN and Time-Warner is "about honor and fact-finding." She said she's trying to ensure that CNN never again "is allowed to bury an unpopular story.""

Founder United States Council for World Freedom 1981 (U.S. WACL chapter). Vice chair became Gen. Daniel O. Graham. Advisory board member have included Gen. Lewis Walt, John M. Fisher, Andy Messing and Fred Schlafly. From 1978 to 1980 Roger Pearson chair WACL (and Jose Desmarets 1986-87).

Principals: WACL council chairman in 1989 was Genevieve Aubry.(55) Dr. Ku Cheng-Kang was honorary chairman and Hon. Sen. Jose Desmarets was council chairman in 1987. Prof. Dr. Woo, Jae-Seung of Korea is or was secretary-general in 1987.(54) Major General John Singlaub, was chair until mid-1986.(18) Osami Kuboki, head of the Unification Church in Japan and co-founder and chair of Shokyo Rengo, the Japanese branch of WACL and has been an executive board member for many years.(41,21) Dr. Yaroslav Stetsko, executive board member, is a former Nazi collaborator from the Ukraine; Dr. Manuel Frutos, executive board member from Paraguay; Sheik Ahmed Salah Jamjoon of Saudi Arabia, a member of the royal family representing the Middle Eastern Solidarity Council on the executive board; and Patrick Walsh of Canada, executive board member.(11)

October 5, 2001, Newsmax, 'America on the Brink of Global War': "Two of America's top former military commanders warn that America could quickly find itself in a global war. In an exclusive interview as part of NewsMax's Presidential Briefing series, Adm. Thomas Moorer and Gen. Jack Singlaub reveal several disturbing concerns about a major escalation in the months ahead."

Member Coalition for America at Risk with Richard Viguerie. Board member American Freedom Coalition, which was extremely close to the Moonie Cult.

Neighbor of Colonel Robert Brown, editor of Soldier of Fortune. Singlaub helped set up KCIA.

WACL head. June 3, 1978, Washington Post, 'Ex-General Criticizes the Military: Chiefs Ignored, Too Many Women': "Maj. Gen John K Singlaub took up where he left off before retiring and assailed Carter Administration military policies yesterday, which he said include ignoring the Joint Chiefs of Staff and putting too many women into the Army. In the first of a series of speeches he plans to make under the auspices of the American Security Council, a private group with hawkish views, Singlaub said that the joint chiefs were not consulted before President Carter decided to postpone his decision on producing the neutron warhead. ... Asked if he thought the joint chiefs were being "igorned," Singlaub responded: "Yes." Beside the neutron warhead issue, Singlaub cited the Carter administration's decision to withdraw U.S. combat troops from South Korea as another example of failing to consult fully with the joint chiefs. Carter ordered Singlaub home from Korea last year to explain face-to-face why he spoke out against the withdrawal policy." Co-chairman Coalition for Peace Through Strength.

Thomas G. Clines was appointed his deputy. He formed the Military Assistance Group-Special Operations Group (MAG-SOG) political murder unit; Gen. John K. Singlaub was a commander of MAG-SOG; Oliver North and Richard Secord were officers of the unit.

August 14, 2003, Philippine Daily Inquirer, 'Delving into the coup plotter's mind': "During the discussions, Biazon revealed that the United States was already orchestrating the coup against Marcos as early as 1985. He said that in mid-1985, a year before the coup that toppled Marcos, operatives of the Central Intelligence Agency (he mentioned General Singlaub) as well as some Makati businessmen (he gave their names) were recruiting him to join the coup but that he rebuffed their repeated attempts. If you will recall, it was the threatening flight of an American Phantom jet and Marcos' phone conversations with US Embassy and Washington officials that prompted him to throw in the towel and allow himself and his retinue to be evacuated, on board US helicopters and planes, to Paoay, Ilocos Norte, which turned out to be Hawaii. The Makati mutineers were reported to have called US military officers in the US Embassy for help when it became obvious that their mutiny was going up to fail. Could it be that the United States also had a hand in this one?"

August 29, 1987, Associated Press, 'Philippine Senator Says Singlaub May Have Fomented Coup Attempt': "In June, ousted Fijian Prime Minister Timoci Bavadra called on Congress to investigate unverified reports of American involvement in the May 14 coup that ousted his government. Bavadra and his adviser, Hawaii-based Dr. J.M. Anthony, cited reports that Singlaub and Vernon Walters, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, were in Fiji before, during and after the coup in the Pacific island country."

March 20, 1989, IPS, 'Philippines: Right-wing crusade vs "Satanic Communism"': ""Down with Satanic communism," goes the chant, "long live democracy." Christian fundamentalists, right-wing vigilante groups and members of the military are whipping up an anti-communist campaign in the Philippines, and this slogan was among many raised at an anti-left jamboree here last week. Over 500 delegates from 60 anti-communist organizations attended the conference organized by the new "National Alliance for Democracy" (NAD). Participating were well-known communist-bashers like Col. Franco Calida, the godfather of the right-wing vigilante squad "Alsa Masa" (Rising Masses) of Davao City in the southern island of Mindanao. Alsa Masa is a three-year old group that has been assassinating suspected members of the leftist New Peoples' Army (NPA), which is active in Mindanao. Also present were Jun Pala, a vocal anti-communist radio commentator and founder of another Davao vigilante group, "The Contra Force," and Rev. Romy Redelicia, founder of the fundamentalist Manila-based "Red Alert" Christian ministry. NAD organizers said the congress was aimed at bringing various anti-communist groups in the country under its umbrella, and it seems to have succeeded in the objective. The alliance was launched last year to "unite all democratic forces and freedom loving Filipinos to rally behind the cause of democracy, to counter and defeat the deceptive propaganda machinery of the National Democratic Front (the communist political wing)." NAD Chair Cerge Remonde also plans to use the alliance, which he claims to have a mass base of some 100 organizations with ten million members, as a political pressure group. Remonde says the government of President Corazon Aquino has been vacillating and weak in controlling the country's growing left movement. "The left, being the most organized, has been dominating the public opinion. It is about time that the non-communists be heard or else we may lose this war by default," Remonde said. Remonde also admitted that NAD will be used in elections like local polls due March 28 when "the alliance will see to it that leftists don't win." NAD is also reported to be gearing up to support its own candidate for the 1992 presidential elections to succeed Aquino, although Remonde denies this. ... NAD also looks forward to working with "Causa International," the political arm of Rev. Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church, which has helped fund contra rebels fighting to overthrow the Nicaraguan government. Causa is already operating in the Philippines through several think-tanks such as the Internal Security Council (ISC), which sponsored a conference in 1986 on the Philippines and security of the Southeast Asian region. Taking part at that conference was Gen. John Singlaub, the former chairman of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) who became implicated in the Iran-contra scandal in the United States. The Causa-sponsored conference in Manila was attended by ex-Philippine Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile, as well as Ramos. Both helped Aquino overthrow former dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986, but Enrile later fell out and is now an opposition senator."

February 19, 1987, UPI, 'Singlaub denies hiring mercenaries': "Singlaub said in an interview with a Philippine radio station that reports linking him to a recent coup attempt and the Philippines's counterinsurgency campaign were ''crazy.'' ... Singlaub ... is said to be a close associate of former CIA Director William Casey. ... Villareal, a retired general who said he was a close friend of the American, said Singlaub had been in the country ''off and on'' in search of the treasure in coordination with the Hong Kong-registered company Nippon Star, the Chronicle reported. It said Nippon has an office in Manila's financial district in a building owned by Raymond Moreno, a businessman with close links to the deposed regime of Ferdinand Marcos and Marcos's former military chief, Gen. Fabian Ver."

July 10, 1987, UPI, 'Marcos not that rich, Aquino aides say': "Philippine officials scoffed Friday at claims by ousted ruler Ferdinand Marcos that he has $14 billion in gold treasure available to finance an armed comeback attempt. ''If he was that rich, then certainly he has got the kind of worth far beyond the imagination,'' Teodoro Benigno, President Corazon Aquino's spokesman, said. Benigno said Marcos's statement about his wealth, secretly tape-recorded by arms dealers, ''started like a cyclone and ended like a zephyr.'' Marcos's boasts, said armed forces spokesman Col. Honesto Isleta, were a ''propaganda ploy to boost the sagging morale of followers waiting for his return.'' Isleta said the military did not take seriously Marcos's statements that he planned to overthrow the government and take Aquino hostage July 10 with an invasion force of 10,000 men armed with $25 million worth of high-tech weapons, Stinger missiles and tanks. Marcos's plans were taped during conversations at his exile home in Honolulu in May with two American representatives of a Saudi arms merchant, Prince Mohamed Al-Fassi. Marcos said he was taking a loan from the Saudi prince and would repay it from his secret horde. He told the men he had 1,000 tons of gold valued at $14 billion hidden in the Philippines and another $500 million to $1 billion stashed away in Swiss banks. The Americans turned over their tapes to Filipino officials, who gave copies to U.S. officials in Washington, where they were aired by a congressional subcommittee Thursday. Marcos once claimed he had discovered ''part, if not all'' of the legendary treasure of Gen. Tomoyuki Yamashita. Yamashita, a Japanese Imperial Army commander known as the ''Tiger of Malaya,'' is believed by some to have amassed a fortune in gold during his lightning conquest of the Malay peninsula in World War II. In 1978, American columnist Jack Anderson reported the State Department had evidence to show Marcos had maps to the Japanese treasure, supposedly scattered in 172 locations. American war prisoners who helped bury the treasure were executed, he said. In February, retired U.S. Maj. Gen. John Singlaub said he was on the trail of the Yamashita treasure, but the effort was aborted when charges were raised that he was using the hunt as cover for military activities. Minoru Fukumitsu, a Japanese war crimes investigator who served on the staff of the late Gen. Douglas MacArthur, said he made an exhaustive investigation into the Yamashita treasure but found no evidence it existed. He said Yamashita could not have brought his supposed loot from Malaya because he was sent from there to Manchuria and came to the Philippines only in the fall of 1944. Col. Isleta said he does not know if such a treasure exists, ''but I know some people swear by it.''"

Sterling Seagrave, Chapter 14: "Reluctantly, Curtis agreed, and on February 11, 1987, checked into the Mandarin Hotel in Hong Kong where the others were waiting. Over the next four days they met in a hotel conference room, and ate their meals together. To protect himself this time, Curtis insisted upon taping the entire conference from start to finish. (He gave us copies of all the tapes from which we have drawn much of what follows.) ... Later in the week they were joined by the Swedish psychic Olof Jonsson who Curtis regarded as indispensable. Singlaub told the group their greatest danger was that Japans victims would ban together to get the World Court to freeze further recoveries of war loot until its true ownership could be established. He said thirty-two countries in all claimed to have been looted of a total of 600,000 metric tons of gold. He did not say where he got these figures, but he and his group had access to CIA archives that are not accessible to the public. To Curtis anger and dismay, it now emerged that Singlaub had persuaded the John Birch Society to take over funding Nippon Star ... ."

1987, founding charter of the joint venture between Phoenix Exploration Services Limited / Nippon Star Limited [Headed by John Harrigan, a CIA operative and Christian right-winger whose wife later married Singlaub] and C & B Salvage & Investment: "Section 7. Phase II Joint venture management: The management of the joint venture shall be confidential and shall be conducted in absolute secrecy. The shall be an executive committee for management of joint venture affairs comprised of the following five individuals: 1. Robert Curtis. 2. Dennis Barton. 3. John K. Singlaub. 4. John Voss [deputy to Foringer]. 5. Alan R. Foringer [administrative head CIA station in Manila]. ... C & B Salvage has asserted and claimed to Phoenix that C & B Salvage and/or Mr. Robert Curtis has considerable personal knowledge and hundreds of pictures in its/his possession, which knowledge and pictures can lead to the recovery of many of the 172 bonafide treasure sites that were buried by the Japanese during World War II in the Philippines. ... WHEREAS, C & B Salvage has as part of its treasure salvage team and under its executive contract and management control the services of a world renowned psycic, Mr . Olof Jonsson, who has previously demonstrated the efficacy of his psychic powers in the identification, location and confirmation of Japanese treasure sites in the Republic of the Philippines... C & B Salvage hereby agrees to to immediately make available the services of Olof Jonsson, the world renowned psychic, to provide on-site consultation to Phoenix/Nippon. ... Distribution of profits: 33,33% to C & B Salvage. 33,33% to Phoenix/Nippon. 33,34% to Philippine American Friendship Foundation]."

Alan Foringer hand written note to Robert Curtis (who used the code name George Armstrong at Nippon Star): "Can we agree to take half of endowment in PAFF and use it to fund WDF for national defense projects in U.S. and Philippines? Examples: Strategic Defense Initiative. Other space programs. B-1 Bomber. MX Missiles. Etc. Etc. Conventional weapons. To in effect build a new military-industrial complex controlled by us? If your answer is yes, I suggest A. Singlaub. B. Schweiter. C. Daniel Graham. D. George Keegan. E. Jack Vessey. [Diaghram:] Nippon Star Security Group, Inc. ... Military board of advisors: Schweitzer, Singlaub, Graham, Keegan, Vessey. ... Western Defense Foundation. Board of directors: Singlaub, Schweitzer, Keegan, Vessey, Graham." Apparently the group was expecting to retrieve 100 billion worth of treasure (Gold Warriors, p. 315). That would mean approximately 16 billion dollars to fund their own military industrial complex.

January 13, 2005, Washington Post, 'Flashy Fugitive Richard Hirschfeld Dies': "Mr. Hirschfeld, 57, was captured Oct. 1 in Fort Lauderdale, Fla., and was about to be transferred to Norfolk to stand trial on a variety of federal charges. He apparently hanged himself with plastic wrap in a jailhouse laundry room. Mr. Hirschfeld spent much of his life in the headlines and in trouble for his high-profile schemes, his veiled suggestions that he performed espionage for U.S. intelligence agencies and his close association with [Muhammed] Ali, whom he represented for more than 15 years. ... Mr. Hirschfeld, whose primary residences were in Virginia Beach and Charlottesville when he wasn't on the run, cultivated a shadowy image of intrigue and never confirmed or denied the cloak-and-dagger rumors that swirled around him. When asked directly, in a 1989 interview with The Washington Post, he said only, "Nobody's ever heard of a Jewish James Bond." Nonetheless, at least one former CIA agent claimed Mr. Hirschfeld had performed special assignments for the agency. In 1987, Mr. Hirschfeld and an associate posed as arms dealers and taped ousted Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos plotting an invasion to reclaim control of his homeland. Mr. Hirschfeld later testified to a Senate subcommittee about Marcos's plans. In 1989, Mr. Hirschfeld's partner in that caper, Robert Chastain, died mysteriously in Vienna, shortly after a suicide clause in his insurance policies expired. Mr. Hirschfeld was the primary beneficiary of almost $5 million in life insurance. ... He was indicted in 1996 in a scheme to obtain an early work-release furlough while still in prison. He was accused of fraudulently arranging to work for Habitat for Humanity rebuilding houses damaged by Hurricane Andrew in Florida. Facing a possible sentence of 70 years if convicted, Mr. Hirschfeld fled the country and had lived as a fugitive until his capture. A gregarious man of charm and persuasion, Mr. Hirschfeld had many acquaintances in high places, including Sen. Orrin G. Hatch (R-Utah), Supreme Court nominee Robert H. Bork, entertainer Kenny Rogers and members of the Saudi royal family. At the Republican National Convention in 1988, Mr. Hirschfeld and Ali sat behind Barbara Bush as George H.W. Bush delivered his acceptance speech for the presidential nomination. ... After meeting Ali in 1980, Mr. Hirschfeld became the boxer's lawyer, evidently on Ali's mistaken belief that Mr. Hirschfeld had represented John Wayne. The two often were seen together, and in 1985, Mr. Hirschfeld accompanied Ali to the Middle East in a failed effort to secure the release of American hostages in Beirut. In 1987 and 1988, someone purporting to be Ali made hundreds of telephone calls to senators, press secretaries, journalists and even Attorney General Edwin Meese III. The calls urged action on legal or legislative matters that would have benefited Mr. Hirschfeld or his friends. Some people who received the calls were suspicious because the "Ali" they heard had a grasp of foreign policy and American political history and spoke in the boxer's quick-witted manner of the 1960s, not in the slurred whisper of Ali's post-boxing years. Mr. Hirschfeld, who was known to do a convincing impersonation of Ali, denied making the calls. Even in prison, Mr. Hirschfeld remained a wheeler-dealer who believed judges, prosecutors and federal agencies were conspiring against him. He was implicated in a 1993 plot to have acid thrown in the face of the Virginia federal judge who had sentenced him to prison or, failing that, to have the judge's legs broken. A maiming was never carried out."

August 22, 2000, Philippine Daily Inquirer, 'Front page Manila is CIA's 'main station' in Southeast Asia': "THE US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has been using Manila as its main station in Southeast Asia since the early years of the Philippine Commonwealth. The CIA was informed of Ferdinand Marcos' intention to declare martial law days before the fact, and given a list of those whom he wanted arrested and detained. It was instrumental in the formation of anti-communist vigilante groups like the Alsa Masa in the late 1980s, and is able to intercept the transmissions of Asean countries. These details were among those disclosed by University of the Philippines professor Roland G. Simbulan in a paper titled "The CIA in Manila (Covert Operations and the CIA's Hidden History in the Philippines)," which he presented Friday to students and colleagues at the UP Manila. Simbulan, who is also convenor and coordinator of the UP Manila Studies Program, said he had based his paper on declassified CIA documents, published journals and articles and actual interviews with former CIA operatives during a trip to the United States. "Manila has long been the main station, if not the regional headquarters, of the CIA for Southeast Asia. This is perhaps so because the Philippines has long been regarded as a stronghold of US imperial power in Asia," he said. Simbulan said that "since the Americanized Filipinos were under the spell of American culture, they were easy to recruit without realizing they were committing treason (against) their own people and country." He said this was even made easier by the presence of US military bases-"the mighty symbols and infrastructure of American power"-in the country since the start of the 20th century up to 1992. Simbulan began his lengthy discussion on the intrusion of the CIA into Philippine affairs with a disclosure of "declassified documents under the Freedom of Information Act." "On Sept. 17, 1972, a CIA asset in the Philippines who was in the inner circle of Marcos informed the CIA station (in Manila) that he was planning to proclaim martial law on Sept. 21, 1972," Simbulan said. He said the CIA station was also provided an advance list of persons whom Marcos had planned to arrest and imprison. And as early as 1982, Simbulan said, the CIA already had a "clear picture of Marcos' health problems" after it was able to verify from a "high-ranking Philippine immigration officer the names of the two doctors who visited the Philippines to treat Marcos for kidney failure." Counterinsurgency Simbulan traced the CIA involvement in the Philippine government's war against communist rebels. "In the late 1980s, the CIA assigned Vietnam veteran US Gen. John Singlaub to organize anti-communist vigilante groups all over the country for mass terror. . . as part of the government's total-war policy against people's movements," he said. He named another "operative" in the counterinsurgency operations as Col. James Rowe, who was gunned down by urban guerrillas of the New People's Army in Quezon City in 1989. Simbulan said Rowe was "clandestinely involved in the organization of anti-communist death squads like the Alsa Masa and vigilante groups patterned after Operation Phoenix in Vietnam, which had the objective of eliminating the political infrastructure of the insurgency." Simbulan also said the CIA tried to "dissuade US links with the Marcoses" after the fall of the dictatorship in 1986 by "politically influencing the contours of the post-Marcos era." He said the CIA directed the US Agency for International Development "to grant the Trade Union Congress of the Philippines (TUCP) generous financing so it could formulate a position paper on an economic program anchored on the partnership between labor and capital." "USAID even temporarily set up an agrarian reform office, working closely at the TUCP offices," he said. According to Simbulan, the CIA and USAID "wanted to design an agrarian reform (program) that would not disrupt the agro-export sector and one which could be synchronized with the counter-insurgency program. . . and diffuse peasant unrest." Thus, he said, Washington "reportedly authorized stepped-up clandestine CIA operations against the Left in the Philippines, including a $ 10-million allocation to the Armed Forces of the Philippines for enhanced intelligence-gathering operations." From 115 to 127 Simbulan also noted that there was "an increase in the number of CIA personnel, from 115 to 127, mostly attached as diplomats to the US Embassy in Manila." "Political aid is handled by the CIA station (in Manila) which conducts widespread covert operations, among them, stage-managed national elections, to assure preferred US outcome, payoffs to government officials under the guise of grants, financing for favored business and civic groups, pro-US propaganda campaigns among the population and the supply of intelligence (information) on activists and dissidents to the AFP," he said. Among the most prominent fronts being used by the CIA in Manila is the Asia Foundation in Magallanes Village, Makati City, he said. Quoting former US state department official William Blum, Simbulan said the Asia Foundation was "the principal CIA front" and funding conduit in Asia. He said the foundation "funds and supports known anti-communist groups or influential personalities, like academics, journalists, local officials and institutions." Quoting from Victor Marchetti's book "The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence," Simbulan said the objective of such fronts was "to disseminate throughout Asia a negative version of mainland Asia, North Vietnam and North Korea." Recto, Magsaysay Did the nationalist Claro M. Recto actually die of a heart attack, or was he poisoned? "It is now a well-documented fact that the CIA chief in Manila and the US ambassador had discussed a plan to assassinate (Recto) using a vial of poison. A few years later, Recto was to die mysteriously of a heart attack though he had no known heart ailment," Simbulan said. Before the heart attack, Simbulan said, Recto was last seen at "an appointment with two Caucasians in business suits." But "before this, the CIA had made every effort to assure the defeat of Recto in the 1957 presidential election, wherein the CIA manufactured and distributed defective condoms with a 'Vote for Recto' seal," he said. Simbulan likewise traced the late President Ramon Magsaysay's supposed links with the CIA, starting with Col. Edward Lansdale. Magsaysay appointed Lansdale as his military adviser, but Simbulan said the American was also his "speechwriter" who "determined" his "foreign and military policy." "So successful was the CIA in pulling the strings through Lansdale that in 1954, a high-level committee secretly reported that American policy was most effectively represented in the Philippines where any expanded program of Western influence may best be launched," Simbulan said. He said the Freedom Company of the Philippines and Operation Brotherhood were eventually formed. These programs, he said, were "mechanisms to permit the deployment of Filipino personnel in other Asian countries for unconventional operations covertly supported by the Philippines." Through these programs, Simbulan said, US advisers of the Joint US Military Advisory Group (Jusmag) and the CIA station in Manila "were able to design and lead the bloody suppression of the nationalist Hukbalahap, which was vehemently opposed to the postwar Parity Rights amendment and the onerous military agreements with the US." He said the CIA's success in crushing the Huk rebellion was even made the "model for future counterinsurgencies such as in Vietnam and Latin America" although the US campaign in Vietnam resulted in one of its most costly defeats in history."

August 27, 1985, New York Times, U.S. Group Aiding Rebels May Have Broken Tax-Exemption Pledge': "In its statements to the revenue service, the council said it was started in 1981 with a $16,500 interest-free loan from the World Anti-Communist League. In a 1981 report, the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith described the anti-Communist league as ''a gathering place for extremists, racists and anti-Semites'' that was founded in 1966 with ''heavy support from Taiwanese and South Korean leaders.'' In an interview last June, General Singlaub conceded that the Latin American branch had been ''terribly anti-Semitic'' and that one European chapter contained former Nazi SS soldiers, but he said those extremist elements had been purged."

September 19, 1985, Singlaub in the New York Times, 'One Group's Role in the Struggle for Central American Democracy': "Your Aug. 30 editorial about the U.S. Council for World Freedom contains a number of inaccuracies and misinterpretations. Because of the struggle to preserve democracy so close to our borders in Central America, I feel strongly that the record should be set straight. First, neither our council nor the World Anti-Communist League has ever been a gathering place for ''extremists, racists and anti-Semites.'' A representative of the Anti-Defamation League attended our World Anti-Communist League Conference in San Diego last year and afterward referred to our activities in complimentary terms. My predecessor as chairman of the World Anti-Communist League was Gen. Robert T. Close, a retired Belgian officer who is now in the Belgian Senate. He fought in the Belgian underground against the Nazis in World War II and ended up in a Nazi prison camp. I myself fought in the underground in France against the Nazis. Neither General Close nor I would have ever tolerated any Nazi sympathizers in the league. In fact, both of us agreed early on that we would not be involved if any such elements became associated with the league. It is not true that former SS officers had to be ''purged.'' In fact none of them were ever members. What did happen was that one or two individuals of country affiliates recommended for membership some organizations containing former SS men. These individuals themselves were then expelled from the league for being misguided enough to recommend such groups. A representative from Israel spoke at our just-concluded conference in Dallas, as happened last year in San Diego. There are also representatives from Arab countries, sincere anti-Communists, who have sometimes submitted resolutions critical of Israeli operations, but these have always been voted down. Secondly, the U.S. Council for World Freedom has not supplied any funds for weapons. Our contributions have been only for nonlethal supplies -medical equipment, and the like. The helicopter you referred to (given by a great lady, Ellen Garwood) is not a combat aircraft. It is to be used for medical evacuation, and it is the same type that is used by many American cities for emergency purposes. Thirdly, it is not true that we have been franchised by the White House to conduct this campaign or that we have been getting directions and advice from the White House or the National Security Council. Our main function in regard to Nicaragua, I feel, was to provide medical and other nonlethal supplies to the freedom fighters there during a critical period when U.S. public opinion and opinions in Congress had not yet caught up with President Reagan's policy regarding the seriousness of the threat to continental security and the need to encourage democracy on our continent."

May 3, 1985, Washington Post, 'Private Groups Step Up Aid to 'Contras'': "The rebels continue to claim that they are well-funded, though it is impossible to establish precisely where the money is coming from. The two most prominent and active support groups identified so far are the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) and its U.S. chapter, the United States Council for World Freedom (USCWF). The head of both organizations is retired Army major general John K. Singlaub, who was ousted as chief of staff of U.S. forces in South Korea in 1977 when he publicly criticized President Jimmy Carter. Singlaub apparently is an informal link among several other organizations raising money and political support for the "contra" rebels, whom they call "freedom fighters." The boards, donors and membership lists of these groups overlap, often reading like a "Who's Who" of the right. They say that in the wake of congressional refusal to provide U.S. aid to the rebels, it is up to private citizens to show U.S. support for democratic efforts worldwide. Adolfo Calero, political chief of the Nicaraguan Democratic Force, the largest rebel group, said in an interview that "a substantial part" of his arms funds have come through Singlaub. He said his cash flow has improved recently, and estimated his total receipts at "close to $10 million," of which 40 percent is arms and the rest nonlethal help. Many organizations send humanitarian aid to refugees in the area and try to avoid supplying any of the various armed groups. The Connecticut-based Americares Foundation, for example, dispatched $14 million in medical aid last year, mostly to El Salvador, and plans $20 million this year, distributed through Knights of Malta groups regionwide. About $3 million of that has gone to refugees in Honduras, where many of the families of Nicaraguan contras are living. The president of the Americares Foundation, Robert C. Macauley, acknowledged that there is no way to guarantee that recipients are apolitical. Other aid donors, such as Singlaub, openly are helping the "contras" fight the Sandinistas. In a recent interview, Singlaub said that he has raised almost $2 million outside the United States for arms for the Nicaraguan rebels, primarily through the World Anti-Communist League. (U.S. law bans fund raising inside U.S. borders for weapons to be sent overseas.) He and Calero said they were seeking military and financial help from WACL chapters in South America, noting that the chapters in Brazil and Argentina are large and active. The humanitarian side of Singlaub's drive -- collecting medicine, food, clothing and other nonlethal aid -- has focused on domestic donors. This effort, he said, "has the support of the White House, the Pentagon and the Department of State." Singlaub works actively for the Nicaraguan rebels' cause. Six weeks ago he was at a contra training camp with Calero offering advice and encouragement and promising to do more fund-raising. Within days, the general was seeking donations at a Palm Springs meeting of the conservative, 400-member Council for National Policy, made up of business, religious and political leaders, of which he is a board member. Singlaub also is a board member of Western Goals, a conservative educational group founded by the late Rep. Larry McDonald (D-Ga.), and is on the advisory board of Refugee Relief International, an organization that has aided Salvadoran refugees that was established by editors of Soldier of Fortune magazine, a journal specializing in stories about mercenaries. Singlaub has said he has helped raise funds for Friends of the Americas, a Louisiana-based group chaired by Louisiana state Rep. Woody Jenkins, a conservative Democrat. Jenkins said in an interview that his group has sent $1.5 million in medical aid to refugee groups in Honduras, including some Miskito Indians. His wife, Diane, a group director, said the aid includes 25,000 "shoeboxes" from private donors. "They're like little CARE packages with a pound of beef, rice, soap, vitamins, candles and salt," she said, and sometimes include fishing lines, hooks and a mirror or photographs of the donors. She said they are worth $25 to $30 each. Imposition of U.S. economic sanctions against Nicaragua, announced Wednesday by President Reagan, will lead to "thousands of people fleeing out of Nicaragua, and we hope to increase our efforts," especially on the Pacific Coast near the Nicaraguan border, Jenkins said. Singlaub said the U.S. drive by USCWF and its allies is bringing in just under $500,000 a month, one third to one half of it from a group of wealthy Texas conservatives. They include Bert Hurlbut, president of First Texas Royalty and Exploration Co., prominent conservative donor Ellen St. John Garwood and Mr. and Mrs. John Howell of Howell Instruments. All confirmed that they had made donations. Singlaub set up the U.S. Council for World Freedom in Phoenix, Ariz., in late 1981 with a loan of about $20,000 from Taiwan, according to retired Air Force lieutenant colonel Albert Koen, who was USCWF treasurer until May 1984. Koen said conservative Colorado businessman Joseph Coors was one of the group's few early backers and remains a staunch supporter. The USCWF board includes several prominent conservatives: Retired lieutenant general Daniel O. Graham of High Frontier, the "Star Wars" lobby, as vice chairman; Anna Chennault, president of Transportation and Communications (TAC) International; John Fisher of the American Security Council; former U.S. representative John LeBoutillier (R-N.Y.), and Sammy Y. Jung, a Korean business consultant. Hurlbut, who sits on the advisory board of the USCWF, said he heard about Singlaub through High Frontier while helping it raise funds. Since he joined in 1982, "the general and I have been working the fund-raising side of the street," Hurlbut said. He has traveled around the world with Singlaub and said the general is "treated like royalty by resistance forces everywhere." Hurlbut has been heading the private drive in Texas with Singlaub. He said he and Mrs. Garwood have contributed more than $100,000, but emphasized that the money is used for medicine, food and clothing for the contras, their families and refugees. "None of the funds from this country go for hardware. We've solicited funds elsewhere for that. The entire WACL board is trying to help out with arms," Hurlbut said. The WACL chapter in France "has been very good in helping out" and the one in Britain "has been getting more involved," he said, referring to arms purchases. Chapters in Taiwan, South Korea and Saudi Arabia are among the most active and generous, each contributing more than $100,000 a year for WACL general operating purposes and more for emergencies or special projects, Hurlbut said. His statements could not be independently confirmed. The World Anti-Communist League was formed in Taiwan in 1967 as an outgrowth of the Asian Peoples Anti-Communist League, a regional alliance against communism launched at the behest of Chiang Kai-shek after the Korean war. WACL board member and honorary chairman Dr. Ku Cheng-kang, head of the Taiwan chapter, has been a high level member of the ruling Nationalist Party in Taiwan for almost 50 years. Hurlbut maintained that the Taiwan and South Korea chapters are sending $50,000 per month each to the contras. But Singlaub said that was "wishful thinking" and that Hurlbut was not in a position to know the figures. Some WACL chapters have close ties to the Unification Church of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon. The Japanese chapter of WACL was founded in the late 1960s by Ryoichi Sasakawa, a wealthy conservative businessman who now heads the Japanese Shipbuilding Industry Foundation. He was jailed as a war criminal after World War II and subsequently helped start the Unification Church in Japan. An arm of the Unification Church called Causa has run media seminars around Latin America for several years in the "cause" of anti-communism. Its director, retired general E. David Woellner, said the group has "set up our own channels of shipment and programs" to aid refugee groups in Honduras with food, clothing, toys, blankets and canvas for tents. He said the estimated $1 million in aid the group has sent since mid-1984 included a field kitchen, and that former U.S. ambassador John Negroponte had provided "cooperation." "This program has been coordinated by the Honduran president's wife, the ambassador's wife and my wife," Woellner said. Former U.S. ambassador to Honduras Philip Sanchez is now head of Causa's U.S. branch, and its board of directors includes Daniel Graham of High Frontier and Lloyd Bucher, commander of the USS Pueblo when it was captured by North Korea. WACL's most visible annual activities have been its conventions and its World Freedom Day rallies. Since the early 1970s, WACL conventions in Europe, Latin America and Asia have drawn delegates from 100 member countries and international groups. Recently they have included representatives from the anti-Castro Cuban terrorist group Alpha 66 and the far right Italian political party Italian Social Movement. The Italian terrorist group Ordine Novo, Croatian terrorist organizations and the Argentine AAA death squads also were represented, according to freelance writer Henrik Kruger, author of the book "The Great Heroin Coup." Calero mentioned that he attended the WACL convention last September in San Diego and discussed contra needs with two WACL board members: Ku and Belgian Sen. Robert Close, a retired general who heads the European branch. "They said they were going to help and my understanding is that they have come through," Calero said. Hurlbut said some USCWF board members have helped in innovative ways. Sammy Jung, the Korean consultant to American, Korean and Taiwanese firms, has obtained a large quantity of clothing for the contras at reduced rates. Hurlbut said he is trying to get a wealthy clothing manufacturer in Taiwan to provide similarly inexpensive clothing for the rebels, and said he has approached the Mormon church about providing seed packages in large quantities. In the past month, Singlaub has made fund-raising trips to Fort Worth and Palm Springs, Fla., where he said he obtained about $100,000 in commitments from fellow members of the Council for National Policy. The 400 or so members of this group, headed until recently by Woody Jenkins, are religious, business and political conservatives including oil magnate Nelson Bunker Hunt, Christian Broadcasting Network chief Pat Robertson, singer Pat Boone and Robert J. Perry of Perry Homes. An aide to Hunt confirmed that he has donated funds to aid Miskito Indians; Hurlbut said Perry was a contributor to refugee aid, but Perry could not be reached. Much of Singlaub's 35-year military career involved classified programs and covert operations, starting with the Office of Strategic Services in World War II and then as a CIA station chief in Mukden, China. He was deputy CIA station chief in South Korea during the war there, and during the Vietnam war he ran a classified covert operation from 1966 to 1968 known as the Studies and Observation Group, or SOG. Using about 10,000 men, SOG ran secret raids, sabotage and psychological operations in North Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. His deputy during that program was Brig. Gen. Harry C. Aderholt, who now runs the Florida-based Air Commando Association that transports donated medical and other supplies to refugees, primarily in El Salvador. Another transport organization, the Civilian Military Assistance Group, headed by Tom Posey and based in Alabama, claims more than 1,000 members nationwide and has sent several volunteer teams to fight with the contras. Two of its men were killed Sept. 1 when their helicopter was shot down over Nicaragua. Last year, Singlaub headed a panel for Fred C. Ikle, the undersecretary of defense for policy, which recommended the use of more unconventional warfare tactics in Central America. Also last year, Singlaub set up a private center in Boulder, Colo., called the Institute for Regional and International Studies. He said it will "recruit people" with intelligence-gathering and psychological operations skills to train the Salvador police and perhaps the Nicaraguan rebels. Singlaub is now planning this year's USCWF conference in Dallas this September. The final night's schedule is set: it will be a "Freedom Fighters Ball and Banquet" to support the contras."

Singlaub lied about the humanitarian aid. May 22, 1987, Wall Street Journal, 'Wealthy Donors Describe North's Role In Private Fund-Raising for the Contras': "Yesterday, the congressional investigating committees also completed their interrogation of retired [Army] Maj. Gen. John Singlaub. The general described working with Col. North in 1985 on a major arms shipment for the Contras. Yet he said he was later "cut out" of opportunities to acquire arms for the insurgents, and became viewed as a potential rival to Gen. Secord, who charged the Contras significantlt higher prices for equivalent rifles and ammunition."

Singlaub was on the advisory committee of the Western Goals Foundation and together with death squad Roberto D’Aubuisson and international patron.

April 24, 1993, the Guardian, 'Guns, Goons and Western Goals': "Western Goals was set up in Britain in 1985 as an offshoot of the US Western Goals Foundation, founded in 1979 by Representative John P. McDonald, the former chairman of the John Birch Society. Its aim was to keep track of "subversives". One of its principal sponsors was Nelson Bunker Hunt, the Texas billionaire who tried to corner the world silver market in 1982. In Britain Western Goals (UK) gathered together a parliamentary advisory committee which included Patrick Wall [Commando; Monday Club; close to Ian Smith and Cecils; published a book with Julian Amery and Stephen Hastings; president of the British UFO Research Association (BUFORA) in the 1990s], Nicholas Winterton, Neil Hamilton, Bill Walker, Rev Martyn Smyth and the former MP Stefan Terlezki [and Gen. Walter Walker was the patron 1984-2001, who published the book The Next Domino? with Julian Amery. Western Goals died with him. Peter Dally, an editor of Kenneth De Courcy's Intelligence Digest, was also involved.]. The US foundation was wound up when the Tower Commission revealed it had been part of Oliver North's Contra funding network. But in Britain it rapidly established itself as a promoter of rightwing causes, and increasingly, as an irritant to the Conservative Party and other sections of the radical right who recoiled from its espousal of extreme authoritarian and nationalist views. ... In Britain Western Goals at first divided its work between infiltrating the Monday Club and promoting far-right parties in southern Africa and Europe. In February 1988, when it became the UK chapter of the WACL's youth wing, it helped organise a visit to Britain of the Angolan rebel leader Jonas Savimbi. In June it brought over Treurnicht, and his foreign affairs spokesman, Derby-Lewis. At the 1989 Tory conference it launched European Dawn with articles supporting the Republicans in Germany and the Front National in France. The magazine sponsored a fringe meeting with Derby-Lewis as the main speaker. Derby-Lewis was back again in 1990, as vice-president of Western Goals. In London he was said to have had "an extremely productive series of meetings with British members of parliament". AT ONE meeting in the House of Lords, hosted by the Western Goals patron, Lord Sudeley, the guests included the revisionist historian David Irving. One person who there has told the Guardian that a number of the audience were also members of the fascist British National Party. Derby-Lewis then moved on to Brussels as Western Goals' delegate to the 22nd international conference of the WACL, when the organisation was renamed the World League for Freedom and Democracy. He was accompanied by Andrew Smith, Western Goals' director, who was re-elected as deputy general secretary to the League. Smith, then aged 26, had been an active young Tory in several London constituencies. At the Party conference in 1983, while handling media relations for several white South African sporting organisations, he cut a sharp-suited, Thatcherite dash with his spotted bow tie and a button which read: "Get it Right with the Monday Club. " His current political inclinations are spelt out in a private letter from him which the Guardian has seen. "We look to the likes of Franco, Salazar, Pinochet, Stroessner, Somoza, Chiang Kai-Shek and the Shah of Iran. " By 1991, when Western Goals became the UK chapter of the senior World League, its activists, including a former member of the British National Party, Stuart Millson, had taken over control of the Monday club. One key appointments was that of Smith's righthand man, Gregory Lauder-Frost, a member of the Monday Club for 20 years who became political secretary and chairman of the foreign affairs committee. Despite official Conservative distaste for Western Goals' flirtations with neo-fascists - which led to the gradual defection of all the advisory board of MPs - Smith continued his programme. In December 1991 he organised the visit to London of the Front National leader, Jean-Marie Le Pen. At the same time he was writing to Treurnicht offering his "international network of friends and allies" to promote the South African Conservative Party's interests. As evidence of his influence he cited his close relationship with Le Pen's European Right Group in the European Parliament and his work for governments of Taiwan and El Salvador. The president of Western Goals at the time was Major Roberto D'Aubuisson, infamously known as the leader of the death squads of El Salvador. Last February, after D'Aubuisson's death from cancer, Western Goals announced that "Commandant Clive Derby-Lewis", the former CO of the Witwaterstrand Rifles Regiment, was to become its president. ... It has been the week of the right wing in South Africa. Beginning with the arrest of the Conservative Party politician Clive Derby-Lewis in connection with the murder of the ANC leader Chris Hani, and ending with the death of the party leader, Dr Andries Treurnicht, the focus of political attention has switched abruptly to the cause of white extremism. Derby-Lewis has not charged, but the arrest of a "foreigner" - the Polish immigrant Janus Walus - as the alleged assassin, as well as disclosures of Derby-Lewis's involvement in international rightwing networks has spiced the issue with the element of world-wide conspiracy."

Accused of a false flag bombing, drug trafficking and assassinations:

May 30, 1986, Miami Herald, 'Journalists' suit claims ring tried to kill Contra': "In what reads like a Robert Ludlum spy novel, two journalists filed a $23.8 million lawsuit in Miami Thursday, blaming a ring of former CIA officials, Cuban exiles, Nicaraguan contra leaders, international arms dealers and cocaine smugglers for a bombing in which both reporters were injured. The lawsuit claims the ring sold cocaine in the United States to fund its activities, including arming Nicaraguan contras, attempting to bomb U.S. embassies in Costa Rica and Honduras, and hiring a Libyan assassin to kill Lewis Tambs, U.S. ambassador to Costa Rica. According to the suit, filed by the husband-and-wife reporting team of Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey, the 30 defendants hoped the bombings and assassinations would be blamed on the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. Avirgan, a stringer for National Public Radio, and Honey, a reporter for the Canadian Broadcasting Co., were hurt when a bomb exploded during a press conference held by Nicaraguan contra leader Eden Pastora on May 30, 1984. The suit claims the defendants planted the bomb, which killed eight people and wounded more than 25 others. The group's operations were financed by cocaine smuggling from Colombia to Miami, and the ring laundered the profits through domestic and offshore banks, the suit alleges. Ted Klein, a Miami attorney who represents one of the 30 defendants, Tamiami Gun Shop owner Ronald Martin, said "the allegations are ridiculous and absurd." "My first reaction is that this is an April Fool's joke, but it's too late," Klein said. "This is the best example of the misuse of the courts I've ever seen. It shows what someone can do if they are able to put together a federal court filing fee. Even as a dime-store novel, it's poorly written." The suit names as defendants Ted Shackley, former associate deputy director for operations for the CIA; Tom Clines, a former CIA training officer; Adolfo Calero, head of the Nicaraguan Democratic Force contra group; and John Singlaub, a former Army major-general who is a major fund-raiser for the contras. Also named are four members of the Cuban exile organization Brigade 2506 and the heads of several small businesses, including the Tamiami Gun Shop. At the State Department in Washington, spokesman Charles Redman called the charges "patently ridiculous.""

June 2, 1986, UPI, 'Rebel lawyer aiming for 'Watergate II'': "From the shabby quarters of the Christic Institute, 12 blocks from the marbled Capitol, general counsel Danny Sheehan hopes to direct Watergate II. On May 29 he filed a $23.8 million civil lawsuit against Contra rebel leaders and former CIA officials, charging them with selling cocaine to Americans and using the profits to arm and train an anti-Nicaraguan military force. Sheehan feels it could lead to the impeachment of up to a dozen White House officials in 1987. ''We've got indications that these people are involved, but we as attorneys don't feel they have been adequately proven to justify naming these people at this time.'' At a Washington news conference, he added: ''There is some evidence suggestive of the involvement of current CIA and National Security Council officials'' in the drug trafficking and gun smuggling conspiracy. ... He set forth his charges in a 64-page complaint asking for $23.8 million in damages. Accused conspirators include John Hull, an American rancher in Costa Rica, John Singlaub, a former Army major general who now is a fundraiser for the Contras, Adolfo Calero, the best-known Contra leader, and Tom Posey, the ex-Army officer who heads a Huntsville, Ala., group that raises funds for the contras. Former CIA officials Ted Shackley and Tom Clines are also named. Sheehan identifies the would-be Pastora assassin as Amac Galil, an anti-Khadafy Libyan exile allegedly recruited by the ring in Chile. ''We have this from an eyewitness report from a guy who was on the premises of John Hall's ranch where the bomb was constructed and where Galil spent a period of time...,'' says Sheehan."

October 11, 1986, Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), 'Downed plane was used in drug sting': "The cargo plane that was shot down on Sunday while taking ammunition to insurgents in Nicaragua was earlier involved in a US"sting" operation against the Sandinista Government, the Drug Enforcement Administration said yesterday. A spokesman for the agency, Mr Jack Hood, said in Miami: "We believe that the C-123 that was shot down was the same plane that was used in the Barry Seal operation." Mr Adler (Barry) Seal, a pilot and drug smuggler from Baton Rouge, Louisiana, who became an undercover informant for the Drug Enforcement Agency, flew the plane to the Rickenbacker Air National Guard Base in Ohio, where CIA men installed hidden cameras on it in 1984. Mr Seal then flew to Nicaragua and returned to the US with 662 kilograms of cocaine. The cameras filmed Federico Vaughn, whom American officials said was a senior employee of the Nicaraguan Government, helping to load the cocaine into the plane. American authorities said at the time that the use of Nicaraguan facilities meant the operation had the approval of, and was possibly controlled by, the Nicaraguan Minister for Defence, Mr Humberto Ortega, a brother of the Sandinista leader, Mr Daniel Ortega. Mr Seal was murdered in Baton Rouge in February. In another development here yesterday, Major-General John Singlaub, the retired army officer said by White House officials to have arranged the supply flight, again denied involvement. At a news conference yesterday, the general said: "I do not know who ordered the aircraft into the air. I want to assure you that it had nothing to do with me. The men who were killed were not in my employ." General Singlaub also asserted that a statement made in Managua yesterday by Mr Eugene Hasenfus, the former Marine Corps parachute rigger who survived the crash, was "probably false". He added: "We can't afford to take a statement from someone who is acting under duress." Mr Hasenfus has said he worked with CIA employees in El Salvador and had made 10 covert flights into Nicaragua. The assistant secretary of state for Latin American affairs, Mr Elliott Abrams, said he was confident the Sandinistas were telling Mr Hasenfus if he said what they wanted to hear, he would be "out in no time". General Singlaub suggested that Major-General Richard Secord, a retired Air Force officer, was "one of the people who might have some knowledge" of the operation. But he said he had not been able to reach General Secord, who is associated with the Stanford Technology Trading Group in Vienna, Virginia. American defence sources have meanwhile said the supply flight was paid for with Saudi Arabian money and named General Secord as the organiser of the operation. General Secord was the chief Middle East arms-sales adviser to the Defence Secretary, Mr Caspar Weinberger, before he retired in May 1983. He has close ties with Saudi officials. General Secord retired following allegations linking him with inflated payments to Washington arms dealers to ship US military equipment to Egypt. One of the arms dealers was Mr Thomas Clines, a former CIA official. Defence sources said the money for the flight was provided by a "friendly third Government", which they identified as Saudi Arabia. A Saudi spokesman in Washington, Mr Habib Shaheen, denied his Government was connected to the incident."

The groups involved in trafficking arms to the Contras:

February 26, 1987, Washington Post, '3 Groups Channeled Arms to Contras After Ban': "Three distinct and competing groups supplied millions of dollars in weapons to the Nicaraguan contras after Congress banned the U.S. government in October 1984 from providing arms directly, according to documents, contra officials and brokers involved in the transactions. Two of the groups providing arms had direct ties to Lt. Col. Oliver L. North... Retired Army major general John K. Singlaub was the principal figure in one of the three channels through which arms flowed to the contras. While he was publicly raising money to clothe and feed the contras, he was trying to arrange arms shipments to them behind the scenes. In an interview, Singlaub said he completed one $ 5 million shipment in 1985 -- which has not been previously disclosed -- before he was shoved aside by a competing group that portrayed itself as having an inside track on contra arms sales. A second channel included retired Air Force major general Richard V. Secord, who has been identified by Senate investigators as one of North's key lieutenants in keeping the contras alive during the congressional ban and in facilitating the arms shipments to Iran. Singlaub said he talked with Secord about their efforts to arm the contras, and they even compared prices. The third group providing arms -- the group that Singlaub said outmaneuvered him -- was headed by Ronald J. Martin, a Miami arms broker whose long involvement in supplying arms to Central American countries is documented in court records. Martin's group had its own contacts in the Reagan administration that helped it establish a foothold in Honduras, where the contras received their weapons, according to two knowledgeable sources. There is some evidence that arms also reached the contras through a possible fourth channel, at least in 1985, when brokers bought grenade launchers and rifles from Israel and shipped them to the contras, also through Honduras."

July 4, 1987, The Guardian, 'Third World Review: Deadly Alliance formed in the jungle': "Excerpts from Lawyer Daniel Sheehan's affidavit filed by the Christic Institute in December 1986 in US District Court, Miami and citing 79 sources including current and former CIA agents and the Drug Enforcement Administration, US mercenaries, pilots, Contras, and journalists. ----- I was contacted in January 1986 by a rightwing paramilitary specialist, who was a former US army pilot in Vietnam. He informed me he had met a Former US military intelligence officer who began to discuss the existence of a 'secret Team' of former high-ranking CIA officials. US military officials and Middle Eastern arms merchants. They specialised in performing covert political assassinations, of communists and 'enemies' of this secret team which carried on its own foreign policy, regardless of the will of Congress, the President or even the CIA. A month later I was introduced to this source, who had served in US intelligence in Iran in 1976 and for a period thereafter. He set forth the details of an assassination project which operated in Iran until the fall of the shah under the supervision of the assistant deputy director of operations for the CIA. Theodore Shackley and his deputy, Thomas Clines. The source was convinced that this operation became a criminal privately-run non-CIA authorised anti-terrorist programme in 1977 when Jimmy Carter became President and Stansfield Turner became CIA director. Between 1977 and 1979 the project's field director. Edwin wilson established contact in Libya with Moammar Gadafy and secretly agreed to train Libyan anti-Shah terrorists in the use of deadly C-4 explosives at five terrorist training camps in Libya. Edwin Wilson's activities with these Libyan terrorists were actually intelligence-gathering, designed to put into his hands the identities, missions, and targets of the Libyan, anti-Shah terrorist operations. Once this information was obtained by Wilson, he would communicate it to Rafael 'Chi Chi' Quintero who was responsible for 'interdicting' and directing the assassination of these Libyan terrorists. Wilson's operation was later blown and he was indicted in the United States for dealing with Gadafy. But his supervisors, Shackley and Clines, were allowed to resign from the CIA by its director, Stansfield Turner. On resigning, they joined with former Air Force general Richard Secord and Iranian-born businessman Albert Hakim, and 'went private,' continuing to run their 'secret Team. ' Another source, a retired CIA official, says that this secret team, operating through their business partnership with Edwin Wilson, named the Egyptian-American Transport and service Company, first established contact with and began secretly supplying weapons, ammunition, and C-4 explosives to the Contras soon after they began operations in Honduras in August, 1979. A 'Special Operations Group' was established in Saigon in 1966. This was a multi-service, military operation, known as the Military Assistance Command Vietnam - special Operations Group. From 1966 to 1968 its commander who supervised the political assassination programme in Laos, Cambodia, and Thailand, was General John K. Singlaub. Serving under him for a period at the end of 1968 was a young Second Lieutenant by the name of Oliver North. The deputy air wing commander for the special operations group was then Air Force Lt. Col. Richard Secord, based at Udorn in Thailand. Between 1966 and 1975 this special operations group through the Hmong tribesmen unit assassinated over 100,000 non-combatant village mayors, book-keepers, clerks, and other civilian bureaucrats in Laos, Cambodia, and Thailand. In early 1972 Shackley and Clines were transferred to the United states where Shackley became the chief of the CIA's Western Hemisphere operations. From there the two men directed the operation known as 'Track II' in Chile which saw to the assassination of the socialist president, salvador Allende and the military overthrow of the elected government. In 1973 Shackley and Clines began to set up their private non-CIA authorised warfare programme, knowing that their anti-communist extermination operation in Indo-China was going to be shut down. In 1976 Richard secord became the deputy assistant secretary of defence in charge of the defence security assistance administration. In this capacity, he was in charge of sales of US aircraft, weapons, and equipment to Middle Eastern allies. He conducted these sales through a middleman, Albert Hakim. Secord purchased items from the US government at the low 'manufacturer's cost' but sold them at the much higher 'replacement cost'. Secord then caused to be paid to the US government only the lower amount equal to the manufacturer's cost. The difference was secretly transferred into shackley's 'secret team' operations in Iran. In the spring of 1978 Shackley, Clines, Secord, and Hakim directed Edwin Wilson to travel to Nicaragua to make available to the dictator, Anastasio somoza, the team's services for the assassination of the top Sandinista leadership. Later, in the spring of 1979, they offered to supply equipment, ammunition and explosives to Somoza, since Jimmy Carter had cut off supplies under the Harkin amendment. When Somoza fled from Nicaragua on July 17, 1979 he travelled to an island in the Bahamas called North Cay. There he met Rafael 'Chi Chi' Quintero and other representatives of the 'team'. They entered into a contract to enable Somoza and his National Guard generals to plan and prosecute a secret Contra war. This went ahead until June 1981 when the CIA officially, though covertly, took over the operation. When the Congress was drafting the Boland amendment in late 1983 to order the CIA and the White House to cease all aid to the Contras, Lt. Col. North contacted Shackley, Clines, Hakim and Secord and had the team reactivate its operations. Also, when the Reagan Administration decided in 1985 and 1986 to undertake the secret sale of arms to Iran, it was once again this secret team to whom they went for this 'black mission.'"

Source(s): November 1, 2005, (ASC founder) John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (appointed co-chair of an ASCF Strategy Board in or around 1983); American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Associate professor King College, Bristol, Tennessee, 1946-50; professor history Mississippi College, 1950-57; president Blue Ridge Assembly, Black Mountain, North Carolina, 1957-60; dean College Liberal Arts Mercer University, professor history, 1960-64; president Jacksonville University, Florida, 1964-79; under secretary of Army, 1980-81; consultant to business, 1981-84, 86-99; national executive director Reserve Officers Association U.S., 1984-86; chairman RHS Imprinted Products Inc., 1988-99; past board managers Voyager Variable Annuity of Florida, 1972-79. Vice president Am. Security Council Foundation, 1991—1999, chairman, 2002—2006; president National Security Caucus Foundation, 1997—2002; past president Florida Association Colleges and Univs.; member, past chairman Ind. Colleges and Univs., 1964—1979, chmn, 1967; sec.-treas. Association Urban Univs., 1968—1976; past member Fla.-Columbia Partners; general chairman Jacksonville Sesquicentennial Commission, 1970—1972; member North Carolina Tricentennial Commission, 1959—1965; past member adv. council Robert A. Taft Institute Government, Institute International Education. Trustee Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1968—1978; chairman board Baptist College and Seminary, Washington, 1989—2001. Member Navy League U.S. (former president Jacksonville council), Naval Reserve Association (national adv. council), Reserve Officers Association U.S. Naval Institute, Clan Munro Association, Am. Legion, Kiwanis (president Clinton, Mississippi 1956-57; president Georgetown, D.C. Club 1991-92), Phi Delta Kappa, Alpha Kappa Psi, Phi Alpha Theta, Phi Kappa Phi.

Source(s): March 2, 1961, Chicago Daily Tribune, 'Urges Stiff U.S. Front to Soviets'

Field director of the American Security Council from at least 1961-1964. Assistant to J. Edgar Hoover.

and in 1962 the American Security Council, an ultraconservative organization, kicked out Skousen, asserting that he had "gone off the deep end." J. Edgar Hoover monitored his actions closely, noting in an F.B.I. memo that "Skousen has affiliated himself with the extreme right-wing 'professional communists' who are promoting their own anti-communism for obvious financial purposes." Last, a Mormon journal called Dialogue denounced Skousen, a Mormon himself, much like Glenn Beck, for promulgating opinions that came "perilously close' to Nazism."

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984.

Educated at the University of New Hampshire, Westpoint and Harvard. West Point. Bomber pilot in the Pacific. Associate of Gen. Lemay since WWII. Member of the Air War College faculty. Headed Project Control, a hawkish plan to intimidate the Soviet Union or even go to war with it, 1948-54. Commander of the 7th Bomb Wing (probably 1955-57). Chief of War Plans at U.S. Pacific Command. Deputy Chief of Staff for Foreign Technology, Air Force Systems Command. Commander of the Foreign Technology Division, Air Force Systems Command, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio August 1966 - November 1968. The Foreign Technology division was in the possession of Hanger 18. Retired in 1968. Director of research for the Institute of American Strategy (IAS). Consultant to Westinghouse, the American Security Council, the Department of Transportation, and many other organizations. Professor of cybernetics and aviation technology at the University of Tennessee Space Institute since 1970. Vice president National Security Division Leadership Foundation, Inc. Reported as having been particularly close to Richard V. Allen in the Nixon days. Anti-communist and anti-Soviet author. Wrote about the Gulf War at the time it took place. Died in 1995.

Colonel Raymond S. Sleeper, Deputy Chief of Staff for Foreign Technology, to Foreign Technology Division, "Scientific Panel Investigation of Unidentified Flying Objects," 2 June 1966 (MAFB)

Sleeper: "Do you know what benefit the Air Force has derived from the Bluebook study? ... Zero! UFOs exist because people, faced with an unstructured existence, find the need to structure it. If you'll just find out about that, you'll find the key to the UFO problem."

1975, Hector Quintanilla, 'UFOs, An Air Force Dilemma', published by the National Institute for Discovery Sciences (NIDS), p. 88: "There was one thing that all my Commanders; Colonel Raymond S. Sleeper, George R. Weinbrenner, Brig. General Arthur J. Pierce, and Brig. General Arthur W. Cruikshank, had in common and that was "Project Blue Book was a great big pain in the ass". That quote came from Colonel Sleeper, but the rest of my Commanders felt the same way and said the same thing using different words. The Project was a drain on space, money, engineering, talent, clerical help, and it subjected the organization to unwanted publicity. Every time a reporter came to visit me, my Commanders would cringe for fear that my remarks would bring the organization unwanted publicity. This happened a couple of times, but no lasting damage was everdone."

December 26, 1968, Rowland Evans and Robert Novakfor the Washington Post, 'Nixon's Appointment of Assistant To Kissinger Raises Questions': "Beyond that, Allen is on close personal terms with several [American Security] Council staffers--particularly Col. Raymond S. Sleeper, a retired Air Force man and booster of high military hardware spending. Both Allen and Sleeper have addressed the National Strategy Information Center in New York with hard-line speeches."

Zumwalt and Moorer implicated in Watergate?

Even after the clear rejection of preventative warfare options by President Truman, senior military officials continued to support the development of such doctrinal options in official studies such as “Project Control”. 35 Led by Colonel Raymond S. Sleeper throughout the early 1950’s at the U.S. Air War College, Project Control was a multiyear study by the Air Force of how to use strategic air power to “force the Soviet Union to acquiesce to strong U.S. policy initiatives and national interests.” Colonel Sleeper was primarily concerned with developing innovative means of leveraging U.S. air power to “control the aggressiveness” of the Soviet Union and halt Soviet development of nuclear weapons. Notably, Air Force Vice Chief of Staff, General Nathan F. Twining argued for the development of Project Control out of a fear that U.S. reliance on a doctrine of deterrence would limit both the future roles and budget of the Air Force. However, lest Twining be accused of little more than the defense of narrow parochial interests, he also argued in favor of preventative war on the grounds that the Soviet Union was fundamentally irrational – “proven barbarians” as he stated – with an ideological predisposition for aggression.

While stressing that the goal was to coerce the Soviet Union to change its actions and policies, Project Control officers nonetheless recommended some ambitious methods of persuasion: forward air patrols, an air reconnaissance offensive, dismantling of the iron curtain, and the unification of Germany. The key to the success of a strategy of persuasion stemmed from the underlying belief among the control teams that the superior atomic power of the United States gave it a decisive psychological edge over the Soviets. Thus, the United States should be able to use this advantage, along with diplomatic actions, to attain our national objectives, given that the United States also had a definite economic and moral superiority over its adversary. But this rationale assumed that the United States would maintain its superiority over the Soviet Union in both nuclear weapons and delivery vehicles until at least 1957. Once the Soviets achieved nuclear parity, then the ability of the United States to coerce the Soviet Union through control techniques would be ended. Project Control suggested that through forward air patrols, the United States could defend against Soviet air attacks and provide intelligence on the northern air operations of the Soviet Union by extending U.S. air defenses across the Arctic Circle to the periphery of the Soviet Union. The control officers recommended that we use RC-121 aircraft for this mission--a primitive form of airborne warning and control for early warning only. (Later, this idea was adopted by the North American Defense Command; it represented a new direction in air defense thinking--putting the line of defense as close to the enemy as possible.) The air reconnaissance offensive proposed by Project Control involved our initiating a program of shallow and deep overflight penetrations of the Soviet Union. The control analysts argued that such flights would demonstrate to the Soviets that the United States had shifted from a purely defensive posture of striking back only if attacked to adopting a more offensive posture of using U.S. air power in a dynamic role. Moreover, a reconnaissance offensive would give the United States intelligence about the location, disposition, and operations of Soviet air forces. To carry out such an offensive the Air Force would need aircraft designed specifically for strategic reconnaissance rather than modified fighters and bombers. Colonel Sleeper's briefing on this aspect of the air control concept to then-Colonel Bernard Schriever (later a full general) may have been the first step in developing the U-2 spy plane.15 This briefing also may have had some impact on President Eisenhower's 1955 "Open Skies" speech, in which the President proposed that the United States and the Soviet Union voluntarily allow reconnaissance overflights of their territories to preclude any possibility of surprise attacks.16 The proposal never received much acceptance, but that did not stop the United States from overflying the Soviet Union and China once the U-2 became available. Several interesting concepts emerged from the Soviet phase of Project Control. First, Project Control analysts saw the use of strategic air power as clearly the cheapest way to achieve national objectives. Second, although a strategic atomic offensive was the main feature of the pressure phase, they advocated that it be directed primarily at military targets, especially the long-range elements of the Soviet air forces. Project Control proposed a dramatic shift away from city busting and massive retaliation to a concept of gradually increased pressure, which would lead to early negotiations that would be favorable to the United States.

1954: After a series of briefings in Washington, Sleeper was called to brief the Air Force World Wide Commanders Conference at Eglin Air Force Base, Florida, on 24 May 1954. This meeting brought together the commanders of all Air Force major commands and key members of the Air Staff; the elite of the Air Force leadership was present--Generals LeMay, Norstadt, White, Partridge, Twining, and Weyland. In a memorandum to Sleeper, General Kuter reported that the Secretary of the Air Force wanted to get this briefing to the White House immediately. He also wrote that the conferees were quite reassured to know "that the Air University is not planning to fight World War III 1/2 . . ., but that it is apparently doing as well in planning for World War III as the Air Corps Tactical School for World War II."13 In June, Colonel Sleeper was assigned to temporary duty on the Air Staff, where he began an exhaustive briefing cycle to many of the nation's top leaders, including Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson, Robert Cutler (Executive Director of the National Security Council), Allen Dulles (Director of the Central Intelligence Agency), and Admiral Arthur W. Radford (Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff). The concept of control by air proved controversial; many argued against its feasibility, while others said that it had great potential. In 1954, Colonel Sleeper returned to an operational bomb wing. Project Control had lost its prime spokesman, and the aggressive control proposals that the project had produced faded quickly from the scene.

Project Control, which so impressed Admiral Radford that he became one of the most enthusiastic supporters of Project Control. Many Air Force intelligence officers, including then-Major George Keegan, later USAF DCS/Intelligence, worked on Project Control.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984.

1911–1998. Special assistant to the executive officer of the Operations Coordinating Board and NSC OCB advisor 1954-1956.

Chief, Policy Division in the Plans Directorate of DCSIO, Headquarters U.S. Air Force. During this period he played a significant role in preparing the U.S. position for negotiations carried on with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for Dhahran Airfield. When King Saud visited the United States in February 1957, General Smith was the military representative in the talks held between officials of the U.S. and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. In March 1957 he was sent to Saudi Arabia as the Department of Defense representative for further technical discussion in connection with the new Dhahran Airfield Agreement. On July 1, 1957 he assumed command of the 2nd Air Division (U.S. Air Forces in Europe) at Dhahran Airfield and the U.S. Military Training Mission to Saudi Arabia. Upon completion of his mission to Saudi Arabia, Smith was transferred to the Far East. On Jan. 8, 1958, he assumed command of the 313th Air Division (Pacific Air Forces) on Okinawa. The 513th Air Division comprised all the U.S. Air Force forces in the Ryukyuan Islands, with headquarters at Kadena Air Base, one of the largest U.S. Air Force installations overseas. On June 30, 1960 he departed Okinawa with his family for the United States. His new command was the 64th Air Division with headquarters at Stewart Air Force Base, N.Y. Special assistant to the Joint Chiefs of Staff for Arms Control 1961-63. Air force member Joint Strategic Survey Council.

The JSSC, sometimes referred to as "The Three Wise Men," was organized in 1942 by General Marshall in an effort to establish a small group of joint strategists who would be divorced from day-to-day pressures and allowed to examine the world scene as a whole and the role of the U.S. forces. The JSSC advises the Joint Chiefs of Staff and consists simply of three officers of two star rank, one from each service, together with three colonel-captain level officers and secretarial help. The tour of duty is two years.

Co-wrote the 1968 book America is in Danger with Curtis Lemay.

Source(s): January 8, 1979, Washington Post, 'Boston, Va., Estate Near Blue Ridge Is Home of American Security Council': "[Ian] Smith, who visited here, and Singlaub, who got a public speaking job here [at NSC headquarters], joined a parade of hundreds of congressional aides, retired military officers and corporate executives who each year come to this tiny, bucolic hamlet to talk about the Pentagon, Moscow, and ultimately, World War III."

Head of the rogue racist Rhodesian government. January 8, 1979, Washington Post, 'Boston, Va., Estate Near Blue Ridge Is Home of American Security Council': "When Ian Smith, the controversial Rhodesian prime minister, came to Washington last fall, he shunned the fashionable Madison and Hay Adams hotels that many visting heads of state prefer. Instead, Smith and his party headed directly from Dulles International Airport for a sprawling stone mansion overlooking the Blue Ridge Mountains 65 miles southwest of Washington. ... For this is Boston, Va., home of the American Security Council, a place where the Cold War still rages. ... Boston, Mass., may claim to be the home of the American Revolution. But in this Boston, which comprises little more than a post office, several churches and an American Legion post, the Russian revolution is a constant topic."

Source(s): Who's Who

Engineering manager regional district office Office of Project Manager Firefinder Hughes Aircraft Co., Fullerton, California, 1979—1980; professor system acquisition management Department Defense Systems Management College, Fort Belvoir, Virginia, 1980—1982; integrated logistics support engineering specialist advanced system division Northrop Corp., Pico Rivera, California, 1982—1983; program management rep. space system group Rockwell International, Downey, 1983—1984; product assurance project engineer Space Station Systems division Rockwell International, 1984—1985, manager product support, 1985—1986; senior manager ILS Amex Systems, Inc., Compton, 1986—1988; director ILS NavCom Defense Electronics, Inc., Huntington Beach, 1988—1991. President AWS Associates California, Inc., El Monte, 1983—; corp. vice president, division president HOPE Associates, Inc., Huntington Beach, 1983—. Member IEEE, Am. Management Association, Am. Institute Industrial Engineers (senior ), Society Logistics Engineers (senior ), Am. Defense Preparedness Association, American Security Council, Acacia, Tau Beta Pi. Presbyterian.

Source(s): April 12, 1979, AP, 'Washington Dateline' (spoke at a ASC/CPTS meeting with known ASC officers Moorer and Lemnitzer): 1988, Russ Bellant, Old Nazis, the new right, and the Republican party', p. 84: "The ASC Task Force on Central America included a handful of retired generals, including ]ohn Singlaub, Daniel O. Graham, Richard Stillwell, Gordon Sumner, William P. Yarborough, and Alexander Haig."

Le Cercle. Co-chairman Coalition for Peace Through Strength. 2nd Committee on the Present Danger.

Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army, 1938; advanced through grades to general, 1973; chief operations 90th div. XXII Corps, 1943-45; assistant military advisor to Secretary of State, Europe, 1945-47; special military advisor to Am. Ambassador, Italy, 1947-49; various positions CIA, 1949-52; Commander 15th Infantry Regt., 3d Infantry Div., Korea, senior advisor I Rep. of Korea Army Corps. Korea, 1952-53, instructor Army War College Korea, 1954-56; chief of staff Presidential Mission to Far East, 1954; chief strategic planning Supreme Hdqrs., Allied Powers Europe, 1956-58; Commander Western Area, Germany, 1958-59; advisor Pres.'s Committee Study of Foreign Assistant Programs, 1959; Commander cadet regt. U.S. Military Academy, 1959-61, commandant of cadets, 1961-63; chief operations U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, 1963, chief of staff Vietnam, 1964-65; chief Joint U.S. Military Adv. Group, Thailand, 1965-67; comdg. general 1st Armored Div., Fort Hood, Texas, 1967-68; deputy comdg. general III Marine Amphibious Force; comdg. general XXIV U.S. Army Corps, 1968-69; deputy chief of staff military operations U.S. Army, also senior Army member U.S. delegations Military Staff Committee UN, 1969-72; comdg. general 6th U.S. Army, San Francisco, 1972-73; comdr.-in-chief UN Command, Commander U.S. Force, Korea, and comdg. general 8th U.S. Army, 1973-76; retired, 1976; deputy under secretary for policy Department Defense, Washington, 1981-85; chairman Defense Security Rev. Commission, 1985-86, Presidential Korean War Vets. Memorial Board, 1987-91; president Stilwell Associates, Arlington, Virginia. President Army War College Alumni Association, 1979-85; member Atlantic Council, Council Foreign Relations, Washington Institute Foreign Affairs; director Committee on the Present Danger. Member Association Former Intelligence Officers (past national president) Clubs: Army Navy. Republican. Episcopalian. Died in 1991.

Bruce Cumings, 'War and Television', p. 248: "Stilwell was also an agent for various South Korean firms. According to press reports in 1986, for example, Stilwell was a 'business consultant' hanil Synthetic Fiber Company, the flagship firm of the Hanil conglomerate. His compensation was not given, but I would guess it ran around $50,000 per year. When president Roh Tae Woo made a state visit to Washington in September 1988, he walked into the Korean Embassy party with Stilwell on one arm and John Singlaub (of Iran/Contra fame) on the other."

Undated, Bruce Cumming for Japan Policy Research Institute, Working Paper No. 20, 'Korean Scandal, or American Scandal?': "In its Working Paper No. 11 (May 1995) on "The CIA and Japanese Politics," JPRI published Norbert A. Schlei's analysis of "Japan's 'M-Fund.'" Several well-informed commentators on that paper wrote to us privately that while they acknowledged the existence of slush funds and uragane (covert money) as a common feature of Japanese politics, they still found it difficult to accept that the size of these funds ran to several hundred million dollars. No one could quite believe that payoffs in the East Asian capitalist systems are that extensive--until the arrests of former presidents Chun Doo Hwan and Roh Tae Woo revealed slush funds of truly monumental proportions. ... Rhee was a relative piker compared to the generals who ran the ROK after 1961. By adding Japanese sources to the long list of Americans willing to do their bidding, the generals opened up a huge spigot of political cash. The Park regime (1961-79) included many people who had willingly collaborated with Japan in the 1930s and were ready to do so again. Park Chung Hee's own World War II Manchurian experience as a Japanese Army lieutenant served him well, as did his extensive ties with the Japanese rightwing--including former "class A" war criminals like politician Kishi Nobusuke, rich man Sasakawa Ryoichi, and many other not-so-savory characters. Several Korean business leaders from the colonial period were also instrumental in re-stitching ties with Japan. The main point was to push through a normalization of Korea-Japan relations, something the U.S. also wanted badly. General Park, of course, had the coercive power to stifle any dissent; one decree issued by the emergency military junta in 1962 threatened to punish anyone who called attention to inconvenient facts--even if they happened to be true. Park's junta was a good bit more systematic than Syngman Rhee in requiring wealthy people to cough up, and the amounts grew by leaps and bounds. In August 1961 the regime simply announced that twenty-seven businessmen would be required to provide $37 million, lest their factories be confiscated because of their "corrupt" ties to Rhee. The real brains behind the 1961 coup was Kim Chong-p'il, a nephew of Park Chung Hee by marriage. Kim was the key builder of the two truly new political institutions of the Third Republic: the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) and the political organization it set up, the ruling Democratic Republican Party (DRP).[8] In founding the KCIA on June 13, 1961, he was helped by the U.S. CIA, although exactly what help the Americans gave remains mostly classified. ... Certainly the KCIA constantly infiltrated agents into opposition parties, where they acted as agents provocateurs or pushed for additional candidates to run for party leader, or for elections. Meanwhile many Koreans are also convinced that the American CIA bankrolled the opposition (a belief that caused enormous problems when an American favorite, KCIA chief Kim Chae-gyu, assassinated Park in 1979).[10] If American CIA operatives, working with the Korean CIA, supplied funds to both the ruling and opposition parties, this would be similar to CIA practices in Italy and Japan in the early postwar period. ... In October 1961 Kim Chong-p'il came to Japan for consultations while a flurry of public and secret visitors was also going back and forth between Seoul and Tokyo. The Japanese were not stingy when it came to doing their political share for Park and Kim: according to U.S. CIA information, Japanese companies provided two-thirds of the ruling party's budget from 1961 through 1965, with six firms contributing a whopping total of $66 million.[13] Kim's Japanese connection helped to make him a legendary figure in South Korean politics. Always charming, affable, well organized, and effective, he was excoriated from time to time for corruption and forced into exile more than once. But he was a survivor, and in 1994 was again chairman of the ruling Democratic Liberal Party. He is today still one of the "three Kims" who dominate Seoul's politics. Park Chung Hee was the source of Korea's most famous scandal, "Koreagate" in the 1970s, when for a time Koreans nearly matched the 1950s influence of the China Lobby. Attention focused on the flamboyant, jasmine-scented Tongsun Park, a rice dealer known for throwing lavish parties at his Georgetown home. But Richard Halloran, who investigated Koreagate for the New York Times, had it right when he wrote that "influencing policymakers was always the aim" of this scheme that was founded in the Blue House and carried out in the U.S. by KCIA operatives.[14] The KCIA may have found it useful to recycle surplus money collected by playboy Park through his rice deals, into Congressional, academic, and journalistic pockets,[15] but the goal was always first to reverse Richard Nixon's troop withdrawal strategy, and then to nip in the bud any other problem that got in the way of business as usual between Washington and Seoul. ... The most flamboyant and notorious lobbyist for Korea was not Tongsun Park, however, but the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, whose "Unification Church" has struck deep roots into the American system over the past quarter-century. ... The Moon organization is also strong in Japan, where it long had financial backing from Sasakawa Ryoichi, the now-deceased extreme rightist and bankroller of the World Anti-Communist League and many similar organizations. The South Korean government has also supported Moon's activities, for example by detaching whole phalanxes of officials to help with Moon's Korean War docudrama Inchon. Seoul frequently hosts backers of Moon for lectures on U.S. policy; for example, in 1985, Joseph Churba of the International Security Council in New York, a Moonie front, urged the American Navy to become more active in defending South Korea, given what he called a huge Soviet naval buildup.[20] The International Security Council also took out a full-page ad in the New York Times in 1986, urging support for Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative. ... In July 1978 Safire attacked the Justice Department's handling of Koreagate (for example, waiting until Tongsun Park had fled the country before indicting him), and predicted that its investigation was ending--"not with a bang, but a whimper."[23] Shortly thereafter I happened to sit next to a Justice Department official on an airplane. He told me everyone knew the investigation was being shut down because it had gotten much too close to Congressional Democrats. ... In 1984 Korean newspapers reported that Professor Scalapino had become an adviser to the Daewoo Corporation in Seoul, with a consulting fee of perhaps $50,000 per year. Others high-level corporate consultants were Spiro Agnew, Richard Holbrooke (consultant to Hyundai) and Alexander Haig.[35] Richard Stilwell signed on as a consultant with the Hanil chaebol in 1986, for an undisclosed fee.[36] Chun had barely been in office a year when another major financial scandal erupted in the newspapers, in this case the defrauding of various companies to the tune of $250 million by one Chang Yong-ja, a "socialite" and relative of Chun's wife whose third husband happened to be the number two man in the KCIA. Her speculations in the unregulated "curb" loan market at one point reached $1 billion in promissory notes, or about 15 per cent of the ROK's entire money supply.[37] ... Following quickly on [president] Park Chung Hee's assassination in 1979 came the 'night of the colonels' within the military. On December 12, 1979, Park's proteges, then colonels Chun Doo Hwan and Roh Tae Woo, mobilized troops loyal to them to oust the old guard and lock in the first step toward Chun's eventual takeover of the country. (It is this mutiny for which both men are now being tried.) In the spring and summer of 1980, Chun first declared himself head of the KCIA (in April), and then used the rebellion in Kwangju from May 15-23 to slaughter a few hundred (or thousand, depending on the source) dissidents, thus consolidating his coup d'etat. Despite the slaughter, Americans rallied around the new government, arguing that internal turmoil would only hearten the North Koreans and thus harm South Korea's security and business environment. The first private American to enter the Blue House and chat with the new dictator after Kwangju was Richard "Dixie" Walker, the likely Ambassador to Korea should Ronald Reagan be elected. ... Richard Stilwell, a lifelong "Korea hand," flew into Seoul just before Kwangju to assure Chun of Republican support, whatever the Democrats might think of him.[33] Meanwhile a seamless web of Democratic and Republican officials backed Chun's usurpation of power, beginning with Richard Holbrooke (then Under-Secretary of State for East Asia) who remarked that there was far too much "attention to Kwangjoo [sic]" without proper consideration of the "broader questions" of Korean security.[34] Newly inaugurated Ronald Reagan feted Chun at the White House in February, 1981, a time when at least 15,000 dissidents were being detained in "reeducation" camps. In late 1982 Chun was forced to fire two of his closest aides, one of them chief secretary for political affairs General Ho Hwa-p'yong, who was widely thought to be the second most powerful man in Korea. (In 1996 he was indicted for his role in the December 1979 military insurrection, and for planning Chun's takeover more generally; he had been an intelligence officer under Chun in the Defense Security Command.[39]) In the early 1980s Korean exile newspapers also claimed that Ho was involved in the murder of Lt. Gen. Paek Un-t'aek, a man who had dared to criticize Chun's corruption, particularly the "curb money" scandal.[40] In January 1983, at a time when news accounts said Ho had been "expelled" from Korea, Richard Allen invited him to join the "New Asia Research Institute" that he had set up at the Heritage Foundation.[41] This foundation was very close to both the Chun and Roh regimes, and received large amounts of funding from Korea. Chang Se-dong, a director of the KCIA (after it was renamed the Agency for National Security Planning), testified in 1988 that the Agency donated substantial sums to Heritage, but would not confirm the actual amount. Other documents from a 1988 inquiry, however, gave the sum as $2.2 million. One account noted that Heritage failed to report this to the Justice Department's foreign agents department.[42] Heritage did manage to get out a report on the North Korean threat, however, arguing that North Korea was likely to invade the South before 1990, and that therefore the U.S. must maintain a strong presence in South Korea.[43] The most notorious organization of the Chun years was the Ilhae chaedan, literally "the foundation of Ilhae," Chun's pen name, and the subject of a major investigation in Seoul in 1988. Chun's Presidential Security Forces extorted huge amounts of funding from the major business groups for Ilhae, originally reported to be about $85 million but in recent investigations running as high as $250 million. The foundation was supposed to house Chun after his retirement and function as a shadow government after he gave the Presidency to his close friend, Roh Tae Woo.[44] Among lobbyists for Korea in the 1980s, none was better connected than Michael Deaver. Deaver was one of President Ronald Reagan's closest associates, having been chief of staff to Reagan when he was Governor of California. ... Deaver left the White House staff in 1985, and quickly began lobbying on behalf of American firms doing business in Korea and Japan, while giving Seoul and Tokyo pointers on how to influence Reagan administration policies."

--

August 23, 1999, Donald Gregg, Time Magazine, 'Park Chung Hee': "In late November 1974, President Park Chung Hee presided over a dinner at his favorite golf course north of Seoul. U.S. President Gerald Ford had just completed a successful visit to South Korea, and Park was feeling expansive. His golfing guests included U.S. Ambassador Richard Sneider and General Richard Stilwell, the United Nations Forces commander. ... The U.S. never found it easy to deal with Park, whose agenda was shaped by his country's immediate needs, not broader issues such as human rights or free trade. Park was a patriot, with a deeply ingrained skepticism toward foreigners. When he seized power in 1961, he was virtually unknown to American officials. Trained in the Japanese Army and later suspected of leftist connections, he was not the man the U.S. would have chosen to lead the new Korea. As it turned out, he was just the man Korea needed. In 1961, per-capita income in South Korea was less than $100 a year. North Korea, with mineral resources and an industrial base, was regarded as the stronger power on the peninsula. Park moved quickly to correct this imbalance. Within weeks of his coup, he had established a body to provide central government direction to economic development. A five-year plan was developed, and Park put knowledgeable economists in charge of implementing it. Recognizing the need for large infusions of foreign capital, Park took the vital but highly unpopular step of normalizing diplomatic relations with Japan. This sparked campus demonstrations in Seoul in 1964, and Park responded by imposing martial law until quiet was restored. Normalization with Japan was achieved in 1965, bringing with it $800 million in economic aid. Park agreed that year to send two Korean divisions to fight alongside U.S. forces in Vietnam, for which Korea was richly rewarded by Washington. In the mid-'60s, revenues from the Vietnam War were the largest single source of foreign-exchange earnings for Korea. ... On the political front, Park gradually yielded to pressure from the Kennedy Administration and re-established civilian rule. In 1962, a national referendum restored a presidential system, under which Park was elected President in the following year. Easily re-elected in 1967, he had a hard time beating Kim Dae Jung in 1971. The validity of Park's narrow election victory is still questioned. In 1972, fearing Kim's political potency, Park changed the election system, allowing indirect voting that could be controlled by the incumbent. In 1972 and again in 1978 he was easily elected for six-year terms. The early 1970s were a pivotal period in U.S. relations with Korea. From Park's perspective, America's failure in Vietnam made it a less reliable ally and increased the need for South Korean strength and self-reliance. The 1972 yushin (revitalizing reforms) system was a swing back to authoritarianism. Many political leaders were arbitrarily arrested, and the security apparatus entered its most draconian period, putting down dissent and becoming infamous for its use of torture. ... Donald Gregg served as U.S. Ambassador to South Korea from 1989 to 1993 and now heads the Korea Society in New York."

Source(s): Who's Who (regular member)

1921-2007. Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army, 1943, advanced through grades to major general, 1969; co. comdg. officer 15th Cavalry U.S. Army, Europe, 1943—1945; intelligence staff officer U.S. Army, Berlin, 1945—1947, China desk officer general staff Washington, 1951—1953, battalion comdg. officer 3d Battalion, 31st Infantry Regt. Korea, 1954, Commander 73d Tank Battalion Korea, 1955; member faculty Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, 1956—1959; faculty adviser Iranian Defense College, 1959; Southeast Asia plans officer G3, U.S. Army-Pacific, 1960—1964; long range plans branch Strategic Div., Organization Joint Chiefs of Staff, Washington, 1964—1966; chief Surface P & O Div. J3, USMACV, Vietnam, 1966—1967; comdg. officer 14th Armored Cavalry Regt., Germany, 1967—1969; assistant div. Commander 4th Armored Div., Europe, 1969-70; chief Strategic Plans and Policy Div. J5, Organization Joint Chiefs of Staff, Washington, 1970-71; director plans general staff U.S. Army, 1971-72; comdg. general 1st Armored Div., Europe, 1972-74; vice director joint staff Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1974-76; retired, 1976; member adv. council on international security affairs Republican National Committee, 1977-80; del. Virginia State Rep. Convention, 1980, 81; senior military adv. U.S. Negotiating Del. Mutual Balanced Force Reductions, Vienna, 1982—1987; Joint Chiefs of Staff rep. U.S. Del. Conventional Stability Talks, 1987-88, negotiations on Conventional Armed Forces, Europe, 1989-92. Del., presenter Congress Arms Control Mid. East, Delphi, Greece, 1994; U.S. del. World Helicopter Championships, Moscow, 1994, Oregon, 1996; chairman operational working group international conference on arms control in Mid. East, Jordan, 1994; member advance party OSCE to prepare for elections, Bosnia, 1997; presenter plaques signed by Secretary of Defense to Australian authorities in 6 cities during ceremonies commemorating VJ Day, 1995; supervisor parliamentary elections, Bosnia, 1997. Co-chmn. orchestral benefit ball Austrian Embassy, 1993, 1994; supervisor Municipal Election Commission, Bosnia, 2000; participant in Conference on Application European Arms Control Negotiations to Pakistan-India Situation, U.K., 2001; election supervisor Kosovo. Member Am. Security Council, Am. Foreign Affairs Council, Heritage Foundation, World Affairs Council, Leadership Institute. Roman Catholic.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Democrat Congressman from New York.

Source(s): Not a known ASC member. Founder Foreign Policy Research Institute and primarily managed it with two ASC men: William Kintner and Stefan Possony.

Strausz-Hupé founded the Foreign Policy Research Institute in 1955 and two years later published the first issue of Orbis, the quarterly journal that remains to this day the institute’s flagship publication. Strausz-Hupé authored or co-authored several important books on international affairs. His first major work, Geopolitics: The Struggle for Space and Power, published just as the United States entered World War II, became a bestseller in its genre. His later works included Protracted Conflict and The Balance of Tomorrow. In 1969, he was appointed U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka. He subsequently served as ambassador to Belgium (1972–74), Sweden (1974–76), NATO (1976–77), and Turkey (1981–89). In 1989, upon retirement after eight years as Ambassador to Turkey, Strausz-Hupé rejoined the Foreign Policy Research Institute as Distinguished Diplomat-in-Residence and President Emeritus.

Member 2nd Committee on the Present Danger.

FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE:

FPRI was founded in 1955 by Robert Strausz-Hupé who through all years was its grand old man until he died in 2002. His two most important partners in the management of FPRI was from the beginning William Kintner and Stefan T. Possony. Kintner died in 1997 at the age of 81, and Possony in 1995, 82 years old. All three were veterans of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), which later became the CIA.

February 19, 1967, New York Times, 'Aid by CIA Put in the Millions; Group total up; A Wide Spectrum of Youth, Labor, Student and Legal Organizations Are Cited Aid by C.I.A.Is Put in the Millions as Total of Groups Grows': "Feb. 18 A wide spectrum of youth, student, academic, research, journalist, business, legal and labor organizations here and abroad have been receiving millions of dollars since the nineteen fifties from foundations identified as conduits of Central Intelligence Agency funds or with agency-connected sources of income... [lists Foreign Policy Research Institute"

Foreign Policy Research Institute webiste, biography of founder Robert Strausz-Hupe: "Born in Vienna under the rule of the Hapsburg Empire, Strausz-Hupé saw first-hand the destruction caused by World War I ... After Nazi troops entered his native Vienna in 1938, Strausz-Hupé began writing and lecturing to American audiences on “the coming war.” After one such lecture in Philadelphia, he was invited to give a talk at the University of Pennsylvania, an event which led to his taking a position on the faculty in 1940. ... Former Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig, Jr. said of Strausz-Hupé: "Ambassador Strausz-Hupé was a brilliant geo-strategic thinker and writer. He was a realist whose legacy lives on not only in his writings but in the Foreign Policy Research Institute, which he founded. He was a valued friend and counselor, a true patriot, and statesman.""

'A Forward Strategy' (1961), by Strausz, Kintner and Possony.

July 11, 1957, The New Scientist, 'Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy', p. 20: "Its author, Henry A. Kissinger, director of the Harvard International Seminar and an associate of the University of Pennsylvania's Foreign Policy Research Institute..."

August 6, 1961, The Spokesman-Review, Edith Kermit Roosevelt, 'Drive to gag military': "Participating in anti-Communist indoctrination courses, particularly those sponsored by the Military Industrial Conference, which sponsors the Institute for American Strategy. ... At the same time, Sen. Fulbright has demanded to know just what relationship the Institute for American Strategy, the Foreign Policy Research Institute of the the University of Pennsylvania, and the Richardson Foundation have with the National War College. ... The Foreign Policy Research Institute was also organized in 1955 and includes among its supporters not only the Richardson Foundation but the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. In 1959 the FPRI established the War College’s first strategy seminar on communism, and in 1960 it brought such speakers to the seminar as Dr. Henry Kissinger, a Harvard professor and now one of the President’s advisers, and Allen W. Dulles, head of the Central Intelligence Agency. "

November 30, 1968, Associated Press, 'Speculation puts Kissinger in National Security Post': "Nixon also discussed foreign affairs Friday with Robert Strausz-Hupe, director of the Foreign Policy Research Institute at the University of Pennsylvanya, and William Kintner, the institute’s associate director."

June 3, 1978, Toledo Blade, 'Energy Chief to Speak At TU': "[Schlesinger] served on the board Foreign Policy Research Institute..."

February 9, 1997, New York Times News Service, 'William Kintner: Cold Warrior': "From 1961 to 1982 [Kintner] served as deputy director, director and, finally, president of the university's Foreign Policy Research Institute, as well as editor of its journal Orbis."

February 13, 1987, Associated Press, 'Pentagon: Lehman will resign this year': "Lehman has been intimately involved in defense and feoreign affairs since the late 1960s, when he was a staff member of the Foreign Policy Research Institute at the University of Pennsylvania. From 1969 to 1974, he served as special counsel and senior staff member to Henry Kissinger on the National Security Council."

Foreign Policy Research Institute website, Publications, ORBIS, A Journal of World Affairs (accessed September 10, 2001): "Contributing Editors: ... Harvey Sicherman, FPRI ... Charles Krauthammer, The Washington Post... Edward N. Luttwak... Richard Pipes, Harvard University... "

Foreign Policy Research Institute website (accessed November 10, 2012): "Board of Trustees: ... Hon. Dov S. Zakheim, Vice-Chair ... Hon. John F. Lehman, Jr. ... Board of Advisors: David Eisenhower... Robert C. McFarlane... "

Foreign Policy Research Institute website, Officers and Board of Trustees (accessed December 17, 2001): "President: Harvey Sicherman, Ph.D. ... Other Trustees: Hon. Alexander M. Haig, Jr., President, Worldwide Associates, Inc. ... Hon. John F. Lehman, Jr. ... Hon. Robert Strausz-Hupe."

Feb. 2, 2002, Executive Intelligence Review (EIR), 'FPRI's Crusade for An American Empire', pp. 31-33: "William Yandell Elliott—a utopian in the tradition of H.G. Wells and the Nashville Agrarians, whose protégés included Carter National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski and former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger—and Kissinger were members of the founding editorial board of advisers, and continued on the board for many years. … Key personnel: Daniel Pipes, Director (1986-93)... Ronald S. Lauder… Alexander M. Haig, Jr. … Midge Decter … Samuel P. Huntington ... John F. Lehman … Donald H. Rumsfeld … R. James Woolsey … Donald Rumsfeld, a former FPRI advisory board member … FPRI former board member and Asian specialist Dov S. Zakheim … FPRI Funding: (According to IRS 990 Forms from 1985-2000) Bradley Foundation (21 separate grants): $1,373,600. Sarah Scaife Foundation (15 grants): $1,070,000. Carthage Foundation (2 grants): $75,000. Olin Foundation (17 grants): $995,000. Smith Richardson Foundation (2 grants): $97,500. Total (57 grants): $3,513,600. Orbis: Founders: Editor: Robert Strausz-Hupe. Editorial Board: Hans Kohn, Norman D. Palmer, Stefan Possony, Arthur P. Whitaker. Editorial advisory board: William Y. Elliott, William R. Kintner… Henry A. Kissinger."

Source(s): Who's Who (regular member)

With North American Aviation, Downey, California, 1949—1955, Boeing Co., Seattle, 1955—1964; general manager avionics division Westinghouse Electric Corp., Baltimore, 1964—1988. Mem.: American Defense Preparedness Association, Am. Security Council.

Source(s): Who's Who (advisory board)

1920-2002. Enlisted US Navy, 1937, advanced through grades to Commander, 1968; various assignments including comdg. officer US Ship Chickasaw (ATF 83), 1962-64; leadership devel. officer Amphibious Force U.S. Pacific Fleet, 1964-66; comdg. officer US Ship Tioga County (LST 1158), 1966-68; department head Amphibious School U.S. Naval Amhibious Base, Coronado, California, 1968-70, retired, 1970; director public relations and fin. San Diego County Council Boy Scouts Am., 1971-80, director public relations, 1980-82, director planned giving, 1982-85, retired, 1985. Member national adv. board Am. Security Council, 1994-97. Trustee God Bless Am. Week, Inc., 1972-80, president, 1977-78, co-chmn. San Diego Bicentennial Pageant, 1976; member adv. board Commissioned Officers Mess (Open) U.S. Naval Station, 1973-89; board directors Boys Club Chula Vista, California, 1985-87; devel. committee Alvarado Health Foundation, Alvarado Hospital Medical Center, 1986-87; charter rev. committee City of Chula Vista, 1986-88; member accolades committee City of San Diego, 1988-90; research board advisors Am. Biographical Institute, 1988-2001; vol. Boy Scouts Am. 1935-71, 85—; scout commissioner San Diego County council 1969-71, member international relations committee 1985-92, board directors, 1995-97, scoutmaster 7th National Jamboree, Farragut State park, Idaho, 1969, 13th World Jamboree, Japan, 1971, member local staff National Jamboree, Fort A.P. Hill, Virginia, 1986, member national staff, 1997. Member VFW (Certs. of Appreciation 1995-97, 99-2002), National Society Fund Raising Executives (board directors San Diego chapter 1975-80, 84-85, hospital committee 1984-85), UN Association (board directors San Diego chapter 1972-85), Retired Officers Association (life, board directors Sweetwater chapter 1972-92, president 1975, 81), Navy League U.S. (board directors 1984—, greeters 1983—, Appreciation award 1985, Cert. of Merit 1991), Military Order World Wars (Commander 1989-90, national citations 1987, 91, 92, Outstanding Chapter Commander award Department Southern California 1990, Patrick Henry medallion and medal 1996), Am. Legion, Crazy Horse Memorial Foundation, Clarkston Civitan Club (founding board directors), Eagle Scout Alumni Association (life; founder 1973, board directors 1986-88, 98), Hammer Club San Diego, Kiwanis (board directors 1984-88, chairman fellowship committee 1983-84, boys and girls committee 1984-85, planned giving committee 1988-89), Order of the Arrow (vigil, Cross Feathers award 1968), Masons, Shriners, Order of Eastern Star (life), National Sojourners (life, Cert. of Appreciation 1999). Methodist.

Source(s): "Thomas Spencer's bio at www.spencer-lawfirm.net: "Member: ... American Security Council Foundation."

Son of Thomas Roy and Gladys (Nicolau) Spencer. Republican. AB, University Miami, 1966. JD, University Miami, 1969. Partner Myers, Kenin, Miami, 1969-82. Funding partner Spencer & Klein, 1982—. Chairman Dade Commission, Dade Clean, Miami, 1975. Member American Bar Association, Association Trial Lawyers Am., Association of Former Intelligence Officers (director in Washington), Federalist Society, University Miami Law Alumni Association (president 1979), University Miami Alumni Association (chairman, president 1980), Film Society Miami (chairman emeritus 1982). Attorney for General John Singlaub (OSS; founding member CIA; commander during the Vietnam war of the Military Assistance Group-Special Operations Group (MAG-SOG), a political murder unit; co-founder Western Goals Foundation in 1979 with John Rees (board member of the notorious Cercle-linked Maldon Institute, from which some Illuminati disinformation has eminated) and Larry McDonald; founder U.S. chapter WACL in 1981; board member American Freedom Coalition, which was extremely close to the Moonie Cult) in 1988 when General Singlaub, General John Poindexter, General Richard Secord, Ted Shackley, Albert Hakim, and Lt. Col. Oliver North were accused by the Christic Institute of cooperating with Columbian drug cartels during the Iran Contra affair. June 16, 1988, Sun Sentinel, 'Mercenary Prefers Jail To Testimony In Suit': "A U.S. magistrate in Miami recommended on Wednesday that a former mercenary go to jail for refusing to answer questions in a lawsuit charging that former CIA officials and Contra leaders ran a guns-for-drugs smuggling ring. Federal magistrate William Turnoff gave Sam Hall a chance to answer lawyers` questions in the $22 million lawsuit, but Hall said he would rather go to jail for contempt of court. The trial is scheduled to begin on June 27. ... The two journalists who filed the suit accuse former U.S. officials and Contras of running a secret team that carried out assassinations, drug running and arms trafficking to support U.S. foreign policy for nearly 30 years. Hall`s testimony is being sought because he worked in Nicaragua for retired U.S. Army Major Gen. John Singlaub, who paid Hall to be a military adviser for the Miskito Indians in the fight against the Sandinistas. Hall, 51, was expelled from the country after being accused of spying on the Sandinistas. Lawyers for the journalists, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey, want Hall to answer questions about what he did for the Contras and who guided him. Hall said answering some of those questions would embarrass some defendants, especially Singlaub. Hall, now in the construction business in the St. Petersburg area, has maintained that the defendants` activities were legal. Hall has been encouraged to testify by his attorney and by Singlaub`s attorney, Thomas Spencer. Hall said he will not testify to protect his boss, whom he called a hero. Avirgan was injured in a 1984 news conference bombing in Nicaragua that he blames on the alleged conspirators. He and Honey are married. Defendants in the suit include Singlaub, Theodore Shackley, former deputy director of covert operations for the CIA; Contra director Adolfo Calero; cocaine cartel leaders Pablo Escobar and Jorge Ochoa; Iran-Contra figures Richard Secord, Robert Owen and Albert Hakim. The suit was filed in May 1986, six months before the Iran-Contra affair became public and many of the names it brought to light have been indicted or appeared before congressional committees investigating that case." April 10, 1994, Miami Herald, 'Blame the lawyer, then blame ourselves': "Attorney Thomas R. Spencer Jr., senior partner with the firm of Spencer & Klein, has practiced business law in Miami for 25 years. Spencer, who is currently defending Gen. Richard V. Secord in connection with the Iran-contra affair, wrote this article for The Herald." In March 2001, James Angleton Jr. along with Robert A. Heber and Thomas R. Spencer, Jr. incorporated the "Miami-Dade Chapter of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers" at the Florida Department of State, Division of Corporations. This was after Angleton Jr.'s contact with Timothy S. Cooper (originator of the MJ 12 documents), Hal Puthoff (NSA; Scientology; Aa SRI with Russell Targ, where they set up the remote viewing project, Project Stargate, which was funded by the CIA and DIA; American physicist interested in the paranormal, studying Uri Geller, Ingo Swann, Pat Price, and Joseph McMoneagle; CEO of EarthTech International, which focuses on zero-point energy) and Robert M. Collins (author of 'Exempt from Disclosure - The distubring case about the UFO coverup', with contributions of Richard Doty and Timothy S. Cooper). The Chapter status was active until dissolved September 16, 2005. It was replaced by a more informal organization; the Ted Shackley Miami Chapter of AFIO, which is currently still active. December 13, 2002, Baltimore Sun, 'Theodore G. Shackley, 75, CIA operative `Blond Ghost'': "His nickname came from within the agency. "He was blond and he was a ghost," said Thomas R. Spencer, his friend, lawyer and former colleague. "He never wanted his picture taken, nor could he have it taken for years.""

Thomas Spencer's bio at www.spencer-lawfirm.net: "Member, Presidential Student Advisory Committee, (Lyndon B. Johnson), 1966. Administrative Assistant, Congressman Charles E. Bennett, Florida 1966-1967. Intern, House Armed Services Committee. Arbitrator: American Arbitration Association, 1975-1990; Supreme Court of Florida qualified, 2005. Chairman, Keep Dade Beautiful, Inc. President, Society of Wig and Robe. Founder and Chairman, Film Society of Miami, Inc., Miami Film Festival. President, University of Miami Alumni Association: City of Miami Task Force (Chairman). Chairman, Players State Theater; Founding Chairman, Coconut Grove Playhouse. Member: Greater Miami Chamber of Commerce; British American Chamber of Commerce; American Security Council Foundation; Citizens Board, University of Miami; World Jurist Association; The Atlantic Circle; Martindale-Hubbell Preeminent Lawyers of America; Republican Lawyers Association; Council for National Policy; National Lawyers Association; Supreme Court of the United States Historical Society; Heritage Foundation; President's Club, Republican National Committee; Dade County Republican Party, Executive Committee. Life Member, Association of Former Intelligence Officers. Director: Association of Former Intelligence Officers; Finance Committee Bush-Cheney. Chair, National Business Intelligence Symposium, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001. Co-Chair, Alliance for Ethical Government. Counsel, Association of American Physicians and Surgeons. President, Miami Dade Chapter of Association of Former Intelligence Officers. Chairman: National Symposium on Business Intelligence and Law; American Bar Association, National Security Committee. U.S. State Department Commendation, Council of International Visitors, 2002; United States Coast Guard Auxiliary, Flotilla 3-2. Former Member, University of Miami Board of Trustees. Former Chairman, State Theater of Florida, Miami. Married to Heather McCarn Spencer, two children, two granddaughters. Mr. Spencer was a partner in Myers, Kenin (Miami, Florida) from 1969-1982, a business law firm. He was managing partner. In 1982, Spencer & Klein, P.A. was formed and Spencer was Senior managing partner from April 1982-April 2005. Mr. Spencer has achieved the highest rating for legal ability in Martindale-Hubbell and practices commercial law. He is listed in the Bar Register of Preeminent lawyers. In 2003, Mr. Spencer was listed as one of the top lawyers in South Florida by the South Florida Legal Guide. Mr. Spencer is now in private practice in Coral Gables, Florida. ... Mr. Spencer received the David Atlee Phillips Award 2001 from the Association of Former Intelligence Officers. The Award is made to an individual who advances the interests of the American Intelligence Community. He is the founding President of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers, Theodore Shackley Chapter (South Florida). ... Mr. Spencer was special counsel, Bush-Cheney '04. ... Mr. Spencer was appointed by Governor Jeb Bush to the Judicial Nominating Commission in August 2001. He is now the Chair of the Commission (Third District Court of Appeal of Florida). Mr. Spencer is a former member Executive Committee member of the Republican Party, member, Finance Committee, Bush/Cheney. ... Finance Committee, Bush/Brogan 2002. ... Mr. Spencer served as co-counsel for Bush/Cheney in the Florida Recount 2000. ... Finance Committee, Bush/Brogan 2002. ... headed the Miami-Dade Legal Team for Bush/Brogan 2002 and was Deputy Chief for the State of Florida. " Spencer received the David Atlee Phillips Award 2001 from the AFIO, a year after Shackley received it.

In the past Spencer represented the then CIA-financed Nicaraguan President in Exile Adolfo Calero and Calero's younger brother, the CIA doper Mario Calero.

Source(s): Member of the original National Strategy Committee: November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (written by ASC founder); 1968 list, ASC, National Strategy Committee

Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific. Vice chairman Freedoms Foundation.

Dec. 15, 1894 Son of John Sutton and Lily (Budwell) S.; B.S., U.S. Naval Acad., 1917; M.S., Mass. Inst. Tech., 1924; married Myra Morgan, Dec. 22, 1923; 1 son, John Morgan; married 2d, Elizabeth Smith, Aug. 11, 1937; children—Frances, Felix. Commd. ensign USN, 1917, advanced through grades to adm., 1953; navigator U.S.S. Cincinnati, World War I; flight tng. Naval Air Sta., Pensacola, Fla., 1919-20; comdr. exptl. squadron Naval Air Sta., Norfolk, Va., 1921-22; staff comdr. Air Bat. For., 1924-25; with torpedo plane squadron U.S.S. Langley, 1925-27; staff Naval Air Sta., Norfolk, 1927-30; comdr. cruiser scouting squadrons, 1930-32; with bur. aero. Navy Dept., 1932-34; comdr. dive bombing squadron U.S.S. Saratoga, 1934-36; navigator U.S.S. Lexington, 1936-37; with bur. aero. Navy Dept., 1937-40; exec. U.S.S. Enterprise, 1940-41; comdr. U.S.S. Langley, 1941; dir. combined operations, intelligence center Am., Brit., Dutch, Aus. Com. Java, 1942; capt. new U.S.S. Lexington, 1943-44; comdr. Carrier Div. 24, 1944-45; chief naval air tech. tng., 1945-48; comdr. Air Force, Atlantic Fleet, 1948-51, 2d Fleet and NATO Striking Fleet, 1951-53; comdr.-in-chief Pacific and U.S. Pacific Fleet, 1953-58; chairman of the board of Air America, Incorporated, Air Asia Co., Ltd., from 1959. Decorated Navy Cross with gold star, D.S.M. War and Navy depts., Legion of Merit with gold stars, Silver Star medal, also fgn. decorations. Address: McLean VA Death Died June 13, 1972.

E-Systems bought Air Asia from the CIA in 1975. Became a controversial company.

June 3, 1966, Time, 'Asia: Rice in the Sky': "The world's shyest airline may well be Air America, which calls itself "a private air carrier" and underlines its privacy by often flying unmarked air craft, by never advertising, and by refusing to discuss its operations. It has only one major customer: the U.S. Government. And, as anyone who has seen its silver planes around Viet Nam, Laos and Thailand might surmise, Air America is a special kind of enterprise. It is so special, in fact, that virtually everyone in Asia assumes it to be the child — or first cousin — of the Central Intelligence Agency. ... On paper, the airline, which was founded in China in 1946, belongs to the Pacific Corp., a Delaware holding company, whose board chairman is retired Admiral Felix Stump, former U.S. commander in chief in the Pacific. Air America's home office is in a Washington, D.C., building which is suspected of housing companies that operate with CIA backing." April 5, 1970, New York Times, 'Air America's Civilian Facade Gives It Latitude in East Asia': "The chairman of Air America and Air Asia is Adm. Felix B. Stump ... Mr. [George A.] Doole holds the titles of president of the Pacific Corporation and chief executive of Air America and Air Asia. Robert G. Goelet [wealthy New York landowner; director Equitable Trust with various Rockefeller and Morgan men], William A. Read [partner in Dillon, Read] and Arthur B. Richardson are directors of all three companies." April 5, 1970, New York Times, 'Air America's Civilian Facade Gives It Latitude in East Asia': "With its assorted fleet of 167 aircraft, Air America performs diverse missions across East Asia from Korea to Indonesia. It is believed to be a major link for the C.I.A.'s extensive activities throughout Asia. Air America parachutes Meo tribesmen and other secret agents behind North Vietnamese lines in Laos, trains mechanics for the aviation division of the national police in Thailand, hauls American aid cargo for the Agency for International Development in South Vietnam, ferries United States Air Force men from Okinawa to Japan and South Korea, and dispatches intelligence flights from Taiwan along the coast of Communist China. ... Air America's civilian facade permits the United States to do things that would otherwise be impossible or, at least, politically embarrasing. The 1962 Geneva accords, for instance, prohibit foreign military aircraft in Laos but they say nothing about civilian planes. The facade also averts public attention in countries such as Japan that are sensitive to the American military presence. ... The parent company of Air America is the Pacific Corporation, which was incorporated in Delaware in 1950 with $10,000. ... The Pacific Corporation owns 100 per cent of Air America, which is also a Delaware corporation founded in 1950s. ... Air America in turn owns 99 per cent of Air Asia, which was set up on Taiwan. In addition, the Pacific Corporation owns 40 per cent of Civil Air Transport [C.A.T.], incorporated under Chinese Nationalist law on Taiwan. It was founded in 1946 by General Chennault ... who died in 1958. ... Air America took over C.A.T. in 1950. ... As for Air America, the continuous expansion of its activity in Laos since 1962 is the story of the growing American involvement in the conflict there. Air America has been essential to the development of the clandestine army, headed by Maj. Gen. Vang Pao and recruited, trained, supplied and advised by the C.I.A. Air America began supplying food and weapons to the Meo hill tribesmen even before the pro-Communist Pathet Lao resumed the war against the Government of Prince Souvanna Phouma in 1964. ... In November, 1967, Air America began flying services in Thailand similar to those in Laos. ... It was from Udon that Thai troops were flown into Laos by Air America a couple of weeks ago to reinforce General Vang Pao's troops, which had been pushed off the Plaine des Jarres by the North Vietnamese."

---

June 28, 1987, San Diego Union-Tribune, 'Bo Gritz tells of drug warlords, POWs and the CIA': "Last month he took a television crew into the Burmese hinterlands to interview the notorious Khun Sa, the head of the major insurgent faction in the rebellious state of Shan who has reputedly financed his army for decades by trafficking in drugs. Gritz came away from the interview with Khun Sa and his aides accusing several Americans, including former CIA official Thomas [sic] Shackley and current Undersecretary of Defense Richard Armitage, of being involved in drug trafficking in the Golden Triangle -- the opium poppy fields in Thailand, Burma and Laos -- from the mid-60s until the late '70s. That charge isn't new, but it has become the subject of renewed interest in Washington because the names of some of the others involved have turned up in connection with the Iran-Contra investigation, including John K. Singlaub, Richard Secord and Oliver North. Now Gritz is claiming that Armitage and others in government are trying to cover up their roles, and hinder his POW search, by discrediting him. He says that was the motive behind his indictment by a Las Vegas federal grand jury May 20 on charges of misusing a passport. And, he says, the same forces were behind the prosecution and conviction of Scott Weekly of Olivenhain. Weekly, an associate of Gritz and another former Green Beret, pleaded guilty in December to charges of carrying 200 pounds of C-4 explosive on a commercial airliner from Dallas to Las Vegas. ... Bill Alden, chief of public affairs for the Drug Enforcement Administration ... said he was unaware of any information linking Americans to the inner ranks of the Southeast Asia drug business. The congressional staff member is skeptical of reports, years old, alleging CIA involvement with drug trafficking. "No one has adequately explained to me why the CIA had to run dope," says the staffer. He pointed out that the focus of many of the allegations during the Vietnam War era was Air America, a CIA-run charter airline company that hauled weapons and supplies to anti-communist allies among the indigenous hill tribes..."

September 28, 1998, The Nation, 'Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press': "Far more was involved than a few high-spirited boys making extra bucks by selling a spot of smack: US allies in the Southeast Asian conflict, the so-called hill tribes, had supported themselves by growing opium poppies, the source of heroin, and turning them into drugs for the international market. The same had been tree earlier of US allies against Mao's revolution in China and, more recently, of US-backed forces in Afghanistan, as well as a wide range of other cases in between. What becomes clear, in piecing these cases together--as Cockburn and St. Clair do in Whiteout--is that US interventions in Asia's politics played a major role in shaping trends in the world heroin industry. When it comes to cocaine, relatively less has been uncovered, though there is one possible case of a CIA/cocaine link--so far not well investigated-that potentially dwarfs the contra connection in importance: In this alleged "dark alliance," the CIA provided support for the military men who carried out Bolivia's 1980 "Cocaine Coup.""

Omni. New York: Feb 1993. Vol. 15, Iss. 5; pg. 75, 'Interview: William Colby': "COLBY: ... This opium thing is always talked about, but even in the high hills of Laos where we were heavily engaged, we made a particular point of discouraging growth of opium and tried to get farmers into new crops. We prohibited the transport of opium or heroin on Air America planes. I'm not saying some old lady didn't get on with a little cigarette or something, but there was certainly no transport of anything that could be called opium. We were certainly very vigorous in our dispute against that. The officers and tribal leaders we worked with were reasonably clean. The ones in the opium trade in Laos were the Vientiane generals of the Royal Lao Army, all of whom were down in the valley and didn't take much part in the war, of which the tribal people carried the burden. They were in the opium trade. ... [About Nugan Hand Bank:] I didn't know anything about the substance of what he [Michael Hand] was doing at the bank. I had no responsibility to the bank itself. I met Hand once, I think, and Nugan three or four times."

--- AIR AMERICA AND OPIUM TRADE ---

May 17, 1988, Andrew and Leslie Cockburn for PBS Frontline, 'Guns, Drugs, and the CIA': "NARRATOR General Richard Secord is one of the many veterans of the CIA secret war in Laos. Because Laos was officially neutral, American troops could not be used. The CIA relied on massive air power and a tribal army to fight the local communists and the North Vietnamese. On the ground in Northern Laos, a handful of CIA officers directed as many as eighty-five thousand soldiers drawn from the mountain tribes. But American officials did more than just send their allies into battle. RON RICKENBACH, Former Official, U.S. Agency for International Development Early on, I think that we all believed that what we were doing was in the best interests of America, that we were in fact perhaps involved in some not so desirable aspects of the drug traffic, however we believed strongly in the beginning that we were there for a just cause. NARRATOR Ron Rickenbach served in Laos as an official for the U.S. Agency for International Development from 1962 to 1969. He was on the front lines. RON RICKENBACH These people were willing to take up arms. We needed to stop the Red threat and people believed that in that vein we made, you know, certain compromises or certain trade-offs for a larger good. Growing opium was a natural agricultural enterprise for these people and they had been doing it for many years before the Americans ever got there. When we got there they continued to do so. RICHARD SECORD When they would move from one place to another they would carry their little bags of opium, they smoked it in pipes. And opium could be bought in the streets of any village. FRED PLATT, Former Pilot, Laos When a farmer raised a crop of opium, what he got for his year's worth of work was the equivalent of thirty-five to forty U.S. dollars. That amount of opium, were it refined into morphine base, then into morphine, then into heroin and appeared on the streets of New York, that thirty-five dollar crop of opium would be worth fifty, sixty, a hundred thousand dollars in 1969 dollars--maybe a million dollars today. NARRATOR The war isolated the Meo tribespeople in their remote villages. CIA-owned Air America planes became their only life line to the outside world. While Meo children came to believe that rice fell from the sky, Meo farmer witnesses could count on Air America to move their cash crop. RON RICKENBACH It was then the presence of these air support services in and out of the areas in question where the product, where the opium was grown that greatly facilitated an increase in production and an ease of transhipment from the point of agriculture to the point of processing. So, when I say the Americans greased the wheels, essentially what I'm saying is we did not create opium production. We did not create a situation where drug trafficking was happening. But because of the nature of our presence, this very intense American means that was made available to the situation it accelerated in proportion dramatically. NARRATOR The possibility that Air America flew drugs is still hotly disputed by many former senior officers. RICHARD SECORD You can question any number of people who were there, who actually were there, not people who claim that they had some knowledge of rumors, you can question any number of people and I venture to say they will all support what I'm saying, and that is that there was no commercial trade in opium going on. RON RICKENBACH I was on the airstrip, that was my job, to move in and about and to go from place to place and my people were in charge of dispatching aircraft. I was in the areas where opium was transshipped, I personally was a witness to opium being placed on aircraft, American aircraft. I witnessed it being taken off smaller aircraft that were coming in from outlying sites. NEIL HANSEN, Former Pilot, Air America Yes I've seen the sticky bricks come on board and no one was challenging their right to carry it. It was their own property. NARRATOR Neil Hansen is a former senior Air America pilot, now serving a sentence for smuggling cocaine. NEIL HANSEN We were some sort of a freebie airline in some respects there, whoever the customer or the local representative put on the airplane we flew. Primarily it was transported on our smaller aircraft, the Helios, the Porters and the things like that would visit the little outlying villages. They would send their opium to market. NARRATOR From the villages, the planes carried their cargo over the mountains to Long Chien, CIA headquarters for the war. It was a secret city. Unmarked on any map and carefully hidden from outsiders, Long Chien became one of the busiest airports in the world, with hundreds of landings and takeoffs a day. ED DEARBORN, Former Pilot, Air America At the height of the war when there were thousands of people in there, there were villages all over, there were landing pads up on what we called Skyline drive which was the ridge on the north side of Long Chien. T-28s were going in and out of there, C-130s were going in and out of there. It was an amazing place, just amazing. NARRATOR Ed Dearborn is a veteran of Long Chien and Air America. A key figure in the covert air operation. ED DEARBORN From a sleepy little valley and village you know, surrounded by the mountains and the karst, this great war machine actually was working up there. It was the heart and pulse of Laos at that time, more commonly referred to as the CIA's secret base you now, heh heh heh. NARRATOR To lead their Meo army, the CIA selected Vang Pao, a former lieutenant in the French colonial army in Laos. The agency made very effort to boost his reputation. ... NARRATOR Vang Pao, however, did more than just lead his people in war. According to observers he and his officers dominated the trade in the Meo farmers' cash crop. In 1968, one visitor got a first-hand look at this trade in the village called Long Pot. JOHN EVERINGHAM, Photographer I was given the guest bed in the village, in fact the district headman's house, and I ended up sharing it with a guy in military uniform who I later found out was an officer of the Vang Pao army and one morning I was awoken very early by this great confusion of people and noise at the bottom of the bed, just, literally people brushing against my feet with the packets of black sticky substance in bamboo tubes and wrapped up in leaves and bits and things and the military officer who was there was weighing it out and paying off a considerable amount of money to these people and this went on for most of the morning and it went on for several mornings he brought up a great deal of this substance which I then started to think about and asked and had it confirmed that this was in fact raw opium. NARRATOR War photographer John Everingham has lived in Southeast Asia for over twenty years. He was one of the very few outsiders who dared to look for and photograph the secret army for himself. John Everingham: They all wore American supplied uniforms and the villagers very innocently and very openly told me, "oh they took it to Long Chien," and I asked them how they took it and they said, "oh well they took it on the helicopters as everything else that went to and from Long Chien went by helicopter and so did the opium." Frontline: And whose helicopters were they? John Everingham: Well they were the Air America helicopters which were on contract to the CIA. JOHN EVERINGHAM I know as a fact soon after the army was formed the military officers soon got control of the opium trade. It helped not only them make a lot of money and become good loyal officers to the CIA but it helped the villagers. The villagers needed their opium carried out and carried over the land in a war situation that was much more dangerous and more difficult, and the officers were obviously paying a good price 'cos the villagers were very eager to sell to the military people. HARRY ADERHOLT, U.S. General That's hogwash. No way and as far as the agency ever, ever advocating that is do you think I would be in an organization where I've devoted my life to my country--involved in a operation like that without blowing the whistle?--absolutely not. NARRATOR For veterans like General Aderholt and General Secord the war in Laos is now commemorated at nostalgic reunions. Last fall they gathered at a Florida air base to talk over old times and current business. While Vang Pao does not attend such functions, he is well remembered by his old comrades. ... Frontline: Did you work with Vang Pao? Richard Secord: Sure, all the time. Frontline: What was your relationship? Richard Secord: I was his supplier of air, therefore he stayed in close contact with me. Frontline: Were you in charge of supplying Air America planes? Richard Secord: For the tactical air operations, yes. NARRATOR The movement of Air America planes say witnesses were influenced by Vang Pao's business requirements. Ron Rickenbach: Vang Pao wanted control of the aircraft-- sure, he would do the work that needed to be done but it would give that much more freedom and that much more flexibility to use these aircraft to go out and pick up the opium that needed to be picked up at this site or that site and to bring it back to Long Chien, and there was quite a hassle and Vang Pao won. Not only did he get control of the aircraft, but there was also a question of the operational control of the airplanes that were leaving Long Chien to go south, even into Thailand, and there was an embarrassing situation where the Americans knew that this could be exposed and it would be a very compromising situation. The way they got around that was to concede, to create for Vang Pao his own local airline, and Xieng Kouang airlines came into reality as a direct result of this compromise that was worked out, and they brought in a C-47 from the states and they painted it up nice and put Xieng Kouang airlines on it and they gave it to Vang Pao, and that aircraft was largely used for the transshipment of opium from Long Chien to sites further south. Frontline: Air Opium? Ron Rickenbach: Air opium. Harry Aderholt: Those airlines didn't really belong to General Vang Pao. Frontline: They belonged to the agency. Harry Aderholt: They belonged to the agency. They were maintained by the United States government in the form of Air America or Continental, so they didn't really own anything. It wasn't something he could take away with him, it was something that we controlled every iota of that operation, lock, stock and barrel. Frontline: You know what the nickname for that airline was? Richard Secord: No. Frontline: Opium Air. Richard Secord: I've never heard that before. ... Tony Poe: I'm sure we all knew it, but we tried to monitor it, because we controlled most of the pilots you see. We're giving him freedom of navigation into Thailand, into the bases, and we don't want him to get involved in moving, you know, this illicit traffic--O.K., silver bars and gold, O.K., but not heroin. What they would do is, they weren't going into Thailand, they were flying it in a big wet wing airplane that could fly for thirteen hours, a DC-3, and all the wings were filled with gas. They fly down to Pakse, then they fly over to Da Nang, and then the number two guy to President Thieu would receive it. NARRATOR Nguyen Van Thieu was president of South Vietnam from 1967 to 1975. Reports at the time accused president Thieu of financing his election through the heroin trade. Like Vang Pao, he always denied it, remaining America's honored and indispensable ally. Tony Poe: They were all in a contractual relationship:Some of this goes to me, some of this goes to thee. And you know just the bookkeeping--we deliver you on a certain day; they had coded messages and di-di-di. That means so and so as this much comes back and goes into our Swiss bank account. Oh they had a wonderful relationship and every, maybe, six months they'd all come together, have a party somewhere and talk about their business:is it good or bad. It is like a mafia, yeah, a big organized mafia. NARRATOR By the end of 1970, there were thirty thousand Americans in Vietnam addicted to heroin. GI's were dying from overdoses at the rate of two a day. ... Victor Marchetti: Well, there may have been other funds generated by Vang Pao himself through his dope operations. After all I mean they were poppy growers and opium smugglers, so I imagine there was money being earned that way that was Vang Pao's contribution to the war. Frontline: Is it conceivable that the CIA would fight a war with dope money? Victor Marchetti: Well, yes, in the sense that they would not sell dope to earn money to support an operation. But they would look the other way if the people they were supporting were financing themselves by selling dope. ... NARRATOR As a former chief counsel for the House Select Committee on Narcotics, Joe Nellis did indeed have access to the records. Joe Nellis: Vang Pao had a heavy hand in the production of heroin in that area. ... Joe Nellis: [Iran Contra] was known at a very high level, it was known at all sorts of levels really--it's amazing that they could keep it secret as long as they did, and I guess that was the situation with Air America. People in CIA certainly knew it, and at that time Dick Helms I think was the head of the office, and I'm sure he must have reported it to Nixon. NARRATOR Former CIA Director Richard Helms told us: "I knew nothing of this. It certainly was not policy." RICHARD SECORD It's patently impossible. There are thousands of people involved in the intelligence community in the United States who read the reports, who are intimately familiar with details of field activities, and no such operation could ever be kept secret from the authorities in Washington, and would never be tolerated, never, not for a minute. Frontline: How many people knew what was going on? Joe Nellis: Oh I don't think it was very many at all-- Frontline: Five? Joe Nellis: --A handful-- Frontline: Ten? Joe Nellis: --A handful, maybe a hundred. RON RICKENBACH I personally did not complain, not at the time. I certainly complained after the fact, but that came as a result of my own awakening as to the rather horrible implications of what we were doing and I left working for the government rather abortively because I just could not tolerate myself-what was going on. NARRATOR His disgust was not only at the drug trade, but at the human cost of a war in which the recruits were as young as eight years old. RON RICKENBACH These people were absolutely decimated. The war itself took its own toll. Thousands and thousands of these people were either maimed or killed or died of disease or malnutrition secondary to the effects of the war. Many were bombed, many were blown away by conflict and combat. What was left after the war was the exodus to the south or to the west. These people have had their whole life destroyed for helping out in our war. For helping out in our war. "

Source(s): 1975 ASC national strategy committee

Army general and World War II hero. Director U.S. Global Strategy Council. Executive offier Pilgrims Society from the early 1970s to 1987.

Protege of General Matthew B. Ridgway (a Pilgrim) during WWII. First Allied general to land in France on D-Day and considered a war hero because of a number of other achievements. Superintendent of West Point 1945-1949. Commander of allied troops in Berlin from 1949 to 1951. Sent to Korea in 1953. Commander Korea, U.S. Army Forces, Far East, 1954. U.S. and United Nations Commander in Far East, 1955. From 1955 to 1959, he was the Army Chief of Staff, succeeding his former mentor, Matthew B. Ridgway. Chairman board, chief executive officer, board directors Mexican Light and Power Co., 1959-60. President Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts, 1961. Military rep. of President of U.S. (Eisenhower), 1961-62. Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1962-64 (JFK). Ambassador to Vietnam, 1964-65. Special consultant to President of U.S., 1965-69. President Institute for Defense Analyses (IDA), 1966-69. Member, chairman President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, 1965-69. Hon. knight Commander of the Order of the British Empire, hon. companion Order of Bath (military div.), D.S.O. (Great Britain. Member University Club, Lotus Club, Chevy Chase Club, Army and Navy Club, Alibi Club, International Club. Member Council on Foreign Relations.

Source(s): November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation', p. 7 (written by ASC founder): Dr. Edward Teller and Dr. Stefan Possony were added to the National Strategy Committee in 1962 during the Cuban Missile Crisis (the board now supposedly represented a mixture of "knowledgeable liberals, moderates and conservatives"); American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984.

Director Rockefeller Brother Fund.

Research associate, Leipzig, 1929—1931, Goettingen, Germany, 1931—1933; Rockefeller fellow Copenhagen, 1934; lecturer University London, 1934—1935; professor physics George Washington University, Washington, 1935—1941, Columbia, 1941—1942; physicist University Chicago, 1942—1943, Manhattan Engineer District, 1942—1946, Los Alamos Sci. Laboratory, 1943—1946; professor physics University Chicago, 1946—1952, University California, 1953—1960, professor physics-at-large, 1960—1970, Univ. professor, 1970—1975, Univ. professor emeritus, chairman department applied sci. Davis and Livermore, 1963—1966; assistant director Los Alamos Sci. Laboratory, 1949—1952; consultant Livermore branch University California Radiation Laboratory, 1952—1953; associate director Lawrence Livermore Laboratory, University California, 1954—1958, 1960—1975; director Lawrence Livermore Radiation Laboratory, University California, 1958—1960; now director emeritus, consultant Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, University California, Manhattan District of Columbia, 1942—1946; also Metallurgical and Laboratory of Argonne National Laboratory, University Chicago, 1942—1943, 1946—1952, and Los Alamos, New Mexico, 1943—1946, Radiation Laboratory, Livermore, California, 1952—1975; senior research fellow Hoover Institution War, Revolution and Peace, Stanford University, from 1975 Career Related Member sci. adv. board US Air Force; board directors Association to the Unite the Democracies; past member general adv. committee Atomic Energy Commission; former member Pres.'s Foreign Intelligence Adv. National Space Council Board. Sponsor Atlantic Union, Atlantic Council U.S., Univ. Ctrs. for Rational Alternatives; member Committee to Unite Am., Inc.; board governors Am. Academy Achievement; board directors Defense Intelligence School, Naval War College, Federal Union, Hertz Foundation, Am. Friends of Tel Aviv University Memberships Fellow: Am. Academy Arts and Scis., Am. Physical Society, Hungarian Academy Scis. (hon.), Am. Nuclear Society; mem.: National Academy of Sciences, International Platform Association, Society Engineering Scis., Am. Geophysical Union.

GEORGE A. KEYWORTH (FRIEND OF EDWARD TELLER AND WAS HELPED BY TELLER TO BECOME REAGAN"S SCIENCE ADVISOR):

Born 1939. BS in Physics, Yale University, 1963. PhD in Nuclear Physics, Duke University, 1968. Staff physicist, Los Alamos (New Mexico) National Laboratory, 1968-74. Group leader neutron physics, Los Alamos (New Mexico) National Laboratory, 1974-78. Div. leader, Los Alamos (New Mexico) National Laboratory, 1978-81. Sci. advisor to President, director Office Sci. and Tech. Policy, The White House, Washington, DC, 1981-85. Director research, Hudson Institute, Indianapolis, Ind., 1988-90. SDI award Am. Defense Preparedness Assn, 1986. Distinguished fellow, Hudson Institute, Indianapolis, Ind., 1990-95. Chairman, The Keyworth Co., Washington, DC, 1986—. Chairman & co-founder, Progress and Freedom Foundation, Washington, DC, 1993—. Hon. professor Fudan University, Shanghai People's Rep. of China, 1984; member V.P.'s Task Force on Regulatory Relief, 1982-85, Presl. Commission on Industrial Competitiveness, 1984-85, Alcoa Sci. and Tech. Council, 1986-; trustee, Santa Fe Institute, 1986-89, chairman board director NovaWeb Tech. Inc, 1992-, Encanto Networks Inc., 1997-; board director Hewlett Packard Co., 1986-2006, General Atomics, 1995-, Yourtel Telecom, 1998-.

Advisor Center for Security Policy.

1989, Richard C. Hoagland, Pravda op-ed, 'What's Really Going On': "When our initial "Independent Mars Investigation Team" completed the first phase of its analyses of the "enigmatic landforms" on the Viking photographs, and had published in 1984 a preliminary paper at a Boulder scientific conference at the University of Colorado, we also began a serious effort to alert our government to the data and their enormous implications: a potential set of extraterrestrial artifacts -- and right "next door," on Mars. We presented copies of our computer-enhanced Viking photographs and preliminary papers to colleagues of President Reagan's Science Advisor, Dr. George Keyworth; to staff members of the President's Office of Science and Technology Policy; and to a close friend, and member of the President's newly-appointed Space Commission, Dr. David Webb." George A. Keyworth, Science Adviser to the President (Reagan) and Director, Office of Science and Technology Policy, in testimony before the 99th Congress, March 14, 1985 (cited by Hoagland): "All government agencies lie part of the time, but NASA is the only one I've ever encountered that does so routinely."

2004 internet article of John C. Haich, 'Do the Owls want to shut down Richard C. Hoagland?': "Executive summary: * Richard C. Hoagland is an agent of influence for the Center for Security Policy. * Hoagland's handler is Dr. George A. Keyworth II, former science advisor to President Ronald Reagan. * The Center for Security Policy uses Hoagland and his "Enterprise Mission" to bolster public interest in Mars exploration in order to apply pressure to President Bush to support a significant increase in funding for the space program under the auspices of Project Prometheus. * The goal of Project Prometheus is the development of enabling technologies for the military control of space under the cover of peaceful space exploration. * The program has the backing of Vice President Dick Cheney and NASA Administrator Sean O'Keefe. ... Keyworth later became one of the most vocal proponents of Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative or "Star Wars" as it came to be known to its critics and remains a staunch supporter of space-based weapons but particularly SBL technologies. Keyworth (or "Doctor SDI" as he was known in Washington political circles during the Reagan era) was one of the original conceivers of distributed surveillance which involves the use of a network of small satellites with integrated optical and multi-spectral sensors to provide high-resolution remote sensing capabilities with all-weather performance. The same system also has both strategic and tactical uses and allows for extremely precise targeting capabilities. Keyworth has for many years been an outspoken proponent of manned spaceflight and the American military dominance of space. One rare disagreement with Reagan was over his political decision to fund what later became the International Space Station on the grounds that it represented a step backwards; Keyworth was instead a vocal advocate of space planes. ... In his book, "The Monuments of Mars: A City on the Edge of Forever," Hoagland relates the circumstances surrounding how Keyworth was made aware of his findings regarding Cydonia. In 1983, then attached to the Stanford Research Institute, Hoagland made overtures to Keyworth by way of one Dr. William Miller, a personal friend of Keyworth's. The objective was to secure funding for further research from the President's Fund, a discretionary source under the direct control of the President. After Hoagland had presented his pitch to Miller with Miller expressing appropriate concerns as to the possible ramifications should the supposedly artificial structures turn out to be "a pile of rocks," minimal funding of $50,000 was eventually secured. While there is no evidence that Keyworth himself ever thought the features to be anything other than natural in origin, that is certainly not what he has led Hoagland to believe in recent years. Always the blabbermouth, Hoagland was keen to give Coast To Coast AM listeners a brief history of Keyworth's more recent interest and involvement. The following transcript segment is from the 24JUL02 episode (the same day the THEMIS IR image of Cydonia was released which was of course the main topic of discussion). ... The Enterprise Mission's campaign to prepare the way for presentation of THEMIS data alleging to show a city buried at Cydonia got under way in earnest in late February 2002 with the publication of a piece appropriately entitled "The Game's afoot -- Again" (Hoagland's choice of title once more demonstrating the truly astonishing extent of his braggart nature as well as his obvious contempt for the intelligence of his audience). The article, the first in what eventually became a three-part series [ 1 | 2 | 3 ] spanning the months of February to May 2002 in the lead-up to the first THEMIS IR data release, starts off with a picture of Keyworth (pilfered from here) and a quotation to the effect that NASA routinely lies¹. If this all seems a little obvious considering that "Deep Space" was supposed to be his secret source (the name of course derives from a somewhat unwitty play on "Deep Throat," the infamous Watergate source) it should be noted that the citation for the quote indicates Keyworth's tenure as science advisor during a Reagan term and that soon afterwards Hoagland started to refer to his "Bush Administration" source in a clear attempt to detract attention away from Keyworth. While it's difficult at times to even contemplate what must go on in the dark recesses of Richard C. Hoagland's mind, it appears that this rather amateurish attempt at counter intelligence served more to inflate his ego and sense of importance but nonetheless was sufficient to throw casual investigators off the trail. ... According to Hoagland, the THEMIS employee was either fed up with the lies at NASA vis-à-vis covering up the existence of artificial structures on Mars so decided to slip him some data that would normally not see the light of day, or he was a participant (witting or otherwise) in a COINTELPRO designed to discredit the Enterprise Mission. THEMIS principal investigator Dr. Philip Christensen naturally had a different take: somebody had gotten hold of the freely available IR data of the Cydonia region then proceeded to process it incorrectly, making the resulting image artifacts appear (intentionally or otherwise) to be a city buried under the plains of Cydonia. ... Firstly, let's look at the Enterprise Mission's supposedly "real" IR data. When we compare it to the freely available IR data from the THEMIS website it becomes quite apparent that Hoagland's image is indeed a degraded version of the official one just as Dr. Christensen claimed. In fact, this is so obviously the case that anybody possessing even rudimentary image processing skills will be able to quickly determine this for themselves which naturally begs the question: "Why didn't Hoagland?" Or, for that matter, his associate Mike Bara who has many years of CAD/CAM experience and who should, one would think, possess at least a modicum of fundamental knowledge relevant to his trade. While Hoagland seems to go out of his way to exaggerate the complexity of working with image data be it visual or IR, these are not particularly complex fields in terms of understanding the underlying theory and basic processing algorithms involved nor are they difficult to practically grasp but like everything else require some time and study. So, sad to say, we appear to have here yet another casualty in Hoagland's undeclared War on Pixels as I believe we can quite safely conclude that the Enterprise Mission knew full well that their data was not "real" at all and that the "city" was merely composed of processing artifacts after somebody had finished having some fun with the source data from the THEMIS website. It doesn't particularly matter who exactly was responsible, only that the Enterprise Mission picked up the ball and ran with it and that of course prompts us to wonder why. ... Hoagland is no stranger to the subject of buried cities located with the aid of supposedly "leaked" infrared data either. Back in the 1990s for example he made the extraordinary claim of having discovered a buried city beneath the surface of the Moon. Hoagland explained that the image, supposedly derived from Clementine multi-spectral data, showed "immense geometric structures both miles above and miles below the Lunar surface ... an ordered, organized city laid out beneath the surface and protected above by miles of vertical glass structures." But the THEMIS scam was going to be the best yet because this time Hoagland had the support of his powerful backer who assured he that he was right -- there were cities down there. He already knew this to be true, now others would be made to see it too. ... Hoagland's 05SEP02 appearance on Coast To Coast AM was a four hour orgy of whining and incessant begging for NASA to "come clean" about the artificial structures on Mars. Informing the audience that Deep Space had told him "you've got to get the night-time infrared, if you do it's Game Over!" and hinting that even he thought there might still be power being supplied to the city ("the lights are on but nobody's home!"), Hoagland mused that the night-time data would show the city all lit up ("it should be glowing like neon signs up and down Hollywood and Vine!") before pleading once more for the audience to demand the data without delay. "Mr. and Mrs. America," he whined in the most pathetic tone he could muster, "you have got to help us get this data and get it now... and the email lists and the fax numbers and the phone numbers of all those talk shows and all those politicos and the White House and the Congress, everyone who can be interested in the outcome is on our website tonight." The Phobos 2 card was played tirelessly too. Hoagland conveyed with more than a hint of awe in his voice the astounding tale of Phobos 2 and the buried Martian city which confirmed his very own findings of a similarly buried city at Cydonia. ... Of course, if "they [the Russians] published their data" then Hoagland should have had no trouble pointing people to it, but the citation for this published data describing the amazing discovery of a Martian city found on Phobos 2 data has yet to materialize. ... Now hazard a guess as to who came along, right on cue, to advise the Enterprise Mission regarding O'Keefe's astonishing Mars landing comments... Yes, that's right, "Deep Space" -- none other than Hoagland's "handler," Dr. George A. Keyworth II. In an article entitled "What’s in a Name …?", author Mike Bara informs us that Deep Space "told us [the Enterprise Mission] that Bush is quietly moving forward on an ambitious plan to get humans to Mars." What Keyworth meant to say was that he and his cronies at the Center for Security Policy² (which includes Cheney, Rumsfeld and O'Keefe who are all closely affiliated) were not so quietly pressuring Bush to move forward with their ambitious plan to get humans to Mars. Of course, if Bush himself really wanted to go then there would be no need for sly dealings with organizations such as the Enterprise Mission; after all he is the President and if he wants to go to Mars then he's perfectly capable of rousing public support himself with the aid of a well written speech like the one penned for Kennedy's Moon landing goal. In short, there's simply no need for him to invoke the assistance of a bunch of egotistical image fakers with overly vivid imaginations. Bara went on to recite what other goodies Deep Space had to share with the Enterprise Mission: "The means to secure funding will involve generating political pressure by getting the public to recognize the value of going to Mars. To do this we are told, the work of the Cydonia researchers -- and of Richard C. Hoagland in particular -- will be "elevated" with the general public in a series of "revelations" designed to create critical "political mass."" In other words, the crazy CSP ideologues would arrange for a series of "revelations" to "elevate" the kooky pseudo-science of Richard C. Hoagland in order to create critical "political mass" so that funding could be secured. ... At this stage we have good reason to suspect which parties Hoagland's "Owls" might possibly represent, however there's insufficient evidence to conclude with any degree of certainty which of these might actually have been responsible for the attempts to interfere with the Enterprise Mission and with Keyworth's well laid plans. While it may be readily apparent to impartial observers that Richard C. Hoagland and his Enterprise Mission are being used to advance the agenda of a group of ideologues and their entourage of defense contractors, one has to wonder whether Hoagland himself has registered at least on some level that he's being played for a fool and is being told exactly what he wants to hear. There can be no denying that Hoagland is passionate about his belief in the existence of ancient ruins on Mars, but barring complete stupidity on his part there should be at least some evidence to suggest that he has at least a primitive realization of his current predicament. Indeed, Hoagland's final email to Caflisch after Caflisch had issued him an ultimatum and threatened to publicize private correspondence appears to be just that. Mr. Caflisch, It is obvious that you have no idea what is truly going on here. Further, you are even less aware with whom you are truly dealing with. I suggest you carefully reconsider your position, and desist from any further infantile "threats." History does not deal kindly with fools .... RCH P.S. This is a PRIVATE communication. Any publication will be dealt with swiftly. This chilling message certainly suggests that Hoagland knows that Keyworth has ulterior motives and he was concerned enough by the possibility that this might become widely known that he felt compelled to issue his own thinly veiled threat. Clearly if Hoagland started out an unwitting accomplice he is now very much a willing agent of influence for Keyworth and the Center for Security Policy." Hoagland's assistant Mike Bara on Coast to Coast AM, September 6, 2002: "MB: Richard's talked about Deep Space, our, I want to emphasize -- AB: I wonder who "bamfed," I wonder who "bamfed" the Russians? MB: Yeah. Good question, um... and, you know, I've met Deep Space and had lunch with him, you know, Deep Space is a friend of mine -- AB: Deep Space is an informant within the Bush Administration [as claimed earlier by Hoagland] -- MB: Well, or he has connections anyway, and he does exist, and one of the things he told us a while back was "don't just push for Cydonia, push for infrared -- especially the night-time infrared..."

Source(s): Who's Who

Commissioned officer US Army, 1949, advanced through grades to colonel, 1972; platoon and co. Commander Republic of Korea, 1950; pub. information officer VII Corps, Stuttgart, Germany, 1953—1954; chief foreign affairs briefing officer Department Army, Washington, 1960—1962; chief Current Intelligence and Reports Branch MACV Hdqrs., Saigon, Vietnam, 1964—1965, South Vietnamese Section Pacific Division Defense Intelligence Agency, 1967—1968; assistant chief of staff G-2 4th Infantry Division, Vietnam, 1968—1969 [assigned as the G-2, chief intelligence officer, to the 4th Infantry Division]; battalion Commander Vietnam, 1969; Commander 109th Military Intelligence Group, 1971—1973; deputy Chief Staff Intelligence Forces Command, 1974; Commander Special Security Group, 1975—1977; senior military analyst Kappa Systems, Inc., Arlington, Virginia, 1979—1982; executive director National Military Intelligence Association, Annapolis, Maryland, 1977—; vice president Free Congress Research & Education Foundation, Washington, 1983—; consultant Lansdowne Steel, Morton, Pennsylvania, 1980—1983. Coordinator Anne Arundel County Reagan for President Committee, 1980; president Lower Broadneck Federation Community Associations, Annapolis, 1975—1978, Amberley Community Association, 1979—1980, Annapolis Chorale, 1982—1984; board directors Annapolis Symphony; member vestry All Hallows Episcopal Church., Davidsonville, Maryland; member Maryland Episcopal Diocesan Committee Military Services, 1983—1984; Served to colonel Maryland State Guard, 1984—. Mem.: DAV, VFW, Sons of the American Revolution, Am. Society Local Ofcls. (president 1984—), University Denver Alumni Association, Association Former Intelligence Officers, National Military Intelligence Association, Am. Security Council, Retired Officers Association, Association US Army, Military Order World Wars, Civitan, Rotary, Lambda Chi Alpha.

Fervent letter writer to newspapers:

July 3, 1988, Washington Post, 'South Africans Don't Want Sanctions' (Thomann letter): "In a reply to Helen Suzman's thoughtful article "A Wrecked Economy Won't End Apartheid" [op-ed, June 15], reader David Akerson [letters, June 23] makes the same erroneous assumption that many advocates of sanctions against South Africa make. He assumes that the black majority in South Africa recognizes Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the United Democratic Front and the African National Congress as its true representatives. After a recent private trip to South Africa, where I talked freely to many working blacks, I am convinced that Archbishop Tutu, the UDF and the ANC represent only a small number of blacks. Even the archbishop's friends call him politically naive, although he is respected for his religious leadership. The many blacks I talked to in various parts of the country did not support the UDF or the ANC, either. Instead, many educated blacks expressed their belief that the reforms of the Botha government, though slow, are the only reasonable answer to eventual political equity, while uneducated black workers look to tribal leaders to represent them and do not trust the UDF orANC. Only three blacks I talked to supported sanctions [to force South Africa into a transition of majority rule], and all were concerned that terrorist actions by the militant ANC would bring the white ultraconservative faction back into power, which would end all reform. None wanted a communist black government, and none wanted a black government that would exclude whites. "Whites and blacks need one another and not sanctions" was the main theme I heard from blacks."

September 23, 1998, The Capital (Annapolis, MD), 'Readers' views on Starr editorial' (Thomann letter): "History will view Judge Starr as a man whose work was meticulous and who had the courage to do what was right - not what was easy. Judge Starr's intellect could have pro duced a weasel-worded, legalese report, subject to "interpretations," providing cover for everyone and everything. The evil, vicious, vindictive, sick and malevolent person described in the head line of your editorial (The Capital, Sept. 15) is in the White House - not in the Office of Independent Counsel. Based on Clinton White House history, had the Starr report not detailed the sexual antics of President Clinton with specificity, the White House spinmeisters would now be casting doubts as to Mr. Clinton's actions and working to convince the public that Mr. Clinton was a victim. In America, all citizens are held to the same laws. Mr. Clinton seeks to carve out exceptions for himself. If we are to excuse Mr. Clinton's perjury because he lied about an adulterous affair, we condone lying under oath, period. And the rule of law _ the foundation of America's freedom, its uniqueness and greatness among nations _ would be forever and irreparably damaged. Mr. Clinton admitted he acted irresponsibly. Having shamefully abused the great privilege of being the president of the United States, an honorable man would resign. A man without honor impeaches himself. By his own actions, Mr. Clinton has earned the right to be impeached. Congress must exercise the courage of Judge Starr and do what is right, not what is easy. A timid Congress will deny Mr. Clinton his just reward for his own unlaw ful actions."

June 7, 2004, Washington Times, 'Kerry and numbers crunching' (Thomann letter): "How out of touch can you get? Sen. John Kerry, Democratic candidate for president, proposes to cut our missile-defense shield in favor of funding 40,000 more troops. Sounds like a great idea if you want to employ more people at government expense, but it doesn't make any sense from a military or planetary defense perspective. First of all, our missile shield is our first line of defense. It was one of the primary reasons that the Soviet Union collapsed. Even Mikhail Gorbachev admitted that. There are still ICBMs around that could reach our cities. More important, however, is a future terrorist weapon that could be fired by a rogue state like North Korea if we let our guard down. Missile technology is our first defense against the asteroids that yearly threaten life on Earth. Missile technology means fewer soldiers will be needed to keep the peace. Well-placed missile strikes can rid us of threats to our homeland, or terrorist groups abroad, without sending troops. Missile technology can keep our planet free of any aggression from outer space. We cannot count on being alone forever in this universe. Missile technology adds to our ability to explore space, which is something the future of mankind depends on. Our solar system is not finite, and neither are our resources. Space is our future. We have the choice of making politically-motivated decisions or reasoned decisions that protect the future of our nation and our planet. Which is wiser? If our descendants are to survive as a free nation, we must learn to think ahead. Politicians rarely have prepared us for future crises. Now is the time to stop that practice. It costs American lives."

March 10, 2005, Washington Times, 'Commonsense 'spying' returns' (Thomann letter): "Your front-page article "U.S. targets spy services abroad" (Sunday), had one inaccuracy. The strategy of "attacking foreign spy services and spy components of terrorist groups before they can strike" is not new. We were doing this very effectively during the Cold War and before. As commander of a military intelligence group and as the chief of Army counterintelligence in the 1970s, I participated in frequent meetings with all my major intelligence agency counterparts at the FBI, CIA and others to compare notes and coordinate our actions against foreign and domestic enemies, including domestic terrorists. Liberal members of Congress, particularly members fo the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, headed by Sen. Frank Church, objected to these coordination meetings as well as to the various intelligence agencies working in concert. In the early 1970s, the Church committee forbade the intelligence agencies from talking to one another and exchanging information. This congressional dictum directly caused the problems (including the undetected September 11 attacks) our intelligence agencies now are trying to overcome. Finally, decisions are being made that protect our citizens and country from terrorism and aggression. Being militarily strong in Iraq, for example, rid us of one terrorist-sponsoring nation and put us on the borders of two others, Iran and Syria. These nations fully understand that any support of terrorist activities would be at their peril because of our close proximity. The fact that we haven't been attacked again on our soil and that terrorist attacks in Europe are rare proves this point and the wisdom of our Iraqi strategy. I'm delighted that our president and his administration are bringing common sense back into our intelligence efforts. Thank you, Mr. President, from those who remember the frustrations and dangers to this country caused by certain members of Congress and others with an anti-American agenda who have actively worked since the 1960s to cripple our intelligence-gathering defenses."

Source(s): November 1, 2005, (ASC founder) John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation': "Dr. Scott Thompson, Director, Freedom Studies Center/Congressional Conference Center, and a Member of the Strategy Board, coordinated the efforts of the drafting team which was selected from the Strategy Board and staff. They met several days at a time at ASCF headquarters."

President Strategic Research Associates. serves on the advisory board for the Washington branch of Search for Common Ground. In 1985, he was a Republican, and Professor of International Politics at the Fletcher School. "A former Rhodes Scholar and White House Fellow, he was until February of 1984 Associate Director at U.S.I.A. He has been active in the Committee on the Present Danger and Americans for An Effective Presidency." He was also a director of the US Institute of Peace.

a White House Fellow, an Assistant to the Secretary of Defense, and an Associate Director of the U.S. Information Agency (USIA).

This debate between professor and author Noam Chomsky and W. Scott Thompson from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy (and former member of Ford and Reagan administrations) took place at the University of Massachusetts Lowell in 1991.

July 18, 1989, Washinton Post, 'The Shadow World of Craig Spence': ""He wanted to play at being important," said W. Scott Thompson, once a Spence friend and a former U.S. Information Agency official. "You're dealing with shadows, a guy who created a persona.""

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

Influential Republican senator from Texas 1961-85. Voted in favor of racial segregation. Delegate Republican National Committee 1956, 60, 64, 68, 72, 80, 88; member platform committee, 1960, 64, 68, 72; chairman 1980. Vice chair Church Committee on CIA and FBI abuses 1975. U.S. negotiator on strategic nuclear arms in Geneva 1985-86. Chair Tower Commission into Iran-Contra 1986-87. Chair Armed Forces Journal. Director British Aerospace. Methodist. Mason (33). Shriner.

May 10, 1976, Newsweek, 'Inquest on Intelligence': "The [Church] committee decided to leave the actual wording of new legislation to the new Senate oversight panel they hope to see created. But Republican members John Tower of Texas and Barry Goldwater of Arizona refused to sign last week's report, saying they could go along neither with its detailed proposals nor its call for a new committee... Links: The Church panel recommended new laws covering CIA-owned front organizations, which at one time included airlines such as Air America and Southern Air Transport (NEWSWEEK May 19, 1975), and any income they may generate; such properties, the report confirmed, have a net worth of nearly $60 million. Also proposed were stricter limits on CIA involvement in U.S. academic, publishing and journalists circles. The agency had side-stepped an earlier Presidential ban against CIA ties to universities, the committee found, by making its links directly with individual academics, several hundred of whom are still providing leads, arranging contacts and producing books and other material.More than two dozen U.S. journalists or media executives also maintain covert ties to the agency that the Church committee would eliminate-to reduce the impact of CIA foreign propaganda on readers at home."

On November 25, 1986, President Reagan announced the creation of a Special Review Board to look into the matter; the following day, he appointed former Senator John Tower, former Secretary of State Edmund Muskie, and former National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft to serve as members.

Radio announcer Station KFDM, Beaumont, Texas, 1948, Station KTAE, Taylor, 1948-49; insurance agent Dallas, 1950-51; assistant professor political sci. Midwestern State University, Wichita Falls, Texas, 1951-61; U.S. senator from, 1961-85; chairman committee on armed services, member budget committee, committee on banking, housing and urban affairs, chairman Senate Republican policy committee; U.S. negotiator on strategic nuclear arms U.S. Del. to Negotiations on Nuclear and Space Arms, Geneva, 1985-86; distinguished lecturer political sci. Southern Methodist University, Dallas, 1986-88; chairman Tower, Eggers & Greene Consultant Inc., Dallas and Washington, 1987-90 Del. Rep. National Committee, 1956, 60, 64, 68, 72, 80, 88, member platform committee, 1960, 64, 68, 72, chairman 1980; chairman, Iran-Contra Commission, 1987; chairman board directors Brassey's Inc.; board directors Brit. Aerospace, Inc. chairman board directors Armed Forces Journal. Hon. Fellow London School Econs. and Political Sci. Member Texas Philosophical Society, Texas Hist. Society, Am. Legion, Kappa Sigma (past worthy grand master). Lodges: Masons (33 degree), Shriners. Methodist.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; 1969, American Security Council, 'The ABM and the changed strategic military balance: a study by a special American Security Council committee of 31 experts, co-chaired by Willard F. Libby, William J. Thaler, and Nathan F. Twining'; Who's Who; 1975 document (national strategy committee)

1897-1982. U.S. Air Force General. Commander Air Materiel Command,Wright-Patterson 1945-47. Initiated the UFO study group Project Sign in 1947. In New Mexico from July 7 to 11, 1947, during the height of the Roswell incident. Reported initial member of Majestic 12 since September 1947. Commander Alaskan Air Command 1947-1950. Air Force Vice Chief of Staff 1950-1953. Air Force Chief of Staff 1953-1957. Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff 1957-1960. Vice chairman of Holt, Rinehart & Winston, Inc. 1960-67. Director of United Technologies Laboratories, Inc.

September 23, 1947, Twining memorandum to Gen. George Schulgen: "It is the opinion that: a. The phenomenon reported is something real and not visionary or fictitious. ... d. The reported operating characteristics such as extreme rates of climb, maneuverability (particularly in roll), and action which must be considered evasive when sighted or contacted by friendly aircraft and radar, lend belief to the possibility that some of the objects are controlled either manually, automatically or remotely."

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Titles published by Holt, Rinehart & Winston during Twining's time: 1966, Mark Lane, 'Rush to Judgment: A Critique of the Warren Commission's Inquiry Into the Murders of President John F. Kennedy, Officer J. D. Tippit and Lee Harvey Oswald'.

Mark Lane was at Jonestown during the massacres. In 1993 he is supposed to have taken over the assets of the Liberty Lobby, including its publications American Free Press and the Spotlight. His close associate was Michael Collins Piper.

Evron Maurice Kirkpatrick (born in 1911): Assistant research director research & analysis branch Office of Strategic Services, 1945; assistant research director & projects control Officer Research & Intelligence, Department State, Washington, 1946, intelligence program adviser, 1947, chief external research staff, 1948—1952, chief psychological, intelligence and research staff, 1952—1954; editorial adviser political sci. Henry Holt & Co., 1952—1960, Holt Rinehart, Winston, 1960—1968; deputy director Office Research & Intelligence, 1954

Frederic Sanford Cushing (1920-2001): special consultant CIA, 1952-54; director Holt, Rinehart & Winston, Ltd., London, 1965-66, Ontario, Canada, 1965—1966.

Also in 68: A Citizen's Dissent: Mark Lane Replies to the Defenders of the Warren Report.

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Son of Clarence Walter and Maize (Barber) T.; grad. U.S. Mil. Acad. 1919; student Inf. Sch., 1919-20. Air Corps Tactical Sch., 1935-36, Command and Gen. Staff Sch., 1936-37; rated command pilot; married Maude McKeever, Mar. 9, 1932; children—Richard McKeever, Nathan Alexander, Olivia T. Hansell. Mem. Ore. N.G., 1916-17; comd. 2d lt. Inf., 1918; transferred to AC, 1924; promoted through grades to gen. USAF, 1950; chief of staff to comdg. gen. USAFISPA, 1942-43; comdg. gen. 13th AF, Solomon Islands, 1943, 15th AF, Italy, and Mediterranean Allied Strategic Air Forces, 1943, 20th AF, Pacific, 1945, Air Materiel Command, Wright Field, O., 1945-47; comdr. in chief Alaska, 1947-50; vice chief of staff AF, 1950-53, chief of staff, 1953-57; chmn. Joint Chiefs Staff 1957-60; vice chmn. bd. Holt, Rinehart & Winston, Inc., 1960-67; dir. United Tech. Labs., Inc. Decorated D.S.M. (Army, Navy), Legion of Merit with oak leaf cluster, D.F.C., Bronze Star medal, Air Medal with oak leaf cluster (U.S.); Croix de Guerre with 2 palms. Comdr. Legion of Honor (France); Medal of Merit with swords (Poland); Order of Sphinx (Greece), knight Brit. Empire, companion Brit.Empire (Gt. Britain); Aviation Cross 1st class (Peru); Order of White Elephant (Thailand), Medal of Merit (Egypt); recipient James Forrestal Meml. award Nat. Security Indsl. Assn., 1961. Mem. Am. Security Council (nat. adv. bd.). Home: Hilton Head Island, S.C

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June 24, 1947: Kenneth Arnold sighting.

Late July 1947: Air Force intelligence general concludes sightings are real.

In a September 23, 1947 memo Twining acknowledged the UFO sightings were a real phenomenon.

During the period June through December 1947 there was no specific organization responsible for investigating and evaluating UFO reports. At this time everyone had an expert opinion. Even within the military structure, there were those who expressed their own feelings and beliefs as to what UFOs actually represented. The wide news coverage of public reports of "flying discs or saucers" created sufficient concern at high military echelons to authorize the Air Material Command (AMC) to conduct a preliminary investigation into these reports. Early belief was that the objects reported were of aircraft more advanced than those possessed by the U.S. Armed Forces. A letter (September 23, 1947) from Lt. General Twining of AMC to the commanding general of the Army Air Forces expressed the opinion that there was sufficient substance in the reports to warrant a detailed study. On December 30, 1947, a letter from the chief of staff directed AMC to establish a project whose purpose was to collect, collate, evaluate, and disseminate all information concerning UFO sightings and phenomena in the atmosphere to those interested agencies. The project was assigned the code name "Sign." The responsibility for "Project Sign" was delegated to the Air Technical Intelligence Center, which was then part of the AMC. In February of 1949 "Project Sign" completed its evaluations of the 243 UFO reports that had been submitted to the project. The report concluded that: "No definite and conclusive evidence is yet available that would prove or disprove the existence of these UFOs as real aircraft of unknown and unconventional configuration."

Source(s): November 1, 2005, (ASC founder) John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (co-chair a 1992 conference mainly chaired by the ASC)

director of operations and readiness on the Army's staff in the Pentagon. Overall Joint Task Force commander. Commander of a combined Korean-United States field army.

Source(s): American Security Council, Benefactors page, President's Circle (December 2010)

Began his political career under Florida Governor Jeb Bush and was active in his election campaigns in 1994, 1998 and 2002. In 2000 Wallace played a key role working for the Bush-Cheney legal team in the decisive Florida recount in 2000 where he served as counsel to the campaign in Florida and was a spokesman for the legal team in various national media outlets. Served in several positions during the administration of George W. Bush, including as the United States Ambassador to the United Nations, Representative for UN Management and Reform. At the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), he oversaw and managed all aspects of the FEMA Office of General Counsel, and acted as counsel to the FEMA-led New York and World Trade Center recovery effort in the wake of the 2001 September 11 attacks. He also served as the general counsel of the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), during the INS’ transition from the DOJ into the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) as part of the Homeland Security Act of 2002 reorganization. After the reorganization Wallace served as the first principal legal advisor to the Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement and to the Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services for the Department of Homeland Security. 2010: President of Tigris Financial Group Ltd. (Tigris), a New York City-based investment, advisory and asset management firm with areas of focus that include natural resources and the natural resources sector; and Executive Director of United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI). James Woolsey sits on the Advisory Board of United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI).

His wife Nicolle was White House Communications Director under Bush.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

1913-1989. United States Marine Corps. Commissioned 2d lieutenant US Marine Corps, 1937, advanced through grades to general, 1968; various assignments U.S., China, Guam, 1936-42; Commander Co. A. 1st Marine Raider Battalion, Solomon Islands, 1942; regimental operations officer, then comdg. office 2d Battalion 5th Marine Regt., 1942-43; regimental executive officer 5th Marines, 1943-44; chief tactics Officer Candidates School, Quantico, Virginia, 1945-46; battalion landing team instructor, troop training unit Pacific Marine Corps Base, San Diego, 1946-47; assistant chief staff G-3 1st Marine Brigade and 1st Marine Div., Camp Pendleton, California, 1947; operations and training officer 1st Provisional Marine Brigade, Guam, 1947-49, chief staff Guam, 1949; Commander special training regt. Marine Corps Schools, 1949, chief tactics section S-3, 1950-51; executive officer Basic School, 1951-52; assistant chief staff military operations Amphibious Forces, Pacific Fleet, 1952; comdg. officer 5th Marines, 1st Marine div., assistant chief staff G-3, chief staff 1st Marine div. Korea, 1952-53; director advanced base problem section Marine Corps Educational Center, Quantico, Virginia, 1953-54, comdg. officer officers basic school, 1954-56, member advnaces research group, 1956-57; head detail branch, personnel department Hdqrs. US Marine Corps, 1957, assistant director personnel, 1957-59; Marine Corps rep. joint advance study group Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1960-61; assistant div. Commander 2d Marine div., 1961-62; director Marine Corps Landing Force Devel. Center, Quantico, 1962-65; comdg. general 3d Marine Amphibious Force 3d Marine Div., Naval Components Commander, 1965-67; senior adviser I Corps Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, 1965-67, director personnel, deputy chief staff for manpower Vietnam, 1967-68; assistant commandant US Marine Corps, Washington, 1968-71; director U.S. Senate Investigation on International Narcotics Traffic, 1972 (he was against the legalization of cannabis and other drugs); senior military member Presidential Clemency Board, 1974-75. Methodist. Advisory board Western Goals and WACL U.S.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; present/speeches at 1975/1976 ASC meetings

With very little official education, Walters had become fluent in English, German, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Russian, and Chinese. He went to work for Army Intelligence in 1941 and like Cercle member Kissinger, he became a protege of Fritz Kraemer in the post-war period. After the war he served for a while as an aide to Pilgrims Society member Averell Harriman, who, for example, co-founded the Psychological Strategy Board. In 1951 Walters became involved in setting up and running NATO's SHAPE headquarters in Paris. He was an aide and interpreter to Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Nixon, and provided Henry Kissinger's security in secret diplomatic missions. He was deputy director of the CIA from 1972 to 1976 under Richard Helms and George Bush. Walters left the CIA to become a private consultant until 1982 when he joined the Reagan administration as Ambassador at Large. He was sent all over the world. From 1989 to 1991 he was the US Ambassador to the UN. After that, at the time the Berlin wall came down, he was Ambassador to West-Germany. Walters has attended many Pan American conferences. Founding member of Crozier's 6I private intelligence group.

Born: New York City, January 3, 1917 Education Student, St. Louis Gonzaga University, Paris, 1928 Student, Stonyhurst College, England, 1934 Career Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army, 1941, advanced through grades to lieutenant general, retired, 1976; served in N. Africa, Italy, World War II; military attache Brazil, 1945-48; assistant to Governor Harriman in Korea, 1950; accompanied to Iran, 1951; assistant deputy chief staff Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers in Europe, Paris, 1951-56; staff assistant President Eisenhower, 1956-60; member NATO standing group, Washington, 1956, 60; served in Vietnam, 1967; aide V.P. Nixon to Son of Am., 1958; accompanied President Nixon to Europe, 1969, 70; defense attache Am. Embassy, Paris, 1967-72; deputy director CIA, 1972-76; business consultant, lecturer, 1977-81; senior adv. to secretary US Department State, Washington, 1981, amb.-at-large, 1981-85, U.S. permanent rep. to UN New York City, 1985-89, US ambassador to Federal Republic Germany Bonn, 1989-91 Career Related Interpreter President Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Nixon; participant IX Pan Am. Conference, Bogota, Columbia, 1948, Geneva, 1953, Bermuda, 1955, summit meetings Creative Works Author: Silent Missions. Awards Decorated Distinguished Service Medal with 2 oak leaf clusters, U.S. Distinguished Intelligence medal, Legion of Merit with oak leaf cluster, Bronze Star, Air medal; Legion of Honor, Croix de Guerre (France); Combat cross (Brazil): Bronze medal valor (Italy); recipient 3 Freedom Foundation awards Memberships Member VFW, National Military Intelligence Association (president)

June 3, 2004, Joint Military Intelligence College conference, speech of Alexander Haig: "Pat and I have known Hugh Montgomery and his family for almost as many years as we knew our mutual friend General Walters."

Safari Club founder.

2005, Daniele Ganser, 'Nato's Secret Armies', pp. 70-71: "Vernon Walters advised them, a notorious CIA Cold Warrior 'who has been involved directly or indirectly in the overthrow of more governments than any other official of the US government'.[42] Walters declared that if Kennedy allowed the PSI [Partito Socialisto Italiano] to win the elections the US should invade the country... Kennedy had allowed Italy to shift to the left."

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Assistant director of the FBI. President of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers (AFIO). Wannall for lying to Congress about the bag jobs that other agents and I had done in the 1950s. Wrote a bio on Hoover. Director Maldon Institute. Wannall led a campaign to justify the acts of government agents charged with illegally spying on the left based on the FBI's conspiracist view of countersubversion. Director FBI/CIA Nathan Hale Institute.

The Terrrosim Industry: "Wannall, a professional anticommunist in the mold and manner of J. Edgar Hoover, founded the Nathan Hale Institute in order to keep files on domestic "terrorist" operations and organizations. In a booklet published by the institute entitled 'Who Is Tracking the Terrorists?' Wannall identified the ACLU, the Institute for Policy Studies, the National Lawyers Guild, the Communist party, USA, and the "left-oriented media elite" as supporting-directly or indirectly domestic terrorist organizations controlled by Moscow. In Wannall's vocabulary, "leftist;" "subversive;" and "terrorist" are coextensive and coeval. Wannall's operation provides an excellent example of the links between "counter-terrorism" and "counter-dissidence," particularly on the domestic front. Among those who are or have been included as advisors to Wannail's operation are Ray Cline; Francis J. McNamara, a former military intelligence officer, one-time staff director of the House Committee on Internal Security, national director for the VFW's anticommunist program, as well as editor of 'Counterattack', a 1950s blacklisting service;" [4] Herbert Romerstein, a longtime HUAC staffer and "investigator" for the House Internal Security Committee's Republican minority; [5] Donald F. B. Jameson, vice-president of Research Associates International, Ltd., a risk assessment firm in the Washington area, and a 1973 CIA "retiree"; Eugene Methvin of 'Reader's Digest'; and retired Lieutenant General Daniel O. Graham, former director of the Defense Intelligence Agency and currently a member of the ASC's National Strategy Committee. Graham serves on the board of directors for the Unification Church's CAUSA, is vice-chairman of the American branch of WACL, and has held positions on honorary committees for the American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, a haven for Nazi war criminals. [6] According to the Hale Foundation's 1986 annual report, the main objective of the foundation was "to lobby Congress for a strong U.S. Intelligence Community." To this end, representatives from the foundation urged members of the Senate to support the Central American Counter-terrorism Act (S.1757), lobbied the Senate for increased support to the contras, and urged congressional representatives to defeat H.R. 4276, which sought to open public debate on U.S. support for covert operations in Angola. The Hale Foundation, following in the footsteps of James Angleton's Intelligence and Security Fund (see below under ASC), also sought to provide legal support for intelligence officers facing lawsuits for violating the constitutional rights of individuals subjected to surveillance or harassment. The foundation also publishes booklets, hosts seminars and conferences, and maintains a "clandestine collection" (private blacklist) on suspected terrorists operating in the United States."

February 9, 2011, Washington Post, 'W. Raymond Wannall, assistant FBI director': "W. Raymond Wannall, who headed the FBI's intelligence division under J. Edgar Hoover and later became the bureau's assistant director, died Jan. 29 of pneumonia at Fairhaven, a retirement community in Sykesville, Md. He was 92. Mr. Wannall spent more than three decades with the FBI before retiring in 1976. For all but five years of his career, he worked in the intelligence division at the bureau's D.C. headquarters. He was responsible for operations related to counterintelligence, counterterrorism, security and espionage. Among the many cases he worked on was the 1974 kidnapping of heiress Patty Hearst by the Symbionese Liberation Army, a guerrilla group. He also was one of the managers who handled Morris Childs, a disillusioned member of the American Communist Party who during the Cold War became a double agent for the FBI and penetrated the highest levels of the Kremlin. Mr. Wannall's book "The Real J. Edgar Hoover, For the Record" was published in 2000. Walter Raymond Wannall Jr. was born and raised in Washington. He was a graduate of McKinley Technical High School. In 1942, he received a law degree from what is now the law school at Catholic University. That same year, he entered the FBI as a special agent. During the 1940s and '50s, he worked on the bureau's Middle East intelligence desk. He held life memberships in several professional organizations, including the National Intelligence Study Center, and was a past chairman and president of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers. Mr. Wannall served on the boards of other organizations, including America's Future Inc. and the Maldon Institute, a group that analyzes information presented in the news media. He also lectured at the Alexandria-based Centre for Counterintelligence and Security Studies. Survivors include his wife of 70 years, Gertrude Crane Wannall of Sykesville; two children, W. Raymond Wannall III of Gwynn Oak, Md., and Anne W. Hart of Woodstock, Md.; a brother, former U.S. Senate sergeant at arms William H. Wannall of Tallahassee, Fla.; two grandsons; and three great-granddaughters."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; Member of the original National Strategy Committee: November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (written by ASC founder)

Judge Advocate General (JAG) of the U.S. Navy. Editor of the ASC Washington Report newsletter under FBI/CIA man Pennington. Some members companies reprinted it for their employees. For example, McGraw Edison reprinted each Washington Report for its 1800 top executives. Member Council on Foreign Relations. In 1964 Ward and Phyllis Schlafly published The Gravediggers, in which it attacked the New York bankers establishment for rigging elections since 1936 and claimed how Kennedy-Johnson-McNamara's 1964 plans were to weaken the military through funding cuts. In 1966 Ward and Phyllis Schlafly published the book [Soviet] Strike from Space: A Megadeath Mystery. Ward and Phyllis Schlafly wrote the book Kissinger on the Couch in 1974. The book, which sold two million copies, dissected Kissinger's foreign policy and attacked his Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT). The book basically claimed that Kissinger was an agent of the Soviets who was misleading Nixon. Ann Coulter still is a great supporter of Schlafly.

Admiral Chester Ward, former Judge Advocate General of the U.S. Navy, remained in the CFR for about 20 years and co-authored a book entitled, Kissinger on the Couch, where he wrote, "Once the ruling members of the CFR have decided that the U.S. Government should adopt a particular policy, the very substantial research facilities of the CFR are put to work to develop arguments, intellectual and emotional, to support the new policy, and to confound and discredit, intellectually and politically, any opposition."

The Admiral also warned that the goal of the CFR is the "submergence of US sovereignty and national independence into an all-powerful one-world government."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1870-1957. American inventor, businessman and pioneer aviator. His inventions include the electric brake and the speedometer.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Professor of physics and an expert in plasma physics and scattering theory at the University of California. Member Scientific Advisory Panel of the Air Force in the 1960s. Member of the Defense Science Board in the 1970s. Member of the Military Panel of the President's Science Advisory Committee (PSAC) under Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson. Consultant to the National Security Council under Nixon. Co-founder of the JASON Group and remained a JASON until 2001. Co-founder and director of Physical Dynamics, Inc. 1971-1981. Director of Marine Physical Laboratory 1981-1991. Consultant Science Applications International Corp. 1981-2001.

Research engineer Naval Research Laboratory, Washington, 1943-46; staff Institute Advanced Study Princeton University, 1948-49; research fellow Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory, California, 1949-52, staff, 1957-81; assistant professor physics University Ind., Bloomington, 1952-54; associate professor physics University Wisconsin, Madison, 1954-57; professor physics University California, Berkeley, 1957-81, professor oceanography, director marine physics laboratory San Diego, 1981-93. Consultant Sci. Application Corp., 1981-2004; member US Pres.'s Sci. Adv. Committee Panels, 1962-71; adviser National Security Council, 1972-75; member JASON Adv. Panel, 1959-2001; sci. adv. board George C. Marshall Institute, 1989—2005. Mem.: National Academy Scis.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; Member of the original National Strategy Committee: November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (written by ASC founder); American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army, 1919, advanced through grades to general, 1954; served, India, China, Philippines, Europe (War Department General Staff), 1941-43; deputy chief of staff (Southeast Asia Command); Commander (China Theater), 1944-46; also chief staff to (Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek), 1947; made survey for President U.S., rank of ambassador China and Korea, 1947; comdg. general (2d Army), 1946-47; director plans and operations div. (General Staff), 1947-48, deputy chief of staff for plans and combat operations, 1948; comdg. general (6th Army, Presidio), San Francisco, 1949-51; retired from active service, 1951; executive vice president, director Avco Manufacturing Corp., 1951-56, Rheem Manufacturing Co., 1956-59; director National Airlines, Inc. Mem.: Army and Navy (Washington), Chevy Chase (Washington); Bohemian (San Francisco); Metropolitan (New York City), Dutch Treat (New York City). Died in 1989.

US Army. Wedemeyer was suspected as the source of the leak of American War Plans to Senator Burton K. Wheeler which appeared in the Chicago Tribune. With his father in law strong ties to the America First movement [of Robert E. Wood]. National chairman, Citizens for Taft Committee in 1952 (alternative to Eisenhower and second-best after MacArthur). May 5, 1952, The Pittsburgh Press, 'Gen. Wedemeyer to Run Taft Group': "Wedemeyer took over chairmanship of a "National Citizens for Taft Committee" today. He said his decision was influenced by Gen. Douglas A. MacArthur, among others."

Wedemyer had a lot of contact with the anti-Jewish Liberty Lobby, judging from correspondance from 1963 to 1979..

March 2, 1956, Waterloo Daily Courier, 'To Open Drive To Stop Ike': "A "Stop Ike" movement ... will be announced Sunday night … The movement is sponsored by "For America," an organization boasting among its members … Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, Gen. Mark Clark … Gen. Bonner Fellers [national director; had been chief of psychological opertions under Eisenhower; John Birch Society; said about him: "the most violent Anglophobe I have encountered"]... Gen. Robert E. Wood [co-chairman] ... Dan Smoot [co-chairman] ... Texas oil millionare Roy Cullen ... William Buckley. ... All members are strongly pro-McCarthy." 1961, The Progressive, volume 25: Says Fellers, Wedemeyer and Stratemeter are members of For America and that it demands and end to income tax and that it wants to develop overwhelming air power. Early Council member John Birch Society, which was set up in 1958. August 17, 1964, New York Times, 'H.L. Hunt: Magnat with a mission': "Mr. Hunt lists among those Americans whom he admires as patriots, Gen. Robert E. Wood; Gen. A. C. Wedemeyer ... once a member of the John Birch Society advisory committee, and a Life Line advisory board member [Hunt's radio program]; Robert H. W. Welch, Jr., founder of the John Birch Society; Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker; Governor Wallace, Senator Goldwater and President Johnson. Mr. Hunt says he has met Mr. Welch and talked with him by telephone. But he says he is not a member of the John Birch Society and never has attended its meetings. ... Leaflets around the Hunt Oil office promote two pro-Goldwater books that are being distributed by John Birch Society members. They are "A Choice Not an Echo," by Phyllis Schlafy, and "None Dare Call It Treason," by John A. Stormer... Other leaflets are promoting anti-Johnson books, including A Texan Look at Lyndon," by. J. Evatts Haley [JBS member; associate LBJ; about Billie Sol Estes' and his claim that LBJ was connected to a number of murders.]."

March 1973 issue, Volume 21, number 3, U.S. Farm News: "We are also informed by this article that a group of Americans formed the Citizens Foreign Relations Committee on February 11, 1957 and published "A Program to Govern Our Foreign Policy" in the New York Times of February 28, 1955. The article tells us that this program represents "the policy of liberation". Among the members of the committee were General Willoughby, General Wedemeyer, General Stratemeyer, Ambassador Cromwell, Congressman- Jackson, Congressman Gwinn, Congressman L. H. Smith, Congressman W. Smith, Dean Clarence Manion, Robert E. Vogeler, Adolphe Menjou and others. We are told that "the policy of liberation" embodies 17 proposals, which are then listed. We quote or summarize the most essential ones: 1.) An extremely strong air force, guided missiles, and atomic weapons "which could attack Russia directly in her cities and factories." 2.) "Complete extermination of Communist subversive activities and of the secret Communist conspiracy in America and in the West." 3.) Breaking of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and the rest of the Communist-block countries. 4.) A 100% economic blockade of all the countries in the Communist-bloc and of any neutral country that trades with the Communists. 5.) "Recognition of exile government of the refugees and expellees" and 6.) "Formation of national military units composed of refugees. ...' 10.) "American and Western policy to be adjusted to moral laws, Christianity, and enlightened nationalism of every nation." The final and seventeenth point is the usual coverup: that all these recommended acts of provocation are intended only to prevent war!" (Feb. 28, 1957, New York Times, 'Group Calls on U.S. to End Soviet Ties')

December 1987, Volume 38, Issue 8, American Heritage Magazine, 'The Big Leak': "Blazoned in huge black letters across page one of the December 4, 1941, issue of the Chicago Tribune was the headline: F.D.R.’S WAR PLANS! The Times Herald, the Tribune’s Washington, D.C., ally, carried a similarly fevered banner. In both papers Chesly Manly, the Tribunes Washington correspondent, revealed what President Franklin D. Roosevelt had repeatedly denied: that he was planning to lead the United States into war against Germany. The source of the reporter’s information was no less than a verbatim copy of Rainbow Five, the top-secret war plan drawn up at FDR’s order by the Joint Board of the Army and Navy. ... Although only a major in the War Plans Division, Wedemeyer had already been tabbed by his superiors as a man with a bright future. In 1936 they had sent him to Germany, where he spent two years studying at the German War College in Berlin. When Roosevelt ordered the preparation of Rainbow Five, the forty-four-year-old major was given the task of writing it. ... He was the chief suspect in the leak of Rainbow Five, which within the closed doors of the War Department was called the Victory Program. He had strong ties to America First, the leading antiwar group in the nation. Both he and his father-in-law, Lt. Gen. Stanley D. Embick, were known to be opponents of Roosevelt’s foreign policy, which they thought was leading the United States into a premature and dangerous war. ... Embick and Wedemeyer viewed the world through realpolitik and military eyes. They did not believe the United States should fight unless it was attacked or seriously threatened. They scoffed at Roosevelt’s claim that Germany planned to invade South America, acidly pointing out that if Hitler were to land an army in Brazil, his reputed prime target, the Germans would be farther away from the United States than they were in Europe. Both men also knew that America was not prepared to take on the German and Japanese war machines."

April 13, 1965, The Independent (Pasadena, California), p. 14: "California Rangers — Rev. Swift, described by the attorney general as a former Ku Klux Klan organizer, is also involved in this group, which has strong tie-ins with the rights party. Former Army Col. William P. Gale is a major influence in the Rangers and "his political governorship. He was the state chairman of the Constitution Party in 1937, and its candidate for governor. Lynch's report said that Gale reportedly "now aims at another try in the 1966 election by attempting to affect a coalition among the so-called extreme right groups in California and thereby qualifying a new political party. Leaders of the Rangers espouse "violently anti-Semitic and anti-Negro, with emphasis placed on the need for immediate for immediate action." "The purpose of the Rangers is to build an underground network for the conduct of guerrilla warfare."

1993, Peter Dale Scott, 'Deep Politics and the Death of JFK', p. 49: "In addition he [Joseph Milteer] had attended an April 1963 meeting in New Orleans of the Congress of Freedom, Inc., which had been monitored by an informant for the Miami police. A Miami detective's report of the Congress included the statement that "there was indicated the overthrow of the present government of the United States," including "the setting up of a criminal activity to assassinate particular persons." The report added that "membership within the Congress of Freedom, Inc., contain high ranking members of the armed forces that secretly belong to the organization." The informant at this convention reported that Milteer was a director of the Dixie Klan of Georgia, a very radical offshoot of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK). Also in the report: "It is his [the informant's] considered opinion that for assassination through rifles, dynamite, and other types of devices, this is the worst outfit he has ever come across.""
Milteer, who apparently was in the know that JFK was going to be assassinated, frequently made references to Rev. Swift of the Christian Defense League. He admired him.

Source(s): March 27, 1981, Washington Post, 'South Africa Tilt': "The episode apparently began in late February when officials of the private American Security Council notified the U.S. State Department of their intention to invite Lt. Gen. Van Der Westerhuizen and two other high-ranking military officials to Washington for an "internal briefing and seminar on the situation in South Africa." Since the officers would not apply for visas without assurances that they would be granted, would State Please say whether the visit would be approved? State told the ASC officials that the visas would not be granted. On March 7, State received another letter asking how the ASC should proceed without risking the embarrassment of a visa denial." (eventually the meeting did take place)

From South Africa. Commander in Operation Savannah of 1975-76, the South African intervention in the Angolan civil war on the side of UNITA. Chairman Eastern Province Joint Management Committee in Port Elizabeth 1983-87. Fought the ANC resistence and ordered assassinations. Primary strategist behind Operation Katzen, a plan to take over a resistance movement and have it start a war against the ANC. Commander Witwatersrand Command 1987-91. Chief of staff Intelligence 1991-94.

April 1, 1981, Washington Post, 'Kirkpatrick Says Flap Over South Africa Was 'Highly Traumatic'': "It was the 11th or 12th of March, and U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Jeane J. Kirkpatrick was sitting in her New York office, "minding my own business," when someone -- she won't say who -- called to ask if she would be interested in meeting with some visiting South Africans "who were experts on strategic questions." "I said yes," Kirkpatrick said later. "I didn't inquire who they were, what their names were, what their affiliations were. I knew nothing. That may seem like a foolish policy on my part and it may be a foolish policy on my part . . . I think I'm probably too careless for a Cabinet officer about whom I meet with." That answer led to a meeting with Lt. Gen. P.W. Van der Westhuizen, chief of South African military intelligence, and a still-simmering controversy that has damaged the Reagan administration's image with black Africa and black Americans, and left Kirkpatrick feeling unjustly maligned by the press and by a call for her resignation by the Congressional Black Caucus. Columnists contrasted the lack of any reprimand to Kirkpatrick to the firing on former U.n. Ambassador Andrew Young in 1979 for an unauthorized meeting with a representative of the Palestine Liberation Organization. ... According to Kirkpatrick, the meeting and her lack of curiosity about the South African visitors about the South African visitors are extensions of her own personal policy of "being open to people and being willing to listen to almost any point of view." Her meeting with them, she said, "was hardly a clandestine affair." In the late afternoon of March 13, she said, she went to the American Security Council Office in Washington. "There were probably, I don't know, a dozen, 14 people present," she said. "And I listened to them, and that's when I found out that there was a general. I still didn't know he was a member of the military intelligence. At that stage I thought he was a general in the South African Army. "I would like to say that one of the things I resent very much -- I feel put upon by the fact that nobody told me these guys were in the country under false colors. That's the one thing that I would have done differently if I had known about this." When the news that the South Africans were in the country broke, the State Department said that they had failed to identify themselves when applying for visas in Pretoria. She did not know who Van der Westhuizen was, Kirkpatrick said, until she "read it in the papers" three days later. "Maybe somebody set me up," she said, in an effort to force the administration's hand on "what our policy was. But I don't know who." In any case, the fact that she had met with Van der Westhuizen was not officially acknowledged until it appeared in the press last week. The earlier blanket denial by State Department spokesman William Dyess that Van der Westhuizen had met with high level administration officials was simply wrong, Kirkpatrick said. "Nobody asked me about the South Africans and the question is why did Dyess say that without checking?" Even after she knew who the general was, and has heard the denial, she said, she made no effort to inform the State Department. "The State Department frequently doesn't know what I am doing," she said. Had she been aware of his identity, Kirkpatrick said, "I don't think I would regard it as appropriate probably to meet with the head of South African military intelligence. That's a very special kind of an official. I would think it was imprudent and I wouldn't do it in fact. Prudence is for me the highest virtue. It's my favorite virture." ... Both she and President Reagan believe that South Africa's apartheid system "is an objectionable, unacceptable kind of policy. It is quite clear on the record that Ronald Reagan abhors racism and racial discrimination." Kirkpatrick added that she had said that to Van der Westhuizen when he had pressed her on his hopes for "a sentimental rapprochement." ... It was her lack of sympathy with the Carter administration's human rights policy, and her belief that the United States should be closer to conservative authoritarian governments than to leftist ones, that first brought her to Ronald Reagan's attention."

March 15, 1981, Washington Post, 'The Mysterious Visit of South Africans': "Spokesman David Passage, responding to press inquiries, said the five South African military officers had applied for U.S. visas in their home country as "government officials," without disclosing their military affiliation. The State Department is "reviewing the circumstances" in which the visas were granted, Passage said. John M. Fisher, president of the American Security Council and host to the five South African officers, said "we are really in trouble if the U.S. Embassy in South Africa did not know who these people are." Fisher said he had notified the State Department by letter Feb. 27 of his intention to invite senior military intelligence officers, but did not receive a reply. According to Fisher, the visiting South African officers included Lt. Gen. Van Der Westhuizen, chief of military intelligence; Admiral Willem N. duPlessis, who was defense attache in the South African Embassy here before being expelled in April 1979 in retaliation for expulsion of U.S. military attaches from Pretoria; Brigadier Gen. Nels Van Tonder and two others [one of them: General Philip Schalkwyk]. Fisher said the visitors had briefed American Security Council staff members on problems in southern Africa Tuesday and Wednesday. According to the State Department, the visitors paid a "courtesy call" on the Defense Intelligence Agency and on an unidentified member of the staff of the National Security Council, but did not meet State Department officials."

March 18, 1981, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, '''Naive Lie'' about S African Military Officers' ''Incognito'' Visit to USA' (copy from Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union): "They are forced to give explanations concerning the ''incognito from Johannesburg'' because, as representatives of the US press have explained, amongst the guests from Johannesburg were Maj-Gen van der Westhuizen, Head of the South African Military Intelligence Directorate, and four high-ranking specialists on military equipment and on organizing terrorist acts. ... The conclusion is self-evident: obviously a clear plot between Washington and Pretoria directed against the progressive forces of the continent. It was precisely to agree on the details of this plot, to plan further terrorist actions against free Africa, to receive further consignments of US weapons that van der Westhuizen, chief racist and spy, was welcomed to Washington - no matter what the representatives of the US Administration maintain."

March 20, 1981, Facts on File World News Digest, 'U.S. Challenges Trip by Military Aides': "The five had been invited as the guest of John M. Fisher, president of the American Security Council. Fisher claimed he had informed the State Department in late February of his intention to invite South African intelligence officials to the U.S. to brief his conservative research organization on developments in southern Africa. After arriving in Washington and conferring with the ASC, the officers reportedly met with members of Congress who favored improved relations between the U.S. and South Africa. One of them also reportedly visited with an unidentified member of the National Security Council and with officials of the Defense Intelligence Agency."

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July 16, 1983, The Economist, 'Potgieter counter-attacks': "To the state security council, Mr Pik Botha's endless Namibian negotiations with the American assistant secretary for Africa, Mr Chester Crocker, are an unnecessary risk. The crisis came in December of last year, a month in which all southern Africa erupted in a bout of destabilisation clearly promoted by Pretoria. On December 7th, talks were held on Cape Verde between Mr Pik Botha and the Angolans aimed at producing a phased withdrawal of all foreign troops from Angola and a timetable for Namibian independence. Military representatives on the state security council, including the army chief, General Jannie Geldenhuys, and the head of military intelligence, General Piet van der Westhuizen, bitterly protested against the talks, fearing a deal involving a South African withdrawal from Angola without a linked Cuban withdrawal. They added their intelligence that a new Swapo incursion was planned and that South Africa was vulnerable to a double-cross. The Cape Verde talks went extremely well. The Americans were openly professing their optimism on both a Cuban withdrawal and elections in Namibia. The optimism was short-lived. Mr Botha returned to a hostile security council at which his progress was all but repudiated, in particular a proposal that at one stage the Cubans withdraw just 150 miles north of the Namibian border while South Africa leave Angola altogether. The final Cuban withdrawal was to be linked with Namibian elections. The South African chief of staff, General Constand Viljoen, at the same time added his minor sabotage by assuring his troops in Namibia that he looked forward confidently to seeing them there again the following Christmas. The council insisted that the next round of talks, in February, be attended only by an official, Mr Hans van Dalsen. The predictable result was a walk-out by the Angolans."

May 24, 1992, New York Times, ''85 Killings Cast Shadow Over South Africa Talks': "Nearly seven years after the unsolved slayings of four black South Africans who actively resisted apartheid, the deaths have returned to haunt the Government of President F. W. de Klerk at a delicate time in its negotiations with the African National Congress. Matthew Goniwe and three colleagues in the United Democratic Front, a coalition of anti-apartheid groups that served as a sort of surrogate for the congress, were killed in the eastern region of Cape province in June 1985. This was a time of spreading black rebellion, suppressed under nationwide emergency rule imposed in 1986. The four killings coincided with the mysterious deaths or disappearances of some other apartheid foes. The New Nation, a weekly paper critical of the Government, alleged in articles this month that the killers had been sent and are now being protected by the South African military. The most prominent name mentioned was that of Gen. C. P. van der Westhuizen, who at the time commanded units in the eastern Cape. General van der Westhuizen is now chief of military intelligence, a post that would acquaint him with covert operations. The killings took place more than four years before F. W. de Klerk became President in September 1989 and restored the African National Congress and other anti-apartheid groups to legal status, clearing the way for the current talks. But the allegations raise disturbing questions about how many security-force members who waged a secret war against the congress retain influential positions in a Government that Mr. de Klerk insists is committed to sharing power with blacks. Defense Minister Is Politic At a news conference on Thursday, Defense Minister Roelf Meyer avoided answering questions about whether he had confidence in General van der Westhuizen in light of the recent charges. He said he would address the matter next week in Parliament, where debate is expected to focus further attention on the unsolved slayings. Mr. Goniwe, who was 38 years old when he died, was a teacher in Cradock, a country town, and a regional organizer for the United Democratic Front. He and his colleagues -- Ford Calata, Sparrow Mkonto and Sicelo Mhlawuli -- disappeared on June 27, 1985, while driving from Port Elizabeth to Cradock. Their burned car was found off the road the next day and their burned bodies, almost 10 miles away five days later. A relative said the men were last seen under army and police detention at a roadblock. The New Nation reprinted what it said was a message from General van der Westhuizen, who was then a brigadier, to a General van Rensburg in the office of the State Security Council suggesting that Mr. Goniwe, his relative Mbolelo Goniwe and Mr. Catala be "permanently removed from society as a matter of urgency." The message, dated June 7, 1985 and handwritten in Afrikaans, is being viewed as a death warrant. Lieut. Lourens du Plessis, who was chief intelligence officer in the eastern Cape, confirmed to the New Nation that he drafted the message on then-Brigadier van der Westhuizen's instructions. He refused to give more details. The South African military says it does not know General van Rensburg's whereabouts, and that he has retired. Gen. Bantu Holomisa, the military ruler of the Transkei, a black homeland north of the eastern Cape, said the message was authentic. He promised to release other documents implicating authorities in violence against blacks. General Holomisa, who is close to the congress, was quoted as saying that he would give the documents only to a "respected international jurist." Mr. de Klerk said in Parliament that no misdeeds, kidnappings or contraventions of the law were planned at any State Security Council meeting he or his Cabinet colleagues attended. He appointed a prominent judge to reopen an inquest into the slayings."

March 11, 1993, The Independent (London), 'SA general gave 'order to kill'': "THE CHIEF of South African military intelligence, General Christoffel van der Westhuizen, was facing murder charges last night after he was accused in court of having ordered the assassination of three prominent black political activists in 1985. Col Lourens du Plessis, now retired from the South African Defence Force (SADF), testified through his lawyer at an inquest in Port Elizabeth that, on General van der Westhuizen's instructions, he had sent a signal to the State Security Council recommending the ''permanent removal from society'' of Matthew Goniwe, his brother Mbulelo, and Fort Calata. Twenty days after the signal was sent, on 27 June 1985, Matthew Goniwe, Fort Calata and two other activists were brutally murdered outside Port Elizabeth. Goniwe was a charismatic regional leader who, it is widely believed, would have assumed a senior position in the ANC. Counsel for Col du Plessis told the inquest court yesterday his client would testify to the authenticity of a signal document first made public by Johannesburg's New Nation newspaper in May last year. ''Col du Plessis will testify . . . that he drew it up on instruction from then Brigadier van der Westhuizen . . . and that it was an order that Matthew Goniwe, Mbulelo Goniwe and Fort Calata be killed,'' his council said. Unless the SADF can compellingly show that Col du Plessis, who is expected to give evidence today, is lying, President F W de Klerk will have no option but to dismiss the General and face a showdown with the SADF. A judicial inquiry last year found military intelligence had engaged in a wide-ranging dirty tricks campaign against the ANC. General van der Westhuizen is known to have worked closely with a military intelligence agent, Captain Pamela du Randt, who was arrested last year by the British police on suspicion of involvement in a plot to kill a South African police defector in London."

March 14, 1993, The Oberserver, 'Murder plot web entangles De Klerk': "POTENTIALLY the most damaging scandal ever to threaten the South African government is unfolding in a Port Elizabeth courthouse, where an inquest into the murder of four black activists eight years ago is revealing a trail of dirty tricks leading right to the Cabinet. It has emerged that the killings may have been part of a broader political conspiracy that directly involved chiefs of the defence force and military intelligence and at least one Cabinet Minister, and that the outlines were known to members of the State Security Council, who included the then President PW Botha and the current President, FW de Klerk. The first fragment of evidence appeared a year ago when a Johannesburg newspaper published a copy of a signal message sent by the military commander in troubled Eastern Cape province, Brig Christoffel van der Westhuizen, to the State Security Council in 1985 requesting permission for 'the permanent removal from society' of a local black political leader, Matthew Goniwe, and two colleagues. Two weeks after the date on the signal message, the mutilated and burnt bodies of Goniwe and three colleagues were found in the veld. In an attempt to damp down the uproar that followed publication of the signal, De Klerk ordered a new inquest into Goniwe's death. This began sedately enough last Monday, with the handing in of a sworn affidavit from Van der Westhuizen, now a general in charge of military intelligence, insisting that the words 'permanent removal' did not mean kill but merely prolonged detention. Van der Westhuizen was adamant that he had never sought to have anyone assassinated or done anything illegal. The officer who drafted the message on Van der Westhuizen's instructions, former Lieut Lourens du Plessis, gave evidence supporting this. So did the man who received the message, Gen Johannes van Rensburg, then secretary of the State Security Council. But three days later came the bombshell. Du Plessis changed his story. He applied to the court for indemnity from prosecution and submitted an affidavit saying Van der Westhuizen had explicitly ordered him to send a message requesting permission to kill Goniwe. The euphemistic wording had been his own. The affidavit did not stop there. Du Plessis gave details of an elaborate operation devised by Van der Westhuizen to quell the black uprising in the Eastern Cape in which Goniwe was a central figure. The plan, set out in a document handwritten and signed by Van der Westhuizen, called for a coup in the nominally independent homeland of Ciskei. The homeland president, Lennox Sebe, was to be 'taken out' and a close aide, General Fikile Zibi, was to 'disappear permanently'. Sebe's estranged half-brother, Charles Sebe, would take over as president but he would first have to be sprung from prison. The coup would be blamed on a neighbouring black homeland, Transkei. 'The actions should not be traced back to South Africa,' Van der Westhuizen wrote. Charles Sebe would then merge Ciskei with Transkei to form a single Xhosaland where a new party, the Xhosa Resistance Movement, modelled on Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi's Inkatha movement, would be formed. This would be armed and financed by the South African Defence Force 'under the cover of a front organisation'. It would then counter the ANC in its Eastern Cape stronghold and 'permanently damp down the revolution' there. The document was addressed to Gen AG 'Kat' Liebenberg, then head of military intelligence, now chief of the defence force, and codenamed 'Operation Katzen' presumably after his nickname. In a further twist the present head of Transkei, Maj-Gen Bantu Holomisa, revealed on Thursday that he, too, had documents implicating Van der Westhuizen and Liebenberg in the plot. It turns out Holomisa, who toppled the original Transkei regime in a coup in 1987 and is now allied to the ANC, was the source of the original signal message being published. He claims to have 12 more secret documents, which he is threatening to release periodically whenever disclosure of the government's dirty tricks activities flags. Where Holomisa obtained this smoking gun is not known, but it seems likely the documents originated from a disaffected source high in the defence establishment. Holomisa's documents reveal that the coup plot was known to at least one Cabinet member, Tertius Delport, the Minister of Local Government, who was then a legal adviser to the military. It was also discussed by the State Security Council. President Botha was chairman and De Klerk was a member. Events bear out what the documents contain. In the early hours of 6 September 1986, six white men brandishing rifles burst into Ciskei's Middledrift Prison, fought their way to Charles Sebe's cell and released him. Five months later a commando attack was launched on Lennox Sebe's palace, but the palace guard beat off the attackers. Transkei was blamed for the coup attempt. The De Klerk government is trying to brazen out the allegations. The President's spokesman, David Steward, issued an angry statement on Thursday accusing Holomisa of 'pursuing an opportunistic political agenda' and denying that the Cabinet or the State Security Council had ever ordered or approved anything illegal. But the government has not explained why Van der Westhuizen and Liebenberg remain in their top jobs, particularly since the disclosure last December of a covert operation within the military intelligence establishment to sabotage the reform process. De Klerk fired 23 top officers, but not Va n der Westhuizen and Liebenberg, prompting speculation that they are in a position to make embarrassing disclosures."

June 18, 1994, The Scotsman, 'Death sentence on neo-Nazis': "... Gen Christoffel Joffel van der Westhuizen, until last month chief of Military Intelligence ..."

October 4, 1994, Christian Science Monitor, 'Mandela Faces Unresolved Issue Of Covert Web in Security Forces': "Though long suspected to exist, the first conclusive evidence of a third force came with a surprise raid on a military intelligence front company in October 1992 by Judge Richard Goldstone's commission on political violence, revealing clandestine efforts to discredit the ANC. SADF Chief of Staff Pierre Steyn, working under Judge Goldstone's commission, conducted an investigation that ultimately led to then-President De Klerk suspending 23 senior South African Defense Force officers. In April - shortly before the elections - Goldstone lifted the lid on a third force operating within the police force by exposing a gun-running racket to Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi's IFP with top-level police involvement. DEPUTY Police Commissioner Basie Smit has gone on early retirement; Military Intelligence Chief of Staff Gen. Christoffel van der Westhuizen - the man regarded as the ringleader of third-force elements in the SADF - has taken early retirement; and Col. Eugene de Kok, the suspected head of an elaborate third-force network in the police, was indicted in August on 13 criminal charges, including murder and attempted murder."

May 22, 1996, Agence France Presse -- English, 'De Klerk's government implicated in "third force" activities: witness': "Top secret military documents allegedly implicating the government of former president Frederik de Klerk in "third force" activities were Wednesday presented to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission here. Former leader of apartheid's Transkei tribal homeland, Bantu Holomisa, claimed the documents he presented showed that military intelligence had established a Xhosa resistance movement in the early 1990s to counter Nelson Mandela and his African National Congress (ANC). Holomisa, now deputy environment minister, also claimed that military intelligence operatives had fomented violence in various parts of the country between 1990 and 1994, when De Klerk's National Party (NP) was negotiating a political settlement with the ANC. Operatives had also infiltrated churches, political parties and youth and community organisations, which were then manipulated to turn blacks against the ANC. The operation, he claimed, had been sanctioned "at the highest level of government" and carried out by a covert military intelligence group, the Directorate of Covert Collections (DCC). The files, Holomisa said, gave detailed insight into the amounts expended through church funds and how "Christianity was corruptly abused for political gain among coloured (mixed-race) and (black) Africans by the then NP government." He said the ongoing strife in KwaZulu-Natal province, where close on 20,000 people have died in 11 years of undeclared civil war between the ANC and the Zulu nationalist Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), was also manipulated. "The bloody conflict between the IFP and African National Congress supporters is not a consequence of bitter political rivalry but a manifestation of the Third Force dirty tricks at work," Holomisa said. The deputy minister called on De Klerk, outgoing deputy president in Mandela's national unity government, and former chief of military intelligence, Joffel van der Westhuizen, to testify before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which is probing human rights abuses during the apartheid era. He said De Klerk and Van der Westhuizen's testimony should be viewed against De Klerk's decision to grant early retirement to senior DCC officers after they had been linked to violence and murder. Holomisa called on the Truth body to ask to see all files of the former State Security Council, the inner sanctum of the apartheid security establishment. It was common knowledge, he added, that many ministers in the previous government had served in the various security bodies. They had approved funds for the execution of "murderous activities.""

--

February 9, 1997, Manchester Guardian Weekly, 'SAS linked to Pretoria rogue force': "THE SAS, Britain's special air services, has been linked to violence by a "third force" that threatened to undermine South Africa's transition to majority rule, in a report considered so explosive it was suppressed by Nelson Mandela. The so-called Steyn Report -- the findings of an inquiry ordered by the former president, F W de Klerk, into revolutionary activities of elements of the South African security forces in the final years of white rule -- was handed to Mr Mandela in anticipation of his succession to the presidency. When the African National Congress won power in 1994, President Mandela refused to release the report, because he considered it could jeopardise the country's stability. Recently, however, he gave a copy to Archbishop Desmond Tutu's Truth and Reconciliation Commission to help its inquiry into illegal activities by the security forces during apartheid. A leaked copy of a summary drawn up by commission officials shows the country was dangerously close to losing control of elements of the military and police in the run-up to the majority-rule elections. It confirms the involvement of commando units in random violence, the use of poison -- supplied by the Seventh Medical Division -- by hit squads, and the supply of arms and training to the Zulu-dominated Inkatha movement. The truth commission document says evidence was given to General Pierre Steyn, the head of the investigation, that destabilisation of the government and neighbouring countries was planned "to enable the military to step in credibly to create order". Preparations for this allegedly involved stockpiling arms in countries which included Kenya, Zambia, Mauritus and Portugal, to create "springboards" for possible military action. It said there was "a suggestion that there was close contact with the British SAS". The SAS has been previously linked to "dirty tricks" operations in South Africa. A group of SAS officers working for a private security firm in Britain were hired by wealthy conservationists in the late 1980s to come to South Africa to fight elephant and rhinoceros poachers. They became involved with local intelligence agencies and reportedly took part in paramilitary training. Kas Enterprises, the British security firm involved, was owned by Sir David Stirling -- the founder of the SAS -- and taken over after his death by Sir James Goldsmith. The security firm's SAS mission to South Africa was headed by Ian Crooke, who led the SAS charge into the Iranian embassy in London at the bloody climax of the 1980 Kensington siege. David Fairhall adds: Formal military contacts between Britain and South Africa were not restored until 1993. All official exchanges of military personnel were covered by an embargo that had been in force since 1975, the Ministry of Defence confirmed last week. SAS sources said they would not be surprised at unofficial involvement by former members of the regiment as mercenaries. In particular, veterans of the regiment's old C Squadron, recruited in the former Rhodesia, tended to drift into South Africa, where they often became involved with the special forces."

--- Another lower level van der Westhuizen --

November 22, 2009, News 24 (South Africa), 'Mercenary: Govt knew of coup': "Johannesburg - South Africa's intelligence agencies knew about the planned coup in Equatorial Guinea at least six months before it took place in March 2004. But they failed to do anything stop it and gave it their tacit approval, freed mercenary Niek du Toit says. Du Toit, the plot's point-man, revealed in an exclusive interview with Rapport, that he had planned to “walk away” from the plot but was persuaded that South Africa wanted it to go ahead and would take no action against him and his co-conspirators. The former Reconnaissance soldier and veteran of wars in Angola, Namibia (formerly South West Africa), Sierre Leone and Liberia said the plot was “compromised” from the start by government informers, spies and leaks. “We were under the impression that if it did finally take place, we would have some support from the government... We were covered, we didn't have to worry very much.” Both Simon Mann, the former British SAS officer who masterminded the coup attempt, and Du Toit's close friend and business partner Henri van der Westhuizen assured him that they had “inside information” that the South African government would not act against them. Van der Westhuizen had previously worked for military intelligence in the 1980s before joining the Special Forces where he drew up “elimination” dossiers of ANC targets. He had maintained ties with intelligence agencies after 1994. “In September or October 2003, Henri showed me an intelligence intercept he had got from his contacts which showed that the government was aware of what we were planning.” “I gave it to Simon Mann and said the operation was compromised, we can't continue.” Mann's response was that it “is all right, we are covered”. “I asked Henry what he thought and he said, 'no, you must leave it, you are going to burn your fingers'." “I was on the point of walking out when, three days before we were due to fly to Equatorial Guinea, Henry told me he had spoken to a woman called Ayanda who worked for the intelligence services”. “She said we should go ahead because they want to catch the people financing the coup." “Henry left me with the impression that while the government would not formally recognise the coup, we would get some sort of support...We were just the pawns, we would not pick up big problems.” What Du Toit didn't know was that Van der Westhuizen had reportedly also met former National Prosecuting Authority boss Bulelani Ngcuka on February 17 or 18 2004 and told him about the plan. Ngcuka said little and Van der Westhuizen took it to mean they were not being warned off. He gave the Scorpions an affidavit saying he had tried to get Du Toit to walk away but that Mann had said the investors “spent too much money on the project and...would definitely kill them if they withdraw”. Du Toit confirmed the threat to Rapport. “Simon told me: 'The people behind this are very influential. If we withdraw they can do a lot of damage to you and your family'. I took it as a veiled threat. “I don't easily allow myself to be threatened and I'm not afraid of much. But when it comes to your family, you have to pay attention.” He threw caution to the wind, ignored all the “flashing red lights” and boarded the plane. But there were just too many leaks and informants. James Kershaw, a young computer wizard, was one. He ran the plotter's administration, finances and communications. But Kershaw was also on the payroll of Nigel Morgan, a former military intelligence officer in the British Army's Irish Guards. Morgan works as a freelance intelligence operative, hawking information to the British and South African spies from his home in the mountains near Harrismith in the Free State. Mann also had frequent contact with Morgan. “Everyone knows Nigel Morgan works for the South African intelligence services. I was very worried about that,” Du Toit said. “Kershaw was the centre-point around which everything Simon Mann did in South Africa revolved. He knew everything. Mann could just as well have gone to the government and said: 'Listen here, this is my plan.'” Du Toit said he would never again contemplate something like the Equatorial Guinea coup plot. “Of course, you learn your lesson. If you didn't learn from something like this, then you're stupid. It was my first and last coup attempt.” He feels betrayed by his friends. Documents were stolen out of his house and the conspirators “stabbed each other in the back”. “If Henri hadn't told me I must go ahead because that is what the government wants, I would have dropped the whole thing. “We were friends who had a close relationship of trust. But his actions showed that the friendship meant nothing to him.”"

Simon Mann implicated oil man Ely Calil as a financier of the plot: Calyl's powerful circle of friends includes Britain's First Secretary of State Peter Mandelson, the son of the former Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, Baron Mark Thatcher and Lord Archer. Calil was also a very close friend to late tycoons as Sir James Goldsmith, John Aspinall and Mark Birley.

February 24, 1995, Weekly Mail and Guardian, 'The Web of Stratcoms': "[General Constand] Viljoen had personally ordered the attacks on so-called "African National Congress Targets" including the blow up of suspected anti-apartheid activists and critics. As revealed by former spy Craig Williamson from classified State Security Council documents, Viljoen was also responsible for Stratcom (Strategic Communications), a covert organization involved in frame-ups, political assassinations, bombings, torture, covert propaganda and "dirty tricks campaigns"."

Source(s): June 2, 1977, Washington Post, 'Soviet Power Stars in Film': "In 1971, the American Security Council produced a film entitled "Only the Strong," and enlisted the aid of Gen. Earle G. Wheeler, and Gen. Lyman C. Lemnitzer, both former heads of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, to spread its message."; 1975 document (national strategy committee)

Member National Strategy Committee.

1908-1975. Commissioned 2d lieutenant U.S. Army, 1932, advanced through grades to major general, 1955, general, 1962; chief staff 63d Infantry Division, WWII; with Allied Forces, Southern Europe, 1952-55; director plans Office Deputy Chief Staff Military Operations Department Army, 1955-58; comdg. general 2d Armored Division, 1958-60; director Joint Staff US Department Defense, 1960-62; deputy comdr.-in-chief US European Command, 1962; chief of staff US Army, 1962-64; chairman Joint Chiefs Staff US Department Defense, 1964-70, retired, 1970. Director Monsanto Co.

June 2, 1977, Washington Post, 'Soviet Power Stars in Film': "It is an argument Fisher and his group have made before. In 1971, the American Security Council produced a film entitled "Only the Strong," and enlisted the aid of Gen. Earle G. Wheeler, and Gen. Lyman C. Lemnitzer, both former heads of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, to spread its message. "The trends continued, the numbers kept on going, and we kept cutting back," Fisher said, explaining his reasons for making the new film. Headquartered in Boston, Va., the American Security Council has about 200,000 members, most of whose activities are limited to paying dues, Fisher said. Among its members, he said, are some members of Congress, whom he declined to identify. A few companies with large munitions contracts, which he also declined to identify, hold corporate memberships in the organization, Fisher said."

January-February 1999, Jim DiEugenio, 'Dodd and Dulles vs. Kennedy in Africa': "But in October and November things began to collapse. ... Yet Mobutu, with the backing of his Pentagon allies, including Army Chief Earle Wheeler, managed to resist both of these White House wishes. In November, Kennedy ordered a progress report on the retraining issue. The Pentagon had done little and blamed the paltry effort on the UN."

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

1901-1990. Commissioned 2d lt U.S. Army, 1923, advanced through grades to general, 1955; formerly comdg. general U.S. Constabulary, Germany, X Corps, Korea; comdg. general 4th Army, Fort Sam Houston, Texas; past comdg. general Army Forces Far East, Eighth U.S. Army; comdr.-in-chief U.S. Army Pacific, 1957-61.

Source(s): American Ultras, p. 55 (Senior Advisory Board); August 17, 1970, New York Times, 'Anti-Communist Council Prepares a Voting 'Index' on Congress' (executive committee); April 26, 1978, Washington Post (vice chair)

The Washington Post April 26, 1978, Wednesday, Final Edition Russell White, Ex-FBI Agent, Security Consultant for GE: "Russell E. White, 62, a former FBI agent and a retired consultant on industrial security for the General Electric Co., died of cancer Monday at Howard County General Hospital. Mr. White, who lived in Columbia, Md., was an FBI agent in the New Orleans and New York field offices from 1940 to 1946, and then practiced law in his hometown of Barre, Vt., until 1951. In that year he joined GE as an industrial security consultant in Schenectady, N.Y. He was transferred to the firm's Washington office in 1969, and retired in 1974. Mr. White has been a member of the industry advisory committee of the Defense Department, president and board chairman of the American Society for Industrial Security, chairman of the National Security Industrial Association, chairman of the security committee of the Aerospace Industries Association, chairman of the security committee of the Electronic Industries Association, and a vice chairman of the American Security Council. Survivors include his wife, Frances, of the home in Columbia; two daughters, Mary Beth Barlow, of Schenectady, and terry White, of the home; three sons, Steve A., of Phoenix, Ariz., Tim R., of Leesburg, Va., and David R., of Los Angeles; a sister, Barbara McGoff, of Newport, Vt; a brother, Robert, of Keene, N.H. and four grandchildren. The family suggests that expressions of sympathy be in the form of contributions to the American Cancer Society."

Source(s): American Security Council, Benefactors page, President's Circle (December 2010)

Governor of New Jersey 1994-2001. In 1995 she appointed Lewis Eisenberg head of the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, together with Governor of New York, George Pataki.

Graduated from Wheaton College in 1968, earning a Bachelor of Arts degree in government. After graduating, she worked on Nelson Rockefeller's presidential campaign. Her maternal grandfather, Reeve Schley, was a member of Wolf's Head Society at Yale and the vice president of Chase Bank when it indeed had only one vice president. He was also a longtime president of the Russian-American Chamber of Commerce. During the Nixon administration, Whitman worked in the Office of Economic Opportunity under the leadership of Donald Rumsfeld. She conducted a national outreach tour for the Republican National Committee, was Deputy Director of the New York State Office in Washington, and worked on aging issues for the Nixon campaign and administration. From 1988 to 1990 she served as President of the New Jersey Board of Public Utilities in the cabinet of Gov. Thomas Kean.

Appointed by President George W. Bush as Administrator of the United States Environmental Protection Agency, taking office on January 31, 2001. Under Whitman's direction as the first director of the EPA under the Bush administration, in 2001 the EPA produced a report detailing the expected effects of global warming in each of the states in the United States. The report was dismissed by President Bush who called it the work of "the bureaucracy." Whitman appeared twice in New York City after the September 11 attacks to inform New Yorkers that the toxins released by the attacks posed no threat to their health. Later, a 2003 report by the EPA's inspector general determined that such assurances were misleading, because the EPA "did not have sufficient data and analyses" to justify the assertions when they were made. Further, the report found that the White House had "convinced EPA to add reassuring statements and delete cautionary ones" by having the National Security Council control EPA communications after the September 11 attacks. On June 27, 2003, after having several public conflicts with the Bush administration, Whitman resigned from her position to spend more time with her family. In an interview in 2007, Whitman stated that Vice President Dick Cheney's insistence on easing air pollution controls, not the personal reasons she cited at the time, led to her resignation. At the time, he pushed the EPA to institute a new rule allowing large polluting plants to make major alterations without installing costly new pollution controls. Refusing to sign off on the new rule, Whitman announced her resignation. released a book entitled It's My Party, Too: Taking Back the Republican Party... And Bringing the Country Together Again in which she criticizes the policies of the George W. Bush administration and its electoral strategy. She formed a political action committee called It's My Party Too (IMP-PAC), intended to help elect moderate Republicans at all levels of government. Since 2003, Whitman has been a member of the Board of Directors for Texas Instruments and United Technologies. Whitman is also co-chair of the CASEnergy Coalition, and in 2007, voiced support for a stronger future role of nuclear power in the United States. Whitman currently has an energy lobbying group called the Whitman Strategy Group which states itself to be "a governmental relations consulting firm specializing in environmental and energy issues." During the 2008 presidential election, Whitman was touted by the media as a candidate for a Cabinet position under both Barack Obama and John McCain.

Source(s): Who's Who (advisor to ASC)

Program manager Kaman Scis. Corp., Colorado Springs, 1970-84; chief engineer Lockheed California Co, Burbank (headquarters), 1984—. Advisor Am. Security Council, Boston, Virginia, 1982—. Member National Management Association, Am. Defense Preparedness Association, Am. Craft Council, Sigma Xi. Clubs: U.S. Senatorial Committee (Washington).

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Physicist. His sister married Paul Dirac. Professor of Mathematical Physics at Princeton University from 1938 to 1971. Wigner worked on the Manhattan Project at the University of Chicago during World War II, from 1942 to 1945, and in 1946-1947 became Director of Research and Development at Clinton Laboratories. He is a past vice- president and president of the American Physical Society, of which he remains a member. He is a past member of the board of directors of the American Nuclear Society and still a member. He was a member of the General Advisory Committee to the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission from 1952-1957, was reappointed to this committee in 1959 and served on it until 1964. Received the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1963. Member of the Jason Group in the 1960s and 1970s. Board member Citizens Committee for Peace with Freedom in Vietnam.

Assistant Technische Hochschule, Berlin, 1926—1927, assistant professor, 1928—1933; assistant University Göttingen, 1927—1928; lecturer Princeton University, 1930, part-time professor math. physics, 1931—1936; professor physics University Wisconsin, 1936—1938; Thomas D. Jones professor theoretical physics Princeton University, 1938—1971; on leave of absence, 1942—1945; with Metallurgical Laboratory, University Chicago, 1946—1947; as director R&D Clinton Laboratories; director Civil Defense Research Project, Oak Ridge, 1964—1965; Lorentz lecturer Institute Lorentz, Leiden, 1957; consultant professor Louisiana State University, 1971—1985, retired, 1985. Member general adv. committee Atomic Energy Commission, 1952—1957, 1959—1964; member math. panel National Research Council, 1952—1954; physics panel National Science Foundation, 1953—1956; visiting committee National Bureau Standards, 1947—1951; member adv. board Federal Emergency Management Agency, 1982—1991. Mem.: National Academy of Sciences, American Association for the Advancement of Science, Franklin Institute, German Physical Society, Am. Philosophical Society, Am. Academy Arts and Scis., Am. Association Physics Teachers, Am. Math. Society, Am. Physical Society (vice president 1955, president 1956), Am. Nuclear Society (1st recipient Eugene P. Wigner award 1990), Royal Netherlands Academy Sci. and Letters, Royal Society England, Academy Sci. Gottingen (corr.).

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Reagan Versus The Sandinistas: The Undeclared War On Nicaragua.

Source(s): American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

Son of Nils Y. Wessell: Professor of psychology Tufts University 1947-66. President Alfred P. Sloan Foundation 1968-79.

FBI, Intelligence Division. Director Foreign Policy Research Institute 1981-85. Editor of Orbis.

Ground Rules: Soviet and American Involvement in Regional Conflict. (Philadelphia: Foreign Policy Research Institute. The New Europe Revolution In East West Relations

FPRI was founded in 1955 by Robert Strausz-Hupé who through all years was its grand old man until he died in 2002. His two most important partners in the management of FPRI was from the beginning William Kintner and Stefan T. Possony. Kintner died in 1997 at the age of 81, and Possony in 1995, 82 years old. All three were veterans of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), which later became the CIA.

Source(s): "1964, ASC Press, Guidelines for Cold War Victory', pp. 9-10 (national strategy committee); 1993, Peter Dale Scott, 'Deep Politics and the Death of JFK', p. 216: "Willoughby in particular was also part of the defense-industrial lobby, the American Security Council, along with politically active army reserve officers like Lieutenant Colonel Lev Dobriansky." (names apparently taken from the book Power on the Right); 1992, Dick Russell, 'The man who knew too much': "Willoughby, a friend of Fritz Kramer, eventually sat on the ASC's board." (digital)

Emigrated from Germany to the United States. Fluent in English, Spanish, German, French and later, Japanese. In 1929, Willoughby was assigned to Command & General Staff College as a student and in 1931 as an instructor. Here he met MacArthur. Director Combined Arms Research Library, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 1932-34. Brought over to the Philippines by MacArthur in 1940. Douglas MacArthur's Chief of Intelligence during most of World War II and the Korean War. MacArthur affectionately referred to him as "my pet fascist."

leading American patron and paymaster of extreme-right elements in Japan until his departure in 1951.

Involved in the creation of Field Operations Intelligence, a top secret Army Intelligence unit that later came under joint military and CIA control. Retired from the army in 1951. In his later years, Willoughby published the Foreign Intelligence Digest newspaper, and worked closely with Texas oil tycoon H.L. Hunt on the International Committee for the Defence of Christian Culture. Member Military Affairs Committee of the Shickshinny Knights of Malta, together with Gen. Pedro del Valle, Gen. Lemuel Shepherd, Gen. George Stratemeyer, Gen. Bonner Fellers, Admiral Charles M. Cooke and Rear Admiral Francis T. Spellman. Also named as the security director of the Shickshinny Knights. The Shickshinny Knights were led by Charles Pichel, a Nazi sympathizer in the 1930s who maintained murky ties to the White Russian community. Died in 1972.

Willoughby served as General MacArthur's Chief of Intelligence in the General Headquarters, Southwest Pacific Area (1941-1951). "Maj. Gen. Charles Willoughby who was actually in charge of the Pacific defense at the time of Pearl Harbor. What did he do right after the attack, given the fact that he was in charge of the defense of Pearl Harbor? He left all the Army Air Corps planes in the Phillipines on the ground and allowed them to become the target of what was called the Second Pearl Harbor. Read: "The Origins of the Korean War" Volume I and II by Professor Bruce Cummings where you read how Willoughby staged the incident leading to the outbreak of The Korean War and then miraculously cashed in his Soybean Futures contracts shortly after that along with H. L. Hunt from Dallas, TX. How come they had such large positions in Soybean Futures? Because they knew that international shortages would occur when The Korean War broke out, that's why!"

He also lobbied the US Congress to authorize $100 million for General Franco's government in Spain.

Two days after the assassination of John F. Kennedy a long-distance telephone operator in Mexico City monitored an international phone call. She heard one of the voices saying: "The Castro plan is being carried out. Bobby is next." The telephone numbers were traced. One number belonged to Emilio Nunez Portuondo, the Latin American Affairs editor of Willoughby's Foreign Intelligence Digest.

In the late 1950s Richard Case Nagell described Field Operations Intelligence as a "covert extension of CIA policy and activities designed to conceal the true nature of CIA operations." FOI was a new spin off of CIC in the Army Intelligence. Meanwhile, the Army Intelligence Center became involved in an attempt to remedy some of the perceived deficiencies in field intelligence programs. Initially, the commanding general, Army Intelligence Center, was responsible for training new field operations intelligence specialists, but had no authority over their assignments in the field. Some human intelligence collectors were in units under theater control, organized years before the field operations intelligence program, as such, had come into existence; others served in a detachment under direct ACSI control. The field operations intelligence program thus operated under a separate and less rigid personnel system than the Counter Intelligence Corps. Its military occupational specialty (MOS) could be awarded by ACSI and by theater commanders as well as by the Army Intelligence Center, and the Army could recruit individuals whose foreign connections would have barred them from enlisting in the Counter Intelligence Corps. The differences between these two intelligence elements soon led to an unhealthy rivalry. As one report pointed out, "there is too much bickering and snideness at the [Intelligence] Center regarding these two fields."6 The situation was made worse by the fact that intelligence officers on the Army Staff and in Europe considered field operations intelligence personnel better qualified to handle especially sensitive counterespionage operations than CIC agents. But Counter Intelligence Corps members saw any such transfer of functions as "an emasculation of CIC."7 Another problem area arose when field operations intelligence personnel, because of the nature of their mission requirements, lacked an adequate rotation base in the continental United States. Although a majority of CIC billets were in the United States, four-fifths of those billets in the field operations intelligence program were overseas.

McClendon was a member of Maj. Gen. Charles Willoughby's Anti-Communist Liaison - Committee of Correspondence which featured a handful of people closely associated with both the CIA or Military Intelligence and the JFK Assassination itself by multiple independent researchers: Rev. Billy James Hargis, Alexander Rorke who died 2 months before the JFK assassination who was a constant associate of Frank Sturgis in Miami, who has been definitively tied to the JFK plot as a result of the published deathbed confession proffered by E. Howard Hunt, Sturgis' CIA case officer. Edward Hunter, also on the Anti-Communist Liaison, was the author of Brainwashing which was published by Henry Regnery Press (1952). Regnery's father William Regnery headed up the ultra pro-Fascist America First Committee which was considered so isolationist just before World War II that they were considered to be pro-Nazi sympathizers. Hunter was a self-described fascist and an anti-Semite who is considered to be the originator of the terms Brainwashing and Mind Control. Willoughby himself was identified as a JFK plot conspirator in The Man Who Knew Too Much[disambiguation needed] by Dick Russell[disambiguation needed], published in 1994 by Carroll and Graf publishers as well as by former FBI agent William Turner and professional researcher Mae Brussell. McClendon, a staunch proponent of the tactics of McCarthyism and a friend of Joe McCarthy, later penetrated the Coalition on Political Assassinations as a founding member, on the premise of gathering intelligence on the status of the JFK Assassination investigation ostensibly to determine just how close investigators were getting to implicating her cohorts from McCarthyism and the Anti-Communist Liaison like Maj. Gen. Charles Willoughby, Frank Sturgis, Edward Hunter, Robert Morris, Otto Otepka, Col. Philip J. Corso, Henry Regnery and Billy James Hargis in the JFK assassination conundrum.

Wanted the John Birch Society to republish his book MacArthur.

RG-23: paper of Major General Charles A. Willoughby, USA 1947-1973 (MacArthur Memorial Archives Norfolk, Virginia), Reel 914, Box 9, Folder 1: "Pichel, Charles L. T.: Correspondence, 1932, 1963-1970" Undated correspondence also with Gen. Pedro del Valle.

Source(s): American Security Council website (says Wilson was a prominent Congressional Advisory Board member)

Democrat Congressman from Texas 1973-1996. Wilson was notorious for his personal life, particularly drinking, alleged cocaine use, and womanizing, and he picked up the nickname "Good Time Charlie". Also called "the Israeli commando" in congress.

Americans wanted to give the appearance that mujhadeen were using Russian made weapons. U.S Congressman Charlie Wilson together with Mossad agent Zvi Rafiah [reportedly a Rafi Eytan deputy] brokered a deal between the then Pakistani president Zia-ul-haq and Israeli government to help supply Russian made weapons that Israel had captured from the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon to Afghanistan.

(2003, George Crile, 'Charlie Wilson's War: The Extraordinary Story of the Largest Covert Operation in History, pp. 31-33, 144): "Congressman Charlie Wilson (R-TX) contacts Israeli congressional liaison officer Zvi Rafiah (Suspected of being the former Mossad station chief in Washington) regarding the Yom Kippur War. A very close working relationship develops between the two legislators that lasts many years. According to journalist and author George Crile, “Rafiah is a short, very smart Israeli who Wilson always believed was a highly placed Mossad agent.” Crile will also say: “Rafiah had always acted as if he owned Wilson’s office. One of the staffers kept a list of people he needed to lobby. He would use the phones, give projects to the staff, and call on Charlie to intervene whenever he needed him.”" A close associate of prominent neoconservative Richard Perle will later be accused of passing classified secrets to Rafiah.

The relationship between Congressman Charlie Wilson and Zvi Rafiah started in 1973 when Wilson worked as an Israeli congressional liaison officer. A close working relationship developed between the two legislators, which lasted many years. Over the years this bond continued, even after Rafiah left his diplomatic post and joined Israeli Military Industries (IMI), Israel’s largest defense company.160 To understand Zvi Rafiah in detail, it must be noted that he was involved in spying and collecting strategic information from the U.S. for Israel. In A close associate of Richard Perle offered classified material to Zvi Rafiah.161 The incident was instantly reported to the Justice Department, which quickly launched an FBI investigation. The investigation found that Stephen Bryen, a Senate Foreign Relations Committee staffer and a close associate of Richard Perle, had illegally obtained classified documents of military and scientific importance, and that he had been seeking material that “could prove to be a major embarrassment to the U.S. government.”162 The FBI ultimately assembled “a good circumstantial case” that Rafiah “routinely issued orders to Bryen” and recommended that the case be brought before an investigative grand jury for espionage. However, the case was quietly closed after Bryen resigned at the insistence of Philip Heymann, the assistant attorney general in charge of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division, and from senators Clifford Case (Bryen’s boss) and Henry Jackson (Richard Perle’s boss).

Bryen had been overheard in the Madison Hotel Coffee Shop, offering classified documents to an official of the Israeli Embassy in the presence of the director of AIPAC, the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee. It was later determined that the Embassy official was Zvi Rafiah, the Mossad station chief in Washington. Bryen refused to be poly-graphed by the FBI on the purpose and details of the meeting; whereas the person who'd witnessed it agreed to be poly-graphed and passed the test.

March 23, 2001, Michael Isikoff for Newsweek, 'I Made a Mistake': "The ADL's Abe Foxman admits the Jewish organization received a $100,000 grant from Marc Rich but maintains he wasn't 'bought' The country's leading Jewish civil-rights organization acknowledged today that it had received a $100,000 grant from fugitive financier Marc Rich weeks after the group's national director became involved in efforts to secure Rich a presidential pardon. The $100,000 donation to the New York-based Anti-Defamation League was part of a total of $250,000 that Rich has given the group since he fled the United States more than 17 years ago to avoid facing trial on tax evasion and racketeering charges, according to figures made public for the first time today by Abraham Foxman, the ADL's national director. ... Then, around December 1999, Foxman said he got a call from Zvi Rafiah, a former Israeli diplomat in Washington who now works as a lobbyist and consultant to Israeli weapons companies. Foxman said Rafiah, who he described as an old friend, invited him to meet with Azulay to discuss Rich's legal problems. Since Foxman planned to be traveling to Europe, a meeting was arranged for the three men, Foxman, Rafiah and Azulay, in Paris in February 2000. But before he made the trip, Foxman got a written note from Azulay pledging a specific grant of $100,000 to fund an ADL-sponsored project on Europe designed to teach children about the evils of racial and religious prejudice. The $100,000 pledge was the largest the ADL had ever gotten from the Rich Foundation."

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During the late 1970s and early 1980s, Charlie Wilson developed an interest in Israel at the same time as being appointed to some key Congressional committees that controlled funding for all major intelligence and military projects. His appointments to those positions were made possible with the help of his Israeli connections, which Crile termed his “Jewish friends.”164 His Jewish friends had helped get him onto the committee; once there, Charlie learned from these master politicians how to influence budgets and policies. When he won a seat on the Foreign Operations subcommittee, which allocates all U.S. military and economic assistance, he was suddenly positioned to champion Israel’s annual $3 billion foreign-aid package.165 It was therefore not surprising to see Wilson traveling not only to Israel, but also Lebanon after the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. After witnessing evidence of Israeli carnage and an elaborate campaign of terror, Wilson proclaimed: “The biggest surprise I had was the enthusiasm, the universal enthusiasm, with which the Lebanese welcomed the Israeli army. In every instance their voices were of relief and appreciation of the Israelis. That’s just the way it is. It ain’t no other way.” After making this statement, Wilson personally met with Prime Minister Menachem Begin in Jerusalem.166 “By the time he returned to Washington, Wilson had become, in his own words, ‘an Israeli commando’ in the U.S. Congress.”167 It can be said that events unfolding before our eyes today usually have roots deep in the past. Wilson’s loyalty to Israel and his association with Mossad made him closer to the sympathizers of Israel in the United States. Dick Cheney, who stands accused by a growing number of analysts for his involvement in the 9/11 attacks, played a key role in having Wilson appointed to the White House Select Committee on Intelligence. This fact may suggest that Cheney was also an important player in the pro-Israeli network.168 After gaining access to the key Congressional positions, the “Israeli commando” became obsessed with funding and controlling the CIA’s Afghan jihad against the Soviets, not for the sake of Jihad, but for the purpose of infiltrating the ISI and reaching the inner-most power circles in Pakistan. At this point, Wilson’s Israeli sympathies had not been widely publicized. He promised the then Pakistani President, General Zia, that he would deliver the latest radar systems for Pakistan’s F-16 fighter planes—a crucial weapons system that they had thus been denied by the United States. Wilson also met with the CIA Station Chief Howard Hart and urged him to expand the program, stressing that vast amounts of money should be made available.169 In addition to infiltrating the ISI, Wilson’s other objective was the promotion and sale of Israeli weapons. For example, the famous anti-helicopter missile system Wilson had specially built for the Mujahideen was designed by the Israelis. Crile notes: Charlie Wilson was marching himself into a true forbidden zone. Congressmen are not allowed to commission a foreign power to design and construct a weapons system. Nor do they have the authority to commit the Pentagon to pay for such a weapon. But these were minor outrages compared to Wilson’s potentially explosive attempt to bring the Israelis into the Muslim jihad that the CIA was funding against the Soviets in Afghanistan.170 General Zia and his close associates were perfectly happy with the sale of the missile system that the Israelis sold, in addition to tanks and other weapons systems, to Pakistan for use in the Afghan war.171 Charlie Wilson remained an intermediary in all these deals. “The Israelis were hoping this deal [involving T-55 tanks] would serve as the beginning of a range of under-the-table understandings with Pakistan that the congressman would continue to quietly negotiate for them.”172 These deals were bitterly opposed by the CIA. Howard Hart, CIA Station Chief in Islamabad at the time, stated: “It was bad enough for [Pakistani President] Zia to be dealing with the Americans, even secretly. But the Israelis were so beyond the pale that it would have been impossible … It’s beyond comprehension to have tried to bring the Israelis into it.”173 Gust Avrakotos, the CIA’s acting Chief of South Asia Operations was also “adamantly opposed” to “bringing the Israelis into the CIA’s Muslim Jihad.”174 The power of Israel’s lobby is evident from the fact that, in Crile’s words, “…right under Hart’s nose, Wilson had proposed just such an arrangement, and Zia and his high command had signed on to implement it.”175 Due to the pressure from Charlie Wilson, the CIA’s budget for Afghan covert operations was tripled in a matter of a few weeks. The CIA initially resisted accepting the funds, but according to William Casey’s executive assistant Robert Gates, “Wilson just steamrolled [CIA Near East Division Chief Charles]—and the CIA for that matter.”176 The budget grew from $35 million in 1982 to $600 million in 1987. Both the United States and Pakistan played into Israeli hands as effectively then as they did in the 21st century, both before and after 9/11. They just kept getting steamrolled. In the period between 1992 and 1995, Israeli and Pakistani diplomats met secretly in Washington on many occasions. These undisclosed diplomatic meetings were arranged by the Turkish ambassador to Washington, Baki Ilkin. Charlie Wilson, who ten years earlier had brokered arms deals between Israel and Pakistan for the Afghan War, was involved.177 Sliding into Mossad’s trap was so easy that General Zia even agreed to keep details of the arms deals with Israel hidden from the United States. When Zia visited the U.S. in November 1982 to meet with President Reagan, he first met with Charlie Wilson in Houston. According to Crile, Wilson then broached the subject of Pakistan secretly purchasing arms from Israel for the Afghan War. General Zia agreed to this in principle— his only caveat being that “the Star of David be removed from them.”178 In summary, the Israelis became major players in the exchange of information and commodities with Afghanistan and Pakistan, not by interfacing with the CIA, which opposed their involvement, but via Mossad, the Israeli lobby in the United States—using Congressional delegations to establish their own direct connections—and by direct interaction with the ISI in Pakistan. The Israeli/Pakistan connection was crucial for infiltrating the ISI and providing Israeli intelligence with a very secure footing inside Pakistan’s intelligence agency. In her second term in power, Benazir Bhutto also intensified the ISI’s liaison with Mossad in 1993, and she too began to cultivate the American Jewish lobby. Bhutto is said to have had a secret meeting in New York with a senior Israeli emissary, who flew to the U.S. during her visit to Washington, DC in 1995. Since his days as Bhutto’s Director-General of Military Operations, Pervez Musharraf has been a keen advocate of Pakistan establishing diplomatic relations with the state of Israel. After Musharraf overthrew Nawaz Sharif’s government, the ISI-Mossad relationship deepened. This close interaction set the tone for Israeli-Pakistani relations until 2001, regardless of who was the incumbent in Israel, or whether a civilian or military regime ruled Pakistan. The most important contacts were between Mossad and the ISI, and the traffic was two-way. Pakistan passed intelligence about the Gulf States and the nuclear ambitions of Iran and Libya, whose programs Pakistani scientists had helped to build. Israel provided everything, from training for Pakistani leaders’ security guards, to intelligence on India, with whom it has enjoyed full diplomatic relations since 1992.179 The consequences of the ISI-Mossad cooperation are gradually beginning to surface. The deepening relationship has not only paved the way for Musharraf’s approval of his foreign minister’s handshake with Israel, his “chance” encounter with Ariel Sharon on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in September, and an address to the American Jewish Congress, but also to what transpired between the two agencies prior to the 9/11 attacks. The ISI was closely working with Saeed Sheikh and Khalid Sheikh and Mossad was closely involved with Mohammed Atta and company. It appears that Mossad had been following and observing Atta since 2000, but there is more to that story, which is as yet unknown. According to some documents shown to the Sunday Express newspaper in the U.K., Mossad was running a round-the-clock surveillance operation on some of the September 11 hijackers. This is highly unfeasible without some collaboration, similar to Khalid Sheikh and Saeed Sheikh working with the ISI. The details, contained in classified papers, reveal that a senior Mossad agent tipped off his counterpart in the CIA that a massive terrorist hit was being planned in the US.

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In the late 1970s, Wilson strongly supported the right-wing Somoza government in Nicaragua. His admiration for Somoza was spurred by the dictator's effort to bribe him. Wilson saw Somoza as an abandoned and betrayed U.S. ally, and he ran a rearguard action in the House appropriations committee attempting to save Somoza's regime, at one point threatening to wreck President Carter's Panama Canal Treaty if the U.S. did not resume supporting Somoza. Wilson later arranged a meeting between Somoza and Ed Wilson (a CIA agent) who offered to form a 1000-man force of ex-CIA operatives to fight on Somoza's behalf. The meeting collapsed when Somoza fondled Tina Simons, Wilson's girlfriend, and the deal proved impossible after Somoza declined to pay $100 million for the 1000-man force.

Best known for leading Congress into supporting Operation Cyclone, the largest-ever Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) covert operation, which under the Reagan administration supplied military equipment, including anti-aircraft weapons such as Stinger antiaircraft missiles, and paramilitary officers from their Special Activities Division to the Afghan Mujahideen during the Soviet war in Afghanistan. Gave General Abdul Rashid Dostum (the warlord) of the Northern Alliance an Award from The American Security Council Foundation for ending Soviet occupation in Afghanistan.

Source(s): Field director (Aug-Sept 1985, Mother Jones Magazine, p. 40)

Knight of Malta. President of CAUSA USA, and has also held high positions in the American Security Council and the Coalition for Peace through . U.S. Global Strategy Council. INTERNATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL.

Lt. General Gordon Sumner: a CIS director and advisor; Sumner was also a board member of the International Security Council (ISC), described by Herman and O'Sullivan as the "main U.S. agency of the Moon system in the field of terrorism propaganda." An international conference organized by ISC and CAUSA was held in January 1986 in Tel Aviv; speakers included Bo Hi Pak and Arnaud de Borchgrave, the publisher of the Washington Times.

executive director U.S. Global Strategy Council.

Rumsfeld at USGSC.

Ray Cline and O. Graham and Keegan and Kintner and Bo Hi Pak and Singlaub and Van Cleave and Zumwalt and ISC?

Brigadier General Dave Woellner has had the benefit of two successful careers. He served with the United States Air Force for nearly four decades, and he has worked as a corporate executive since his military retirement. Born in Ohio, he attended schools in that state, acquiring a bachelor’s degree at Wittenberg University. Later, he attended several graduate schools. While in the service, he completed the Air War College, the National War College, the Industrial College of the Armed Forces and the Navy School of Defense Management and Utilization of Strategic Resources. General Woellner is a commercial pilot with thousands of hours of flying time. He has a single multi-engine pilot’s license with flight instructor and instrument instructor’s ratings. During WWII, he flew twin-engine aircraft A-20’s on surveillance missions to ascertain enemy strength including the latest flak and machine gun towers along the French Coast. Later he flew four-engine bombers until being shot down by enemy ground fire. Fortunately, he parachuted to uncertain “safety.” He was “rescued” by German Home Guard forces when he was seriously threatened on the ground. After a long and arduous journey, he ultimately became P.O.W. at a camp on the Baltic Sea. The camp was “liberated” by the Russians at the end of the war. During the Korean War he was director of flight training for replacement pilots for the war. During the Vietnam War he was a Command Inspector General. His numerous awards and decorations include the Distinguished Service Medal (2) and the Meritorious Service Medal (2). Since his retirement, General Woellner has served in challenging positions assenior executive with both “for profit” and “non-profit” organizations. He has visited many countries, including those behind the Iron Curtain and those considered “severely under-privileged.” He has seen abject poverty, starvation and persecution. General Woellner is a frequent speaker and writer particularly on the subject of freedom and the individual’s responsibility to retain it. He lives in Phoenix with his wife, Susan. They are the proud parents of 10 children, 20 great grandchildren and two great great grandchildren.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"

1913-1997. Visiting professor UCLA and University California Berkeley, 1962-64. Assistant to president Rand Corp., 1950-64. Recruited to Rand by Charles J. Hitch (Harvard; Rhodes scholar; OSS; head of Rand Corporation's Economics Division at Santa Monica 1948-1961; assistant secretary of defense from 1961 to 1965; trustee CIA-funded and Pilgrims-connected Asia Foundation; president University of California 1967-1975). Professor University Chicago, 1964-80. Recruited Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz and send them to work for Senator Jackson, also affiliated with the ASC, as was Wohlstetter. Trained Fred Ikle (Le Cercle) and wrote a few papers with him. President, director research PAN Heuristics Services Inc., L.A., from 1979. Vice president Security Conference on Asia and Pacific, 1980—; member Pres.' Foreign Intelligence Adv. Board, 1985-88, Defense Policy Board; advisor to under secretary defense for policy and chief naval operations; former advisor to assistant to President for national security, director Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Department State; advisor Geneva Conference on Surprise Attack, 1958. Fellow American Association for the Advancement of Science; member European Am. Institute for Security Research (president 1975—).

January 16, 1997, Albert Wohlstetter obituary at policonomics.com: "If Henry Kissinger was the principal leader of the “dove team” in foreign policy over much of this period, stressing diplomatic strategems, Wohlstetter was the undisputed leader of the “hawk team,” which stressed military moves of breathtaking creativity and imagination."

May 3, 2008, Asia Times, 'America's university of imperialism: Soldiers of Reason - by Alex Abella': "In 1951, he was recruited by Charles Hitch for RAND's Mathematics Division, where he worked on methodological studies in mathematical logic until Hitch posed a question to him: "How should you base the Strategic Air Command?" Wohlstetter then became intrigued by the many issues involved in providing airbases for Strategic Air Command (SAC) bombers, the country's primary retaliatory force in case of nuclear attack by the Soviet Union. What he came up with was a comprehensive and theoretically sophisticated basing study. It ran directly counter to the ideas of General Curtis LeMay, then the head of SAC, who, in 1945, had encouraged the creation of RAND and was often spoken of as its "Godfather". In 1951, there were a total of 32 SAC bases in Europe and Asia, all located close to the borders of the Soviet Union. Wohlstetter's team discovered that they were, for all intents and purposes, undefended, with the bombers parked out in the open, without fortified hangars, and that SAC's radar defenses could easily be circumvented by low-flying Soviet bombers. RAND calculated that the USSR would need "only" 120 tactical nuclear bombs of 40 kilotons each to destroy up to 85% of SAC's European-based fleet. LeMay, who had long favored a preemptive attack on the Soviet Union, claimed he did not care. He reasoned that the loss of his bombers would only mean that, even in the wake of a devastating nuclear attack, they could be replaced with newer, more modern aircraft. He also believed that the appropriate retaliatory strategy for the United States involved what he called a "Sunday punch", massive retaliation using all available American nuclear weapons. According to Abella, SAC planners proposed annihilating three-quarters of the population in each of 188 Russian cities. Total casualties would be in excess of 77 million people in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe alone. Wohlstetter's answer to this holocaust was to start thinking about how a country might actually wage a nuclear war. He is credited with coming up with a number of concepts, all now accepted US military doctrine. One is "second-strike capability", meaning a capacity to retaliate even after a nuclear attack, which is considered the ultimate deterrent against an enemy nation launching a first-strike. Another is "fail-safe procedures", or the ability to recall nuclear bombers after they have been dispatched on their missions, thereby providing some protection against accidental war. Wohlstetter also championed the idea that all retaliatory bombers should be based in the continental United States and able to carry out their missions via aerial refueling, although he did not advocate closing overseas military bases or shrinking the perimeters of the American empire. To do so, he contended, would be to abandon territory and countries to Soviet expansionism. Wohlstetter's ideas put an end to the strategy of terror attacks on Soviet cities in favor of a "counter-force strategy" that targeted Soviet military installations. He also promoted the dispersal and "hardening" of SAC bases to make them less susceptible to preemptive attacks and strongly supported using high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft such as the U-2 and orbiting satellites to acquire accurate intelligence on Soviet bomber and missile strength. In selling these ideas, Wohlstetter had to do an end-run around SAC's LeMay and go directly to the Air Force chief of staff. In late 1952 and 1953, he and his team gave some 92 briefings to high-ranking Air Force officers in Washington DC. By October 1953, the Air Force had accepted most of Wohlstetter's recommendations. Abella believes that most of us are alive today because of Wohlstetter's intellectually and politically difficult project to prevent a possible nuclear first strike by the Soviet Union. He writes: Wohlstetter's triumphs with the basing study and fail-safe not only earned him the respect and admiration of fellow analysts at RAND but also gained him entry to the top strata of government that very few military analysts enjoyed. His work had pointed out a fatal deficiency in the nation's war plans, and he had saved the Air Force several billion dollars in potential losses. A few years later, Wohlstetter wrote an updated version of the basing study and personally briefed secretary of defense Charles Wilson on it, with General Thomas D White, the air force chief of staff, and General Nathan Twining, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in attendance. Despite these achievements in toning down the official air force doctrine of "mutually assured destruction" (MAD), few at RAND were pleased by Wohlstetter's eminence. Bernard Brodie had always resented his influence and was forever plotting to bring him down. Still, Wohlstetter was popular compared with Herman Kahn. All the nuclear strategists were irritated by Kahn who ultimately left RAND and created his own think tank, the Hudson Institute, with a million-dollar grant from the Rockefeller Foundation. RAND chief Frank Collbohm opposed Wohlstetter because his ideas ran counter to those of the air force, not to speak of the fact that he had backed John F Kennedy instead of Richard Nixon for president in 1960 then compounded his sin by backing Robert McNamara for secretary of defense over the objections of the high command. Worse yet, Wohlstetter had criticized the stultifying environment that had begun to envelop RAND. In 1963, in a fit of pique and resentment fueled by Brodie, Collbohm called in Wohlstetter and asked for his resignation. When Wohlstetter refused, Collbohm fired him. Wohlstetter went on to accept an appointment as a tenured professor of political science at the University of Chicago. From this secure position, he launched vitriolic campaigns against whatever administration was in office "for its obsession with Vietnam at the expense of the current Soviet threat". He, in turn, continued to vastly overstate the threat of Soviet power and enthusiastically backed every movement that came along calling for stepped up war preparations against the USSR, from members of the Committee on the Present Danger between 1972 to 1981 to the neoconservatives in the 1990s and 2000s. Naturally, he supported the creation of "Team B" when George H W Bush was head of the CIA in 1976. Team B consisted of a group of anti-Soviet professors and polemicists who were convinced that the CIA was "far too forgiving of the Soviet Union". With that in mind, they were authorized to review all the intelligence that lay behind the CIA's National Intelligence Estimates on Soviet military strength. Actually, Team B and similar right-wing ad hoc policy committees had their evidence exactly backwards: by the late 1970s and 1980s, the fatal sclerosis of the Soviet economy was well underway. But Team B set the stage for the Reagan administration to do what it most wanted to do, expend massive sums on arms; in return, Reagan bestowed the Presidential Medal of Freedom on Wohlstetter in November 1985. Imperial U Wohlstetter's activism on behalf of American imperialism and militarism lasted well into the 1990s. According to Abella, the rise to prominence of Ahmed Chalabi, the Iraqi exile and endless source of false intelligence to the Pentagon, "in Washington circles came about at the instigation of Albert Wohlstetter, who met Chalabi in Paul Wolfowitz's office". (In the incestuous world of the neo-cons, Wolfowitz had been Wohlstetter's student at the University of Chicago.) In short, it is not accidental that the American Enterprise Institute, the current chief institutional manifestation of neo-conservative thought in Washington, named its auditorium the Wohlstetter Conference Center. Wohlstetter's legacy is, to say the least, ambiguous. Needless to say, there is much more to RAND's work than the strategic thought of Wohlstetter, and Abella's book is an introduction to the broad range of ideas RAND has espoused, from "rational choice theory" (explaining all human behavior in terms of self-interest) to the systematic execution of Vietnamese in the CIA's Phoenix Program during the Vietnam War. As an institution, the RAND Corporation remains one of the most potent and complex purveyors of American imperialism. A full assessment of its influence, both positive and sinister, must await the elimination of the secrecy surrounding its activities and further historical and biographical analysis of the many people who worked there. The RAND Corporation is surely one of the world's most unusual, Cold War-bred private organizations in the field of international relations. While it has attracted and supported some of the most distinguished analysts of war and weaponry, it has not stood for the highest standards of intellectual inquiry and debate. While RAND has an unparalleled record of providing unbiased, unblinking analyses of technical and carefully limited problems involved in waging contemporary war, its record of advice on cardinal policies involving war and peace, the protection of civilians in wartime, arms races, and decisions to resort to armed force has been abysmal. For example, Abella credits RAND with "creating the discipline of terrorist studies", but its analysts seem never to have noticed the phenomenon of state terrorism as it was practiced in the 1970s and 1980s in Latin America by American-backed military dictatorships. Similarly, admirers of Wohlstetter's reformulations of nuclear war ignore the fact that these led to a "constant escalation of the nuclear arms race". By 1967, the US possessed a stockpile of 32,500 atomic and hydrogen bombs."

Albert Wohlstetter recruited a number of graduate students to work in the Committee's office; including two of his own students at the University of Chicago, Paul Wolfowitz and Peter Wilson, and Richard Perle from Princeton. As part of their work they drafted material for Henry Jackson, the leading ABM supporter in he Senate. In late summer 1969, the Senate approved the system by 51 votes to 50, the closest vote on a major national defense program since 1941.

November 14, 2002, PBS, Think Tank with Ben Battenberg, 'Richard Perle: The Making of a Neoconservative': "Richard Perle: It was Albert Wohlstetter’s swimming pool in the Hollywood Hills. Albert’s daughter, Joan, was a classmate at Hollywood High School. We sat next to each other in Spanish class. She passed, I didn’t, but she invited me over for a swim and her dad was there. We got into a conversation about strategy, a subject I really didn’t know much about. Albert gave me an article to read, that was typical of Albert. Sitting there at the swimming pool I read the article which was a brilliant piece of exposition and obviously so. We started talking about it and… Ben Wattenberg: About nuclear weapons and that kind of stuff? Richard Perle: It was the called the “Delicate Balance of Terror.” It became quite a famous article in foreign affairs, and it was a way of looking at the strategic relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union and the product of the serious piece of research that he had done as the director of the Research Council at the Rand Corporation in Santa Monica. Ben Wattenberg: And Albert Wohlstetter is regarded by some as sort of the grandfather of this hawkish mode of looking at things in America? Is that right? Richard Perle: Well, it happens that a number of people who like to regard themselves as protégés of Albert’s can probably be described as hawks, but it isn’t so much that Albert was a hawk, it’s that Albert was extraordinarily rigorous. For Albert, it was just impermissible to assume anything. You had to run down every fact, every proposition. He was a mathematical logician by training. Ben Wattenberg: Who were some of his protégés? Richard Perle: Well, Paul Wolfowitz was one. Ben Wattenberg: Who’s now Deputy Defense Secretary. Richard Perle: Yes. Paul was his student in his doctoral thesis under Albert, and Paul Kezemchek who’s now at Dartmouth. But almost everyone who got to know Albert became his student formally or informally. Bob Barkley, the editor of the Wall Street Journal was a great admirer of Albert’s and learned a lot from him. You couldn’t help but learn from Albert because he was teaching all the time. And what he taught us to do was think hard about difficult issues, and if several of us wound up hawks, we’d like to think it’s because that’s the product of thinking hard about the dilemmas that a difficult world poses, particularly for policy makers in democratic societies. Ben Wattenberg: And then you ended up with Scoop Jackson? How did that happen? Senator Jackson, my hero, your hero, our hero, who really embodied hawkishness? Richard Perle: In a good cause always. Ben Wattenberg: Right. Richard Perle: It was a complete accident although it traces back. Albert Wohlstetter phoned me one day. I was still a graduate student at Princeton doing some research in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and he said, could you come to Washington for a few days and interview some people and draft a report on the current debate shaping up in the Senate over ballistic missile defense, which was a hot issue in the Nineteen Sixty-nine debate. This was in Nineteen Sixty-nine. And he said, I’ve asked somebody else to do this too, and maybe the two of you could work together. The someone else was Paul Wolfowitz. So Paul and I came to Washington as volunteers for a few days, to interview people, and one of the people we interviewed was Scoop Jackson and it was love at first sight. I will never forget that first encounter with Scoop. Here we were a couple of graduate students, sitting on the floor in Scoop’s office in the Senate, reviewing charts and analyses of the ballistic missile defense and getting his views on the subject. Before I went back up to Cambridge, Scoop said, you know, you’re never… Ben Wattenberg: To Cambridge or to Princeton? Richard Perle: To Cambridge, well I was living in Cambridge… Ben Wattenberg: Oh, I see. Richard Perle: …while working on my thesis from Princeton. Scoop said, you’re never really gonna understand how these governments work until you have some direct experience, so why don’t you come and work for me for a year and you can work on your thesis in your spare time. But there was never any spare time working for Scoop, and I was there for eleven years. Ben Wattenberg: You became very involved in his sort of signature legislation, the Jackson-Vanek Bill, which was the human rights side of his toughness. Could you explain that? It involves the Soviet Union, which is now Russia, and where we stand on that now? ... Ben Wattenberg: Richard, you are Chairman of the Defense Policy Board. What is that? Richard Perle: It’s a group of volunteer civilians who advise the Secretary of Defense. It now includes a pretty illustrious list of people, Henry Kissinger, James Slessinger, Harold Brown, Tom Foley and Newt Gingrich, two former Speakers. These are wise men with deep experience who come together half a dozen times a year for extensive briefings, discussions, meetings, and advice for the Secretary of Defense."

April 14, 2007, South China Morning Post, 'Hawk with a broken wing': "Born in New York to a Jewish couple whose parents left Poland in the 1920s, the young Wolfowitz was an idealist, and developed strong pro-Israeli sentiments during a year living in the country when he was 14 years old. He cut his political teeth at New York's Cornell University, where he was an influential member of the secretive Quill and Dagger society for outstanding leaders, and went on to study politics at the University of Chicago. It was there in 1969 that he and Mr Perle became involved in a pro-nuclear-arms lobbying group called the Committee to Maintain a Prudent Defence Policy after an introduction from his professor and mentor Albert Wohlstetter, which opened the door to Washington via an advisory job in the office of Republican senator Henry Jackson, a fervent anti-communist in the cold war era. From 1970 to 1973, Dr Wolfowitz lectured in politics at Yale University."

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; real founder of the ASC and the one who approached Fisher, initial chairman of the senior advisory board of what would become the ASC (November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (written by ASC founder)

1879-1969. Son of Robert Whitney and Lillie (Collins) W.; grad. U.S. Mil. Acad., 1900; married Mary Butler Hardwick, Apr. 30, 1908; children—Anne Hardwick, Frances Elkington, Sarah Stires, Robert Whitney, Mary Stovall. Served in the U.S. Army during Philippine Insurrection as 2d and 1st lt., 3d Cavalry, 1900-02; asst. chief quartermaster, chief quartermaster and dir. of Panama Railroad Co., on construction of Panama Canal, 1905-15; col. and brig. gen. N.A., World War I, acting quartermaster gen. U.S. Army, 1918-19. Entered business life, 1915; asst. to pres. Gen. Asphalt Co., 1915-17; v.p. Montgomery Ward & Co., Chicago, 1919-24; v.p. Sears, Roebuck and Co., 1924-28, pres., 1928-39, chmn. bd. 1939-54, chmn. finance com., 1954-57, also director. Director War Resources Board in 1939 under chairman Edward R. Stettius, Jr. Awarded P.I. Insurrection medal, Panama Canal medal, D.S.M., Legion of Merit; Companion Order of St. Michael and St. George (Brit.); Knight Legion of Honor (French). Clubs: Univ., Chicago, Commercial (Chgo.); Army. and Navy (Washington) Director International Minerals & Chemical Corporation in the 1950s (with Thomas S. Lamont). 1983, Wayne S. Cole, 'Roosevelt and the Isolationists, 1932-45', p. 508: "FDR to army chief George Marshall:] I do not think that General R. E. Wood should be put into uniform. He is too old and has, in the past, shown far too great approval of Nazi methods." Wood was a friend of Charles Lindbergh and Arthur Vandenberg, nephew of General Hoyt Vandenberg. Wood ran MacArthur-for-President campaigns in 1944, 1948 and 1952. Feb. 25, 1952, Time magazine cover story of Gen. Wood: "As chairman of the board of Sears, Roebuck & Co., Robert Elkington Wood, 72, runs the biggest general store in the world. Last year Sears, Roebuck sold the astronomical number of 500,000,000 separate items—everything from a one-ounce sewing bobbin to a 2,200-lb.brooder house." March 2, 1956, Waterloo Daily Courier, 'To Open Drive To Stop Ike': "A "Stop Ike" movement ... will be announced Sunday night … The movement is sponsored by "For America," an organization boasting among its members … Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, Gen. Mark Clark … Gen. Robert E. Wood [co-chairman] ... Dan Smoot [co-chairman] ... Texas oil millionare Roy Cullen ... William Buckley. ... All members are strongly pro-McCarthy." A day later, Gen. Mark Clark said he didn't want to get involved with the Stop Ike movement. He had not been informed of the new campaign. March 3, 1956, The News and Courier, 'Clark wants no part in 'Stop Ike' move': "[Clark:] my good friend Gen. Robert Wood." America First did not consider Eisenhower a conservative. Advisory board member of H.L. Hunt's Life Line radio show with Gen. Wedemeyer.

The Bush family knew [H. Smith] Richardson and his wife through their mutual friendship with Sears Roebuck's chairman, Gen. Robert E. Wood.

Member Task Force on the National Security Organization in 1948-1949: "On May 21, 1948, Herbert Hoover announced the creation of the Task Force on the National Security Organization, which would be chaired by Ferdinand Eberstadt and produce the Eberstadt Report. From June 1948 through January 1949, Eberstadt’s task force examined the workings of the country’s entire national security and intelligence system, including extensive research on the US Department of Defense. ... The central concern of the task force was lack of cooperation within the US Intelligence Community. Specifically, it cited the poor relationship of the CIA to G-2 of the US Army, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Atomic Energy Commission, and the US State Department. ... Lastly, the report encouraged older entities in the US Intelligence Community to embrace the newly created CIA as a partner. ... An official CIA history suggests the recommendations and suggestions contained in the Eberstadt Report influenced very little in the national security structure or intelligence community. Although Congress authorized the First Hoover Commission and its national security task force, Congress did not initiate or enforce any of its recommendations. Also, at the same time Eberstadt’s task force was completing its research and report for Congress, the Intelligence Survey Group was conducting similar research and produced its own report, the Dulles Report, which was submitted to Congress January 1, 1949.[32] The Dulles Report became better known and forced the Eberstadt Report to be almost completely overlooked. While the CIA suggests at least some of the Eberstadt Report’s ideas were used, it is unlikely the report was widely read or had any significant influence." The report gave detailed tips on how the CIA should be organized. Eberstadt was a Pilgrim and good friend of James Forrestal. The Pilgrim John J. McCloy was another commission member.

August 1978, Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, Justus D. Doenecke, 'General Robert E. Wood The Evolution of a Conservative': ""Wood was one of the best known as well as one of the most powerful business leaders of modern times. … In 1933 he helped form the Committee for the Nation to Rebuild Prices and Purchasing Power, a group that included Lessing Rosenwald, chairman of Sears; James Henry Rand, Jr. president of Remington Rand… He denied that he admired Hitler, but he did note the economic progress made by the fascist regimes. Yet in the spring of 1939, Wood sought to trade American cotton and lard for German barbed wire and nails. … Any alliance alongside Great Britain, Wood believed, was most unwise. In a June, 1940, letter to Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox, Wood wrote: “We are weakening our defense by trying to bolster up a decadent system and nation. Nature’s law is survival, and if a race is not strong enough to survive unaided, it will perish.” He told Time magazine that England could negotiate a peace with Hitler by which it could keep its fleet and most of its colonies in exchange for German economic control of the continent. In addition, Norway, the Netherlands, and Belgium could be restored. .. “We are letting our dislike of Hitler and Nazism run away with our feelings,” he declared in September, 1939. Testifying before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in February, 1941, he claimed that Churchill had personally told him five years before, “Germany is getting too strong and we must crush her. … Wood was not surprised by the Pearl Harbor attack. As soon as he heard the news, he said to Lindbergh, "We have been asking for war for months." Roosevelt, so Wood believed, realized that Congress would not declare war on Germany and had therefore sought other means to pre cipita t e that action. (By 1954, Wood claimed that FDR and General George C. Marshall, army ch ief of staff, knew that the Japanese would attack. "They have the blood of Pearl Harbor on their hands," he said.) … In subsequent yea r s, he urged the anti-administration historian Harry Elmer Barnes to write on the origins of World War II. He also so ught an inv estigation of T yler Kent, a minor diplomat jailed during World War II for indiscreetly disclosing secret messages between Roosevelt and Churchill, and he encouraged the distribution of su ch biting critiques of Roosevelt's foreign policy as William Henry Chamberlin's America's Second Crusade (1950). … By 1944 he feared that the Russians would dominate Europe, a situation he seemed to find more dangerous than Nazi control. A year later, when economist John T. Flynn testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee against United States membership in the new United Nations, Wood backed him completelv.' … In testifying before the Joint Congressional Committee on the Economic Report, he attacked the Marshall Plan. … Wood always remained contemptuous of Soviet power. In the early 1950's he doubted that the Russians could make an atomic bomb or that the Red Army was capable of offensive warfare. He did see some merit in making alliances in order to establish air bases overseas, however, for he found air power the one retaliatory weapon that could contain the Russians. But he sought drastic cuts in the military budget, with the money saved to be used on much-needed roads and schools between the Missouri River and the Pacific coastal range. … Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin, Wood said in 1951, had "performed a great and valuable patriotic service to this country," and a year later he served as host for a McCarthy campaign broadcast; during that program the Democratic presidential candidate, Adlai Stevenson-a personal friend of Wood's-was accused of being the captive of "communist-line thinkers." … Given such views, and Wood's obvious means, it was hardly a surprise to find that he supported practically every right-wing action group of the postwar era. American Action, the National Economic Council, Americans for Constitutional Action, the Citizens Foreign Aid Committee, Facts Forum, Life Line Foundation, Human Events, the Campaign for the 48 States-all could count on Wood for sponsorship and a check. In 1954 he was named co-chairman of For America, a nationalist organization that combined beliefs in limited government and states' rights with isolationism. In 1958 he helped form the American Security Council, an agency established to run loyalty checks on individuals and organizations. … In 1952 he headed an Illinois citizens' committee for Robert A. Taft for President. … "While a lot of us get irritated with [President] Eisenhower out here," he said in speaking for many midwestern conservatives, "we still figure he's a lot better than anybody the Democrats can put in.""

America First Committee members: General Robert Wood, Senators Taft, Byrd, Vandenberg, Wheeler, Lodge, Nye and Bennett Champ Clark, Captain Eddie Rickenbacker, Henry Ford, Avery Brundage, Theodore Roosevelt, Charles Dawes.

Real founder of the ASC and the one who approached Fisher, initial chairman of the senior advisory board of what would become the ASC. Head of the National Military-Industrial Conferences. Dr. Wernher Braun has given a speech to conference. As Foreign Affairs advisory board was created in 1959. It included Mark M. Jones, an acquaintance of John D. Rockefeller, Jr. and Nelson Rockefeller. He regularly carried out studies for the family. Two questionable Germans were also invited to the advisory board: Martin Blank, who in late 1920s had acted as a liason between members of a secret group of Ruhr industrialists: the Ruhrlade. These industrialists included Fritz Thyssen, Albert Vogler and Ernst Poensgen Vereinigte Stahlwerken, Gustav Krupp, and Frederick Springorum and Fritz Winkhaus of Hoechst AG. He acted as representative of German industry at the NMIC. In the post-war years Blank was a Bundestag member and head of the rightist Free democrats, in a coalition with the government of Konrad Adenauer. Baron Freidrich August von der Heydte, a CSU member of parliament from 1966 to 1970 and former Nazi general, was another board member. He featured in the Spiegel affair with Le Cercle's Franz Josef Strauss. http://www.todayinhistory.de, 10.10.1962: Spiegel Incident: "In the report entitled "Only Ready to Fight up to a Point" the magazine had reported on a dispute between the USA and Federal Minister of Defence Franz-Josef Strauß. Washington was calling for the reinforcement of the German army with conventional weapons, whilst Strauß was pushing for the introduction of nuclear weapons. It was a report that had obviously been based on good insider information. The federal prosecutor’s office had however been set on to the "Spiegel" even before this cover story had been published: Following a string of accusations directed at the "Spiegel", the Bavarian constitutional lawyer Friedrich August von der Heyde, who was also a reserve general of the German army and member of the CSU, accused "Spiegel" of treason in Karlsruhe on 11 October. The critical reporting on the minister and CDU leader Franz-Josef Strauß was a thorn in Heyde’s side and the public prosecutors in Karlsruhe saw a reason to take action in the manoeuvre report. ... Even conservative media criticised and condemned the procedure and Adenauer and Strauß had very little support in the Bundestag." Seemingly also in contact with both Strauss and Reinhard Gehlen. 2009, Jefferson Adams, 'Historical Dictionary of German Intelligence': p. 158: "In 1965 [Dieter Haase] began his dissertation on ... NATO under the direction of ... von der Heydte, the head of the Institute for Military Law and a conservative delegate to the Bavarian Landtag. This relationship led to contact with the leading Bavarian politician, Franz Josef Strauss, and ... Reinhard Gehlen." Von der Heydte was also a contact of the peculiar Karl Friedrich Grau (Dec. 17, 1984, De Spiegel, 'Absturz nach dem Melken'), an AESP member and close associate of Cercle members Count Hans Huyn and Otto von Habsburg. LaRouche republished von der Heydte's "Modern Irregular Warfare" book in 1986, did some interviews with him and overal the relationship seemed good.

1959, George B. Huszar, 'National Strategy in an Age of Revolutions: Address and Panel Discussions of the 4th National Military-Industrial Conference' (contributions from Senator Henry M. ("Scoop") Jackson, Dr. Wernher von Braun, Alexander P. de Seversky, and General Maxwell D. Taylor). Braun gave a speech at this conference that took place on February 17-19, 1958. February 18, 1958, Huntingdon Daily News, 'Von Braun Warns of Russian TV Satellite' (to 4th NMIC; Russians could possibly use the tv satellite for televised spy operations on US military movements; satellite could be lauched within a few years)"

June 21, 2001, Lexington Herald Leader (Kentucky), 'Farish's life shaped by powerful alliances...': "While in Panama as quartermaster, Wood had passed the time reading U.S. statistical abstracts. He recognized the growing importance of cars and how they were reshaping American shopping and living habits. At Montgomery Ward, where he became vice president in 1919, he unsuccessfully advocated building retail stores to capture the trend. Wood left and joined Sears, Roebuck and Co. in 1924 and the next year opened the mail-order giant's first retail store in Chicago. It was a success, and Wood became president in 1928. Wood became chairman of the board in 1939, leading the company's post-World War II retail domination. In 1940, Wood chaired the controversial America First Committee, which took issue with U.S. involvement with the war in Europe. Many prominent Americans, including President Herbert Hoover, aviator Charles A. Lindbergh and U.S. ambassador to Great Britain Joseph P. Kennedy, shared his isolationist sentiments. So did many people with anti-Semitic leanings. The America Firsters attempted -- not entirely successfully, some historians argue -- to distance themselves from charges of anti-Semitism. Automaker Henry Ford, who was openly anti-Semitic, was booted out. Four days after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, Wood disbanded the group and offered his services to the war effort."

August 17, 1964, New York Times, 'H.L. Hunt: Magnat with a mission': "Mr. Hunt spent $150,000 to support ... Douglas MacArthur for the 1952 Republican Presidential nomination, $100,000 to back the Kennedy-Johnson ticket in 1960, and a wad of money to support the candidacy of Governor Wallace. ... One of Mr. Hunt's four sons says his father makes no contributions because "90 percent of the people he would support wouldn't be elected." ... [Hunt:] "I feel public affairs education--freedom education--is vastly more important than political action [contributions]." ... Mr. Hunt lists among those Americans whom he admires as patriots, Gen. Robert E. Wood; Gen. A. C. Wedemeyer ... once a member of the John Birch Society advisory committee, and a Life Line advisory board member [Hunt's radio program]; Robert H. W. Welch, Jr., founder of the John Birch Society; Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker; Governor Wallace, Senator Goldwater and President Johnson. Mr. Hunt says he has met Mr. Welch and talked with him by telephone. But he says he is not a member of the John Birch Society and never has attended its meetings. ... Leaflets around the Hunt Oil office promote two pro-Goldwater books that are being distributed by John Birch Society members. They are "A Choice Not an Echo," by Phyllis Schlafy, and "None Dare Call It Treason," by John A. Stormer... Other leaflets are promoting anti-Johnson books, including A Texan Look at Lyndon," by. J. Evatts Haley [JBS member; associate LBJ; about Billie Sol Estes' and his claim that LBJ was connected to a number of murders.]."

January 6, 1981, New York Times, 'Lobbying body to': "The 58-year-old Mr. Fisher, who flew 20 combat missions in World War II in B-24 bombers, joined the Federal Bureau of Investigation after graduating from Miami University in his hometown of Oxford, Ohio. He later became a personnel executive at Sears, Roebuck in Chicago. Mr. Fisher attributed the idea of forming the council to Gen. Robert E. Wood, retired, then the chairman of the board of Sears, Roebuck & Company, who named Mr. Fisher as the organizer in 1955. There was initial support from other corporations based in the Middle West. By 1961, the council had moved its headquarters to the Washington area and had attracted a number of prominent former generals, admirals and nuclear arms specialists, including Dr. Edward Teller, a developer of the hydrogen bomb. In 1967, the council presented a major report to Congress, challenging Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara's estimate of the strength of Soviet strategic forces. The report contended that the Soviet Union had already achieved ''approximately equal strength'' in strategic forces, and since then the council has been insisting on the need for greater Government military spending, above all on advanced military technology. ... ''Vietnam was not lost on the battlefield, but in the minds of people,'' he said in an interview at the American Security Council Foundation's headquarters on an 800-acre estate at the village of Boston, Va. Mr. Fisher said that the lobbying group, which maintains an office near the Capitol; the security council foundation, and the modern communications center at Boston, Va., were maintained by 230,000 dues-paying members who provided $4 million a year. Members of the council receive a monthly publication, called Washington Report, which discusses military issues, including opposition to programs that are supported by the lobby group. Opponents of those programs are described in Washington Report as ''the antidefense lobby.'' Among organizations so identified in the December 1978 issue were the American Friends Service Committee, the National Council of Churches, the Ford Foundation, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace."

Retired chairman, Sears Roebuck and Company. Approached Sears executive John M. Fisher, a former special agent of the FBI, to lead what would become the ASC. Chairman of the Program chairman and later conference chairman of the National Military-Industrial Conferences (NMIC), under the auspices of the ASC-linked Institute for American Strategy (the later American Security Council Foundation). Was backed by the H. Smith Richardson foundation. Eisenhower to Wood, January 3, 1957: "The maintenance of peace calls upon the fullest coordination of the skills and energy of all our citizens. Your Conference recognizes this fact by bringing together speakers of a wide variety of disciplines from Industry, Government, and Education. I am sure their deliberations will strengthen the national defense and promote the capability of the free world to preserve peace." December 12, 1957 letter from Eisenhower to Wood: "The defense of the United States is built on a foundation of strength: physical, intellectual and moral. As you explore and define the responsibilities born by commerce and industry you help advance our entire strategic position as a bulwark of the free world…"

Carlucci and von Marbod worked for a subsidiary of Sears Roebuck, historically a major corporate backer of the American Security Council.

Source(s): 1967, American Security Council national strategy committee report, 'The changing strategic military balance, U.S.A. vs. U.S.S.R.', a study prepared for the House Armed Services Committee, pp. 8-9: “[Introduction letter] Signed, General Bernard A. Schriever, USAF (Ret.), Chairman. General Paul D. Adams, USA (Ret.). Lt. General Edward M. Almond, USA (Ret.). Prof. James D. Atkinson. Admiral Robert L. Dennison, USN (Ret.). Vice Admiral Elton Watters Grenfell, USN (Ret.). Admiral Ben Moreell,CEC, USN (Ret.). Dr. Stefan T. Possony. General Thomas S. Power, USAF (Ret.). Brig. General Robert C. Richardson, USAF (Ret.). Vice Admiral W. A. Schoech, USN (Ret.). General Bernard A. Schriever, UAF (Ret.). Dr. Edward Teller. Rear Admiral Chester C. Ward, USN (Ret.). General Albert C. Wedemeyer, USA (Ret.). Major General W. A. Worton, USMC (Ret.)."; 1968 national strategy committee list

Former Marine Corps General, served as interim Los Angeles Police Department police chief from June 1949 to 1950. In 1935, having already served in China for ten years as a Marine officer, Worton was assigned to the Far East Section of the Office of Naval Intelligence. Given a "cover story" as "a disgruntled officer leaving the Corps to establish a business in the International Settlement in Shanghai", he returned to China once again, and began to recruit agents who agreed to travel to Japan to secretly collect information for the US Navy. One of these may have been the French Jesuit Priest and philosopher, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin. Working with closely with Chiang Kai-Shek's secret police chief, Dai Li, Worton performed his assignment ably until he returned to Washington in June 1936.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; Chairman of the original National Strategy Committee: November 1, 2005, John M. Fisher, 'History milestones: American Security Council and American Security Council Foundation' (written by ASC founder); 1968 National Strategy Committee list (co-chairman); June 30, 1962, The Nation, p. 593: "The [ASC] committee is headed Lloyd Wright, the California lawyer who stunned a Project Alert rally last December by declaring bluntly, 'I'm in favor of a preventive war. ... If we have to blow up Moscow, that's too bad."

Prominent lawyer. President of the International Bar Association 1954-1964. Became vice chairman of the National Strategy Committee of the ASC during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. 2001, Jonathan M. Schoenwald, 'A Time for Choosing: The Rise of Modern American Conservatism', p. 209: "In 1962 Reagan was the campaign chairman for Lloyd Wright, who opposed liberal Republican Thomas Kuchel in that year's Senate race. Wright was an extremist by any measurement, who called for a punitive war with the Soviets and an all-out endorsement of the JBS." (this same year Reagan was also involved in the congressional campaign of John Rousselot; Wright was another supporter of Rousselot). Friend of Richard Nixon. In 1955 asked by vice president Nixon to chair the Commission on Government Security, the "Wright Commission". Joseph Backes, 'The Moynihan Commission Report: A Review, part one': "The Wright Commission proposed penalizing unlawful disclosure of information with knowledge of their classified character by persons inside as well as outside the government. This was restraint of the press, for any reporter, editor and publisher could be arrested, tried and convicted for publishing classified information they discovered or was provided to them via "a source". The second proposal for new legislation was to make admissible in court evidence gathered by wiretapping. Such wiretapping was permissible only by specific authority of the Attorney General. Moynihan comments that the importance of the Wright Commission was not its proposals but that its proposals were never seriously considered." Director of Wackenhut (May 4, 1967, Winona Daily News, 'Washington Calling: Critics of Kirk Scorned Choice'). Great supporter of the John Birch Society. February 13, 1967, St. Petersburg Times, 'Kirk's 'secret police' may ignite national issue': "Wackenhut Corp. has deep conservative roots. … Ralp E. Davis of Los Angeles, manager of the West Coast region, [is] a member of the national council of the John Birch Society… [Lloyd] Wright denied being a Birch member, but he said he wished “We had 10,000 or 10-million more members like those I know in the John Birch Society." Another Wackenhut director, Gen. Mark W. Clark appeared on the cover of the John Birch Society's American Opinion, volume 9, October 1966. Another Wackenhut director, Eddie Rickenbacker has been a supporter of the John Birch Society and also and has been named a member.

Source(s): Who's Who

Came to the US in 1941. Staff physician Aviation Space and Radiation Medical Group General Dynamics/Convair, San Diego, 1958-61; aerospace medical specialist, medical monitor for Life Sciences Section General Dynamics/Astronautics, 1961-65; aerospace medical and bioastronautics specialist Lovelace Foundation for Medical Education and Research, Albuquerque, 1965-68; staff physician Laguna Honda Hospital, San Francisco, 1968-74. Achievements include research of theroetical aspects of cold catalyzed hydrogen fusion nuclear-rocket warm super-conductor hyper-magnetic, hydrogen-fusion space stations; patentee S(RAM-PANT)S. Adv. Board, Am. Security Council Foundation. Life Fellow Royal Society of Lichtenstein, Zurich, Switzerland, Oxford Club (New York and Florida), Royal College of Heraldry. Commander, flight surgeon Medical Corps, US Navy, 1954-57. Life Fellow Royal Society of Lichtenstein, Zurich, Switzerland, Oxford Club (New York and Florida), Royal College of Heraldry. Commander, flight surgeon Medical Corps, US Navy, 1954-57.

Source(s): American Security Council document from the group's website: "The Founders, Benefactors and Strategists of the American Security Council"; American Security Council, Strategy Board, 1984

1920-2000. Commissioned ensign U.S. Navy, 1942, advanced through grades to admiral, 1970; served with U.S.S. Phelps, 1942-43, U.S.S. Robinson, San Francisco and South Pacific, 1943-44; executive officer U.S.S. Saufley, 1945-46; executive officer, navigator U.S.S. Zellars, 1946-48; assistant professor naval sci. University North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 1948-50; comdg. officer U.S.S. Tills, 1950-51; navigator U.S.S. Wisconsin, Korea, 1951-52; head shore and overseas bases section Navy Department, Washington, 1953-55; Commander destroyer U.S.S. Isbell, 1955-57; lieutenant detailer Navy Department, Washington, 1957; special assistant for naval personnel to Assistant Secretary Navy, 1957-58; executive assistant, senior aide Office Assistant Secretary Navy, 1958-59; Commander Frigate U.S.S. Dewey, 1959-61; desk officer for France, Spain and Portugal Office Secretary Defense, 1962-63, director arms control and contingency planning for Cuba, 1963; executive assistant, senior aide Secretary of Navy, 1963-65; Commander Cruiser Destroyer Flotilla, 1965-66; director chief naval operations systems analysis group Washington Office Chief Naval Operations; deputy sci. officer Center Naval Analyses, 1966-68; Commander U.S. Naval Forces Vietnam, chief naval adv. group Vietnam, 1968-70; chief naval operations Washington, 1970-74; pub. governor Am. Stock Exchange, 1979-85; director Transway International, Inc., 1976-85, RMI, Inc., 1983-86, Am. Building Maintenance Industries, 1995, Navistar International Corp., Gifford-Hill & Co., Inc., 1979-86, Unicorp Am. Corp., 1994; president, chief executive officer, director Am. Medical Bldgs., Inc., Milwaukee, 1977-79, vice chairman board, 1980-83, chairman, chief executive officer, 1983-85, chairman, from 1985; president Admiral Zumwalt & Consultant, Inc., 1979-86, Admiral Zumwalt & Consultant Inc., from 1980. Board directors NL Industries, Inc. Dallas Semiconductor; visiting professor Vanderbilt University, 1974-75, University Nebraska, 1975, Whittier College, 1975; member board governors Am. Stock Exchange, 1978-84; chairman Phelpe-Stokes Fund, 1985-93. Dem. candidate for U.S. Senate, 1976. Advisory board Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs.

In his book 'The Conspirators' Al Martin claims that CZX Productions, which supposedly stood for "Casey Zumwalt, X-Files", was an Office of Naval Intelligence cut-out and one of the blackest parts of the Iran Contra affair. True or not, doing a bit of background checking (only one reference has turned up), it turns out that Dietrich Reinhardt, a shady Iran-Contra operative now connected to the flight school of Rudi Dekkers (dope-trafficking terrorists), was a partner in that firm. Martin also claims CZX and Casey made Oliver North head of the "National Programs Office," whose existence still is not confirmed. The NPO supposedly controlled much of the drug trafficking operations, the building of the US "Civilian Inmate Labor Camps", and the operations to some day overthrow the US government. Admiral Zumwalt, an associate of Casey since the 1970s and a major anti-communist warhawk, is part of a secret ONI group called "Goal Oversight Development" (GOD), according to Martin. No proof or other rumors exist about this group, but according to Martin GOD has/had almost unlimited powers to intimidate and assassinate people.

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I wasn't recruited in 68. I told you I entered earlier than that. Secondly, despite what your sources tell you, there were far more people in the program than 75. That's almost laughable; but I think it's better if that's what you think. Secondly, you remain fixated on one program within 157 that I said was not our main focus. Wilson didn't enter the program until 1971 after he left the CIA. Inman didn't even know about the program when he first took over as Sec NAV. The program was 1st authorized by Paul Nitze and then it was left to Zumwalt to head up ops in SEA.

Paul H. Nitze set up Task Force 157 in 1966.

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September 14, 2009, Nicholas Thompson, 'Did Henry Kissinger Really Plan ‘An Accident’ for Bud Zumwalt?': "Tomorrow, I’ll publish a new book, The Hawk and the Dove: Paul Nitze, George Kennan, and the History of the Cold War. And on Saturday, the New York Times ran a very nice story about some of the most interesting scoops and pieces of news in the book. I’ve been getting questions about one passage that stuck out for readers: Mr. Thompson also turned up evidence that suggested that Henry A. Kissinger had an agent follow the daughter of a political rival, Admiral Elmo Zumwalt Jr., known as Bud, and had told the Soviet ambassador that he would like to see Zumwalt have “an accident. Mr. Kissinger described the accusations, Mr. Thompson writes, as paranoid bunk. The story dates to a memo that I found in the papers of my grandfather, Paul Nitze. He was very close friends with Zumwalt when the latter man served as Chief of Naval Operations under Richard Nixon. Zumwalt clashed with Kissinger from the very beginning of his tenure and, in November 1970, the two men had a long talk on a train during which Zumwalt noted down several statements that infuriated him. “K. feels that U.S. has passed its historic high point like so many earlier civilizations. He believes U.S. is on the downhill … the American people have only themselves to blame because they lack stamina to stay the course against the Russians who are ‘Sparta to our Athens.’” Relations between the two men continued to deteriorate. During the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, Zumwalt became convinced that Kissinger was withholding supplies from Israel because he believed that a little bleeding would soften it up for his planned post-war diplomacy. After leaving the Navy, Zumwalt decided to run for the Senate in Virginia on, essentially, a platform of more weapons and less Kissinger. In the spring of 1976, with the Senate race in full swing, he published memoirs that had his notes of Kissinger’s harangue about Athens and Sparta blaring on the back cover. Kissinger, in turn, denounced Zumwalt’s “contemptible falsehoods.” Then in early December 1975, a few months before the book was published, the phone rang in Zumwalt’s home. An unfamiliar voice gave a brief, hurried message: Henry Kissinger was soon going to hold a press conference to attack him. A few days later, the secretary of state did indeed hold a blistering 90-minute session in which he lambasted Zumwalt’s recent accusations before Congress that Kissinger was allowing the Soviets to violate the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. Then, on March 26th, 1976, about the same time that news of the Kissinger-bashing memoir came out, Zumwalt’s phone rang again and the voice of what sounded like the same man came on the line. “You should know that on at least two occasions recently Kissinger has said to [Soviet Ambassador Anatoly] Dobrynin ‘an accident should happen to Admiral Zumwalt.’” The caller then hung up. Zumwalt made a memo of the call and passed it to Nitze. Here it is. I found it in Box 43, Folder 14, of Nitze’s papers. I’m 100 percent confident that someone called Zumwalt and said these words. I’ve spoken with several people whom Zumwalt told about the call directly after it happened."